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 Machiavelli Then and Now

Machiavelli’s ideas are as important in our time as in his own. His insights
and prescriptions help us make sense of today’s political upheavals and natural
calamities, and reduce them to a working order. The essays in this volume explore
Machiavelli’s central concerns: statecraft and order, liberty and citizenship,
diplomacy and leadership, modes of strategization, the quest for empire—all set
against the basic contention between autarchy, oligarchy, and democracy. They
also address the ethical and behaviourial factors behind political practice, such
as force, suasion, ambition, corruption, and vigilance in public discourse. Several
essays consider the role of language, text, and the imagination in Machiavelli.
Two pieces bring the Machiavellian discourse closer to our own times, in relation
to Gandhi, Gramsci, and Althusser.

Sukanta Chaudhuri is Emeritus Professor of English, Jadavpur University.

Prasanta Chakravarty teaches English at the University of Delhi.

Published online by Cambridge University Press

Published online by Cambridge University Press
 Machiavelli Then
and Now
History, Politics, Literature

Edited by
Sukanta Chaudhuri
Prasanta Chakravarty

Published online by Cambridge University Press

 University Printing House, Cambridge CB2 8BS, United Kingdom
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It furthers the University’s mission by disseminating knowledge in the pursuit of
education, learning and research at the highest international levels of excellence.

www.cambridge.org
Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781316516720
© Cambridge University Press 2022
This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception
and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
no reproduction of any part may take place without the written
permission of Cambridge University Press.
First published 2022
Printed in India
A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library
ISBN 978-1-316-51672-0 Hardback
Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs
for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication, and does not
guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.

Published online by Cambridge University Press

 To the memory of Swapan Chakravorty,
scholar and humanist

Published online by Cambridge University Press

Published online by Cambridge University Press
 Contents

Preface ix
Abbreviations and Editions Used xi

1. Introduction—Prasanta Chakravarty1

Power, Citizenship, Strategies

2. Machiavelli on Relationships: Knowledge of the
Occasion—Thomas Berns  21
3. The Anatomy of an Error: Machiavelli’s Supposed Commitment
to a ‘Citizen’ Militia—Paul A. Rahe31
4. Machiavelli and Tyranny—Doyeeta Majumder54
5. Machiavelli’s Turn to Xenophon—Christopher Nadon and
Christopher Lynch73
6. Machiavelli and the Solitary Discipline of
Hunting—Prasanta Chakravarty96
7. ‘To Give Reputation to One’: Machiavelli the Populist and
Other Variations on II Principe, Chapter 9—Guido Cappelli121

History
8. Riscontro: Machiavelli’s Art of History—Francesco Marchesi145
9. ‘Letters as Oracles’: Machiavelli’s Foresight in His Letters
—Marcello Simonetta162
10. Machiavelli’s Lucretia and the Origins of the Roman Republic:
Rape, Gender, and Founding Violence—Yves Winter174

Published online by Cambridge University Press

 viiiContents

Words and Dispositions

11. Thinking with Animals: Machiavelli’s L’asino and the
Metamorphoses of Power—Supriya Chaudhuri193
12. Machiavellian Rhetoric Revisited—Victoria Kahn219
13. Machiavelli Reading—Swapan Chakravorty235
14. A Language for Politics and a Language of Politics: Words
as a Tool of Understanding and of Action in Machiavelli
—Jean-Louis Fournel262

Afterlife
15. Machiavelli and Gandhi—Sukanta Chaudhuri281
16. The Prince between Gramsci and Althusser—Vittorio Morfino296

The Contributors 316

Index 321

Published online by Cambridge University Press

 Preface

Sometime in 2016, the idea of a seminar on Niccolò Machiavelli, at once

contextualizing his writings and studying their impact on our own times, took
root in Prasanta Chakravarty’s mind. It was a diffident intuition. Was the thought
historically too adventurous? Was it tenable to universalize Machiavelli and read
him from an Indian location after so many centuries? On what grounds could
one advance such a politically charged proposal to a literature department? His
nebulous thoughts began to take shape when Christel Devadawson, then Head
of the Department of English, University of Delhi, said she would back the idea.
By the latter half of 2017, Prasanta was mailing a host of Machiavelli scholars
across the world, asking whether they would be willing to travel to New Delhi
in October 2018 for a conference on Machiavelli and his ideas. The Department
could offer hospitality and three days of strenuous jousting with the man.
A number of scholars immediately agreed. Those who could not, offered enormous
support and goodwill. Thus, in the autumn of 2018, the Department came to host
a conference entitled ‘Machiavelli in His Time, and Ours’. Most of the chapters
in this book originated in that conference. The rest are by scholars who could not
make it there but have been an integral part of the larger collective. Our thanks to
all these distinguished contributors.
Rajeev Bhargava and Sukanta Chaudhuri were involved from the start as
advisers to the project. Professor Bhargava has continued his exchanges with
Prasanta on the political and philosophical ramifications of classical and Early
Modern thought in our times. Sukanta Chaudhuri’s association culminated in his
co-editorship of this volume.
Sincere thanks are due to Rimli Bhattacharya, Rahul Govind, and Madhvi
Zutshi, who participated untiringly, over a year and more, in academic and
logistical planning of the conference. It would have been impossible to conceive the
seminar and the book without their grace and guidance. Tanya Roy, Department
of Germanic and Romance Studies, University of Delhi, and her co-participants
brought the comic power of Mandragola to life before the conference audience by
their spirited play-reading.

https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009030120.001 Published online by Cambridge University Press

 xPreface

The Ambasciata d’Italia, Nuova Delhi, generously supported the conference.

Our gratitude to them.
Finally, we thank Qudsiya Ahmed, Anwesha Rana, Aniruddha De, and Purvi
Gadia of the Cambridge University Press, New Delhi.

August 2021 Sukanta Chaudhuri

 Prasanta Chakravarty

https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009030120.001 Published online by Cambridge University Press

 Abbreviations and Editions Used

Abbreviations
Disc. Niccolò Machiavelli, Discorsi sopra la prima Deca di Tito Livio (Discourses on
the First Ten Books of Titus Livius)
Pr. Niccolò Machiavelli, Il Principe (The Prince)

Editions Used
Contributors were left free to cite editions and translations of their choice for
all works by Machiavelli and other authors, or to make their own translations.
All sources are documented in the endnotes.

Published online by Cambridge University Press

Published online by Cambridge University Press
 1
Introduction
Prasanta Chakravarty

Niccolo Machiavelli is an idea, an enduring author-function. In no other time is

this idea more relevant than in ours. But in order to reassess this function, we
have to place Machiavelli in his historical context. We are forever perplexed by
the twin threads of profound admiration and lasting unease in the reception
of his methods and writings. Was Machiavelli the first detached empiricist
in matters political and artistic? Or did he simply refine and reinvent certain
genres of expression, including modern forms of treatises and letters? Was
he a punctilious realist, a neutral strategist—no more, no less? Or is it his
patriotism that actually shines forth as he repeatedly emphasizes solidarity,
cohesion, and order in public discourse? Was not Machiavelli also the
forerunner of the argumentative modern citizen who cries out against slavery
and political bondage to the will and dominion of rulers, however benign?1 Or
should we refrain from taking his radical solutions at face value and instead
view his texts and tales as satirical and cautionary? What about the moral
force of Machiavelli’s pronouncements? Or is he one of the originary voices to
have helped usher in the modern ideal of value-neutrality? Are his methods
of amalgamating the past with the contemporary so unique that they come
across as visionary and fantastical?
The idea of Machiavelli forces us to wrestle with difficult issues of moral
strength, magnanimity, suasion, vigour, vitality, public spirit, civic sense,
dedication, glory, expansion, and the patria. At the same time, he is also
profoundly and uniquely identified with a certain solitude and detachment,
even as he grapples at close quarters with the most pressing diplomatic and
political questions of his time. But most of all, it is evident that he places a
powerful wager on verità effettuale,2 truth tested by success and experience
(though Antonio Gramsci had stated long ago that the effectual reality is
never static, but an outcome of relations of force that alter the meaning of a
project,3 and John McCormick calls such a truth ‘elusive’4). As Isaiah Berlin
puts it, for Machiavelli effectiveness and order must always precede ozio,

https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009030120.002 Published online by Cambridge University Press

 2 Prasanta Chakravarty

quietism, and indolence.5 This book will give us an opportunity to take a fresh
look into Machiavelli’s engagement with issues of statecraft and order, liberty
and citizenship, modes of strategization, lessons of diplomacy and leadership,
the classical heritage, the quest for empire, ethics and normativity, and modes
of history writing, as well as questions regarding force, suasion, ambition,
corruption, subversion, and vigilance in public discourse.
One of the most powerful and popular early vernacular translators of
Machiavelli was the Frenchman Jacques Gohory. His sixteenth-century
translation of the Discourses on Livy has been specially lauded by generations
of readers. Gohory describes Machiavelli metaphorically as the Florentine
merchant, a sincere man with good wares to offer each and every one. He further
emphasizes that Machiavelli only sells in gross (that is, comprehensively—
no retail business here), and his merchandise is neither painted nor decked
out: with a word, he reveals things in clear daylight to whoever wishes to see.
That is quite a felicitous description of how we have conceived this book: to
delve into his ‘neither painted nor decked out’ merchandise.6 The merchandise
is both subtle and brutal, imbued with a strange and singular kind of inverse
sentimentalism that numerous commentators have noted over the centuries.
There is indeed a quest for wisdom, but only by trying to match, perhaps
often unsuccessfully, antiquity and universal ideas with contingent moments.
The pursuit drifts into the uncharted, so as to mark all the stumbling human
transactions of this world.
In this context, one recalls Fyodor Dostoevsky’s ‘underground man’.
Dostoevsky savagely parodies the idea of self-knowledge through a method
of consistent negation. But simultaneously, he gives us the vision of the forms
where creatures face the sting of the gods. While speaking of Dostoevsky, we
should explicitly cite Raskolnikov’s article ‘On Crime’, wherein he praises the
introducer of ‘new modes and orders’—the legislator or the lawgiver. The new
authority, the founder, will and must advocate new laws and contravene the old
in order to become master of the future. The new laws are the creation of the
exceptional man, like Napoleon or Moses.7 But the exceptional always has to
be tested under conditions of ground reality and the constant threat of no-rule
or anarchy. How can one conceive of any lasting order if the world is in flux
and torment? Conversely put, how can the freedom of beginning something
new also prove to be foundational, stable, and tangible in actual terms? Can we
be truly free yet simultaneously accept a stable normative order? This singular
conundrum is unequivocally repeated through Machiavelli’s works.

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 Introduction3

Form, Event, Initiative

In fact, Machiavelli plays out the scope of the paradox to the hilt. On the one
hand, the new man is a modern romantic equivalent of the subject inspired
by the divine from within, such as we see in Plato’s Phaedrus. On the other
hand, his innovation, insofar as he helps the new world to institute itself,
can only happen on contingent and practical grounds, since human agency
is severely buffeted by some larger, lurking force that besets us all the time.
This is something akin to the vision of forms that Socrates describes in
the ascent of the soul to the hyperouranian realm. One is entitled to bring
it back to the world and quell resistance, even kill and destroy if need be,
in order to promote order by disseminating a certain vision of codification
and organization. Machiavelli activates this traffic between heaven, earth, and
the netherworld—most obviously in Belfagor—but often metaphorically and
mythically, seeking truth in forms, and then working out a relationship
between form and event in his major treatises. This allows him to define and
demarcate a unique idea of freedom in the political, historical, and literary
domains.
In this book, the chapter by Christopher Nadon and Christopher Lynch
reconsiders this question of order deriving from Machiavelli’s interest in
Xenophon and his teachings, as a classical prototype of the way he himself
thinks about determinism, discipline, and initiative in public life. In another
chapter, Prasanta Chakravarty, extending this very theme taken from
Xenophon, considers the vocation of hunting and maps the triangulation of
solitude, preparation, and action in Machiavelli.
On the other hand, the idea of well-ordered government is also about
protecting and upholding another kind of rule of law: law that yet is not, and
perhaps never will be, naturalized as the modern mind would like to believe but
that will operate at the cusp of custom, divinity, and fortuna, leading to some
form of communitarian and public deliberation. One way (though not the only
one) to read the neo-Roman idea of freedom is to bring legality and decision-
making in tandem with discordia concors, marking a mode of civil association
that enables citizens to become free. If we accept this reading of Machiavelli,
the notion of the people and the popular will—that is, the sum of the wills
of each individual citizen—in this communitarian and republican sense is
redefined in a version of liberty that challenges slavery, protects manumission
from the promulgations and dicta of rulers, affirms the importance of
representation in running an ordered society, emphasizes a mixed constitution,
and upholds the setting up and continuation of the institution of tribunes.

https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009030120.002 Published online by Cambridge University Press

 4 Prasanta Chakravarty

Such a notion of the people may stop just short of the formation of a citizen
militia, which would take us in a more populist direction. Among others, this
republican Machiavelli inspired John Milton, who in The Tenure of Kings and
Magistrates (1649) declared that no one ‘can be so stupid to deny that all men
naturally were born free, being the image and resemblance of God himself ’.8
To Milton the relentless patriot, this would mean celebrating a life of freedom,
being part of a social body that is politically alive in deliberative associations
of free people.
The question of liberty can be further radicalized, set against both the
Straussian and the Cambridge School readings. In various avatars of this
third reading, it is suggested that Machiavelli should be read as a contentious
populist or plebiscitarian, standing against the oligarchy. Still others have seen
Machiavelli as a forerunner of the revolutionary tradition. These scholars
particularly emphasize Machiavelli’s acute and positive understanding of the
role of violence, conflicts, and tumults in public life.9
Although ideas travel transhistorically, and we try to grapple with the
powerful afterlife of Machiavelli in this book, it would be a presentist error
to see sharp divergences among the three Machiavellis: one beholden to
the ruthless principles of founding and maintaining the state; another who
celebrates the free association of civic principles; and yet a third who is the
harbinger of dissent and subversion in civic life, and therefore a prophet
of political innovation and change. There are multiple and heterogeneous
thoughts and imaginings in Machiavelli’s writings: all the elements do not
and need not cohere. This is because Machiavelli is not an abstract thinker
or an ideologue in the modern sense of the term. The two functions that he
performed in his political life—as part of the administration of the republic
and as a diplomat across the Alps—made him aware of the rapid changes
in the European political scene, hence the necessity of building a strong
and formidable Florence, based on the laws and principles of the times.
He steadfastly keeps away from abstract speculation and divine revelation.
Corrado Vivanti has rightly said that ‘the sole principle governing his
judgment, which combined his experience as Florentine secretary with his
later thoughts in The Prince and the Discourses, was the necessity to adapt to
his times, according to the needs and the diverse behaviors of people’.10
One way to read the question of order and freedom in the Machiavellian
scheme of things is to conceive the problem in terms of an encounter (riscontro)
between political form and historical event. In recent times, this thesis has
been most forcefully put by Miguel Vatter, who argues that neither natural
inevitability nor relativization of form, but historical freedom or change,

https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009030120.002 Published online by Cambridge University Press

 Introduction5

is what runs across Machiavelli’s conception of the political.11 Political freedom

can convert not only the contingent into the necessary but also the fixed and
seemingly permanent into the contingent and even the subversive. Freedom
emerges from the clash among human action, natural forces, and historical
twists and turns. The essence of historical becoming lies in the collision or
encounter between human action and circumstances (virtù and fortuna)
such that, in these fateful meetings, time itself undergoes a transformation.
Necessity or order, and contingency or spontaneity, cannot be easily detached
from or opposed to each other. The dimensions of the event or encounter
determine its form, and vice versa.
In this book, Thomas Berns has extended this theme by considering the
notion of opportunity (occasione) in Machiavelli. Berns thinks that the idea of
opportunity works between virtù or decision-making on one side and fortuna
on the other. Knowledge in Machiavelli is purely contingent and experiential,
so that it is forever deferred; yet in actuality, various encounters take place
that lead to relationships, tensions, and some form of order. ‘Opportunity’ is
therefore the name of a space which Althusser has called ‘conjecture’. In another
chapter, Francesco Marchesi, after enquiring into the multiple meanings of
the riscontro, suggests that the hypothesis does not end with the dichotomy
between determinism and prudence, fortune and adaequatio, but includes a
third option, that of forcing (sforzare) the historical conjuncture, which is not
just a variation of the possibility of adaptation. The forcing of time happens
by a combination of impetuosity and prudence. Hence, Marchesi finds such
encounters to be acts of poiesis and not the simple outcomes of action. Such
a concept of the encounter seems almost to adumbrate a Hegelian schema
whereby history becomes autonomous. Naturally, it denies the ancient solution
of a return to beginnings or historical repetition as a means of ensuring order
and governance. But it also keeps clear of the opposite position, whereby
Machiavelli would be seen as promoting nihilism and a politics of delegitimacy
by stressing no-rule and contingent expediency.
That is one reason why Machiavelli laid so much stress on time and
occasion for taking the right decision. In war and politics, what worried him
was the ‘folly of procrastination, the danger of appearing irresolute’.12 But the
endeavour to capture the occasion does not mean taking recourse to a romantic
idea of political decisionism, as formulated by the theorists of sovereignty
and auctoritas, from Francisco Suárez through Hans Kelsen to Carl Schmitt.
In fact, the role of the non-rational forces in human and political lives is central
whenever Machiavelli assesses the role of action and human initiative in matters
political. The forces of fortuna are placed against all metaphysical solutions.

https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009030120.002 Published online by Cambridge University Press

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