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Voices from within the Veil
 Voices from within the Veil:
African Americans and the Experience
of Democracy

Edited by

William H. Alexander,
Cassandra L. Newby-Alexander
and Charles H. Ford

Cambridge Scholars Publishing

 Voices from within the Veil: African Americans and the Experience of Democracy,
Edited by William H. Alexander, Cassandra L. Newby-Alexander and Charles H. Ford

This book first published 2008 by

Cambridge Scholars Publishing

12 Back Chapman Street, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2XX, UK

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Copyright © 2008 by William H. Alexander, Cassandra L. Newby-Alexander and Charles H. Ford

and contributors

Cover design by Stevalynn Adams

Cover photograph: Female protestor carrying sign that says 'Justice,' Monroe,
NC, 1961, by Declan Haun ; courtesy of Chicago History Museum

All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system,
or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or
otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner.

ISBN (10): 1-84718-625-4, ISBN (13): 9781847186256

To those who have shed the veil . . .

To those who dropped the masks . . .

To those who have become visible. . .

And to those who have transcended.

 TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Illustrations ...................................................................................... x

Foreword ................................................................................................... xii

Introduction .............................................................................................. xiii

Chapter One............................................................................................... 1
Interpretations of the Beginnings

Post and Neo-Colonial Pocahontas(es): Terrence Malick’s Updated

Myth of La Belle Sauvage ........................................................................... 3
Page Laws

Voicing Virginia’s ‘Naturals’?: Alterity and the Old-World Reception

of Malick’s The New World....................................................................... 23
Cathy Waegner

Jamestown Shuffle: Foundations of American Racism and Slavery

in Virginia, 1690-1830 .............................................................................. 46
Ervin Jordan

Chapter Two
Early Struggles for Empowerment ........................................................ 73

“Their Hoped for Liberty”: Slaves and Bacon’s 1676 Rebellion .............. 75
Jeffrey R. Kerr-Ritchie

A Concentrated Diversity: The Maroons of the Great Dismal Swamp,

1619 to 1860.............................................................................................. 85
Brent Morris

The Strange Case of Sheridan Ford and Clarissa Davis:

The Underground Railroad in Portsmouth, Virginia ............................... 113
Cassandra L. Newby-Alexander
viii Table of Contents

“Thinking Men and Women who Desire to Improve our Condition”:

Henry O. Wagoner, Civil Rights, and Black Economic Opportunity
in Frontier Chicago and Denver, 1846-1887 ........................................... 140
Richard Junger

40 Acres and a Mule: Black Folk and the Right to the Rectification
of Injustice............................................................................................... 170
Rodney Roberts

Chapter Three........................................................................................ 185

The Theory and Practice of Race in Early Virginia and Beyond

The Right to One’s Relatives: The Conventions and Consequences

of Denying Paternity for Mixed-Race Children in Colonial
and Antebellum Virginia ......................................................................... 187
Christina Proenza-Coles

The Langston-Quarles Family: A Study of Free People of Color in

Antebellum Virginia ................................................................................ 207
Judith King-Calnek

Advantage, Agency, and Unrest: Jim Crow, Disenfranchisement,

and the Re-Politicization of African Americans in Petersburg, Virginia,
1929-1952................................................................................................ 229
Shayla Nunnally

“The Ku Klux Klan are still scrapping here”: African American

Response to the Oregon Klan, 1922-1924 ............................................... 254
Kimberley Mangun

Chapter Four ......................................................................................... 287

Theorizing the Black Experience

“They Just Gunned Him Down Uhgain”: Suzan-Lori Parks’

The America Play as an African American Comment on U.S.
Democratic History ................................................................................. 289
Natalia Vysotska

Josephine St. Pierre Ruffin and Mary Church Terrell:

Women Who Influenced the Washington vs. DuBois Debate................. 300
Teresa Holden
 Voices from within the Veil ix

Chapter Five .......................................................................................... 313

The Struggle for Education and the Vote in Virginia

The Ecumenical Moment: Religious Support for Integrated Schools

in Norfolk, 1954-1959 ............................................................................. 315
Charles Ford

“Sit Down Children, Sit Down”: The Sit-In Movement in Norfolk,

Virginia.................................................................................................... 330
Jeffrey Littlejohn

Epilogue.................................................................................................. 345

Migration Matters, Even 400 Years Later: Ethnicity in the 1607-2007

Jamestown Jubilee ................................................................................... 349
Cathy Waegner

List of Contributors ................................................................................. 362

Index........................................................................................................ 365
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Fig. 1.1 The wedding of Pocahontas with John Rolfe

Fig. 1.2 Matoaka alias Rebecka daughter to the mighty
Prince Powhatan
Fig. 1.3 Smith rescued by Pocahontas
Fig. 1.4 A dark Pocahontas rescuing Smith
Fig. 1.5 Malick’s The New World
Fig. 1.6 The Negro Building, 1907
Fig. 1.7 European American merchants on the waterfront
with enslaved African American workers.

Fig. 2.1 The Grigby Party fights back

Fig. 2.2 View of Lake Drummond in the Dismal
Swamp
Fig. 2.3 The Dismal Swamp
Fig. 2.5 Norfolk Waterfront
Fig. 2.6 India Wharf Stave Yard, located just east of Higgins'
Wharf
Fig. 2.7 Higgins’ and Wright’s Wharves
Fig. 2.9 Former home of General John Hodges
Fig. 2.10 Colored Methodist Church in Portsmouth
Fig. 2.11 Emanuel AME Church location in Portsmouth and
Glasgow Street sanctuary location
Fig. 2.12 Jeffrey Wilson, Major George W. Grice, and the
Reverend George M. Bain
Fig. 2.13 Mrs. Jane Pyatt and Emanuel AME Church, ca. 1940s
Fig. 2.14 William Still’s depiction of escape by fifteen fugitives
from Portsmouth and Norfolk, Virginia in July 1856
Fig. 2.15 Norfolk City Jail, where Julia Ann Gregory and her
three children were kept following Sheridan Ford’s
escape
Fig. 2.16 William Still’s depiction of the escape by Portsmouth
natives John Stinger, Robert Emerson, Anthony and
Isabella Pugh, and Stebney Swan aboard Captain
Edward Lee’s skiff in 1857
Fig. 2.17 Harper’s Ferry Insurrection
 Voices from within the Veil xi

Fig. 3.1 Free black missionaries from Zion Baptist Church from
Portsmouth, Virginia to Liberia, ca. 1830
Fig. 3.2 Journey of a slave from the plantation to the battlefield

Fig. 4.1 Influential leaders in the early twentieth century:

Washington and DuBois
Fig. 4.2 Booker T. Washington, ca. 1880-1890

Fig. 5.1 Protestors in front of the Norfolk Public School

Building

Fig. 6.1 Negro Building, 1907

 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Norfolk State University’s contribution to the America’s 400th

Commemoration was a two-day national conference on February 22-23,
2007 highlighting the theme, America’s 400th Anniversary: Voices from
within the Veil. As part of a larger group of conferences sponsored by the
Jamestown 2007 Federal Commission and the African American Advisory
Council, these activities were part of an ongoing dialogue about
democracy and race that was hosted by Norfolk State University. We
ssembled noted scholars from the United States and abroad, community
leaders, and political figures to consider the contrasting democratic images
and oligarchic realities of early Jamestown and the larger subject of
evolving concepts of democracy, political participation, and civil rights.
The conference addressed the recurring challenges within democratic
systems posed by racial and ethnic differences and the imperative of
protecting minority rights within a republican framework. The Honorable
Timothy Kaine, Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia, graciously
accepted our invitation to serve as honorary chair of Norfolk State’s
commemoration of Jamestown 2007.
We are grateful to the Federal Commission and the African American
Advisory Council for their sponsorship of our conference and their support
in bringing it to light. Dr. Carolyn Meyers, President of Norfolk State
University, and the administration and staff of Norfolk State University
offered us unstinting assistance during a stressful two years. Further, we
offer our appreciation to the many conference participants, faculty and
student workers, and community supporters who made strong commitments
to the conference’s success.
The essays contained in this volume represent episodes in the odyssey
of African Americans toward self-consciousness and empowerment. It has
been a pleasure working with the contributors to this volume. They have
been erstwhile students of those who have labored within the veil. We
offer a special thanks to Cambridge Scholars Publishing for their early and
consistent interest in our project.
 INTRODUCTION

“And then—the Veil. It drops as drops the night on southern seas—vast,

sudden, unanswering. There is Hate behind it, and Cruelty and Tears. As
one peers through its intricate, unfathomable pattern of ancient, old, old
design, one sees blood and guilt and misunderstanding. And yet it hangs
there, this Veil, between Then and Now, between Pale and Colored and
Black and White—between You and Me.”1
—W.E.B. DuBois, Darkwater: Voices from within the Veil, 1920

As the promoters of Jamestown 2007 began to speak of the

accomplishment of greater diversity in the nation, and to market the myth
of the seamless confluence of Indian, European, and African traditions in
the early colony, many reflected not only about how the United States’
colonial origins were based on the entrepreneurial ambitions of English
settlers, the conquest and degradation of native populations, and the
subsequent uprooting and enslavement of untold numbers of Africans, but
also about the more recent legacy of decades of discrimination and
marginalization. Of course, the last commemoration in 1957 had excluded
African Americans from expressions of memory and public space. Some
prominent African Americans from Virginia even had to suffer the
indignity of receiving invitations to a celebratory dinner only to be dis-
invited once their race was known. Virginia was on the verge of closing
many of its schools in response to the Supreme Court’s decision in Brown
vs. Topeka Board of Education, and the nation was still experiencing the
twilight of Jim Crow.
The discourse about the promises and dangers of democracy had
begun long before Jamestown. The people who founded Jamestown in
1607 and the others who then tried to preserve its memory after its
abandonment in the 1690s were keenly aware of this long-term interplay
of democratic images and oligarchic realities. Equally prominent in the
settlers’ minds was how to manage the colony’s increasing cultural
diversity without departing from the evolving notions of an Englishman’s
rights. Tragically, these rights became defined by the new concept of
“race”, which has clouded the future of true democracy in America ever
since. Slavery based upon “race” allowed Virginians to establish a
relatively representative government in an oligarchic, stratified, plantation
society. It also enabled Virginians to speak a political language that
xiv Introduction

glorified the rights of freemen and to allow the new United States
eventually to embrace democratic ideals. American democracy today is
dominated by various elites that claim to be the tribunes of the people.
Looking back at Jamestown and its representations in this way will offer
insights on the future of democracy and our “liberal” and “conservative”
elites cloaked in populist imagery.
The centerpiece of the conference was a multi-disciplinary dialogue
among scholars on the issue of African American rights in this country.
Obviously at the conference’s core were discussions about the historical
significance and experiences of this minority group in America and how
the law has defined them separately from the general public. The very
idea of designating groups as minorities implies subordination and
marginalization from the general populace. Moreover, the ongoing and
permanent designation of African Americans as minorities, despite many
of them having a mixed heritage, has rendered them an unassimilated
faction whose rights and privileges must be circumscribed to protect
society from harm. This historical understanding of the role that
minorities in general have played in defining who is and who is not an
American underlies America’s true legacy as the world’s first democracy.
It is that history that continues to play a role in America’s international
and domestic policies regarding immigration, humanitarian funding and
intervention, and accessibility to technology, civil rights, wealth, and civic
enterprise.
Who are African Americans? Writer Ralph Ellison wrote in his 1947
book, The Invisible Man, about the story of a highly intelligent unnamed
hero who went to a southern black college and was eventually expelled by
the president, Dr. Bledsoe, who was seen as a great educator and leader of
his race. The hero was punished simply because he unwittingly took a
white donor through a black gin mill. After his expulsion, he traveled to
New York, bearing what he believed was a letter of recommendation from
Dr. Bledsoe, but it was actually a letter warning prospective employers
against him. The protagonist later worked in a factory, became a leader
among the Harlem communists, and had an epiphany after witnessing a
riot in New York. He realized that, throughout his life, his relations with
other people, black and white, had been illusory and invisible. His true
self was never visible because it was locked within his black skin. As long
as he allowed others to define him, he would always be invisible to others.
He finally understood, “When I discover who I am, I'll be free.”
Africans and their descendants have been defined, redefined,
pigeonholed, stereotyped, classified, segregated, and mythologized since
the establishment of African slavery in America. This process has been
 Voices from within the Veil xv

the reason for continued conflict over assimilating African Americans into
the system. It is also this factor that has resulted in African Americans
defining and redefining themselves based on the changing definition of the
term, “American.” In fact, even today the debates over the relevancy and
use of the terms black, Afro-American, African American, Colored, and
Negro continue to rage with no sign of ending. It seems that many would
prefer to be classified simply as “American,” with the hope that that would
end the ongoing marginalization of African Americans in American
society. In his seminal 1903 book, The Souls of Black Folk, DuBois
remarked that blacks found themselves in a peculiar situation in America.
A double-consciousness evolved in which blacks felt a dual identity: one
as a black, the other as an American. For DuBois, these two souls were
destined to be unreconciled and warring because of the primacy of race in
American society and culture. The result for blacks would be the
emergence of a "self-conscious manhood." This double-consciousness
was certainly true of African American leaders in the past, and it continues
to be true. It is this conflict that creates tension and frustration today and
leads to a kind of self-hating duality in many African Americans, despite
the incredible achievements, contributions, and exploits of many over the
past four hundred years.
But all this still begs the question, are blacks nothing but the
definition that others have given to them? Are they murderers and
criminals, Sambos and Mammies, Jezebels and pickaninnies? Are they
thugs and hoochy mammas, pimps and drug dealers or are they simply
victims of a system beyond their control? These images, which have
dominated American culture and have been embedded over many
generations in illustrations, trade cards, newspapers, articles, movies,
television, advertisements, and record labels, still resonate throughout the
world as true images of African Americans. In fact, some of the most
derogative images of blacks as threats are the primary marketing tools for
black music entertainers, showcasing them as antisocial, angry people
whose behavior marginalizes them to the sidelines of American society.
These depictions of blacks in the culture of white America have
successfully commoditized a stereotyped black culture here and abroad. If
these images are untrue, then who are African Americans, and why are
these representations still a part of American society and culture?
Since the colonial period African Americans have been popularly
depicted in stereotypical form, whether it was to soothe the consciences of
white America about slavery or segregation, defacto and otherwise, or to
justify an inherently unequal system that, at best, meted out inconsistent
justice to African Americans. The Declaration of Independence revealed
xvi Introduction

the hypocrisy of how society viewed itself versus African Americans when
it included the passage, “We hold these truths to be self-evident that all
men are created equal; that they are endowed by their creator with certain
inalienable rights . . . among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness,” with the understanding that these rights would only be applied
to whites. The 1789 Constitution would go further, declaring that blacks
were chattel and only three-fifths of a person. By the 1830s, the institution
of slavery had become well-entrenched, sustaining the unprecedented
prosperity of the new nation. However, this factor corresponded with the
emergence of the “American Dream” that characterized the United States
as a “Christian” nation whose values were steeped in Biblical principles,
and whose destiny was to spread democracy throughout the world. The
dichotomy of these ideals and slavery resulted in the emergence of
scientific racism and white paternalism, which sought to justify this
system of human exploitation with American idealism. Prior to this
period, when slavery was viewed as a “necessary evil” by most whites,
African Americans did not cover their hair with scarves or hats, nor did
they perceive their innate physical characteristics as inferior to those of
whites. With the entrenchment and expansion of slavery in America,
however, such writers as Thomas Jefferson, Thomas Dew, Samuel
Cartwright, T. D. Rice, and George Fitzhugh began the process of
dehumanization by ridiculing even the noses, eyes, lips, hair, body
structure, skin complexion, and odor of African Americans. To these
essayists, everything associated with Africa was inferior and inadequate,
especially when compared to the European model. Thus, America
witnessed the birth of black stereotypes that were comforting to whites,
explaining and justifying slavery while simultaneously setting the example
of behavior for African Americans. In the eyes of slaveholders in
particular and white America in general, the image of slaves as "Sambos,"
childlike, docile, lazy, and dependent became the rule. Whites expected
and demanded a subservient deference from blacks, enslaved and free.
By the early twentieth century, blacks had learned to cooperate with
society’s “compromise policy” of Jim Crow, although this policy was off
to a shaky start as cities such as Atlanta, Georgia and Wilmington, North
Carolina were cast into the public’s eye with brutal race riots. Blacks and
whites were to work together, forming a bond of mutual cooperation in
which blacks would take their “rightful” place behind whites who were
obviously the leaders and models for achievement and progress. Some
among the black leadership, fearful of losing their position and favor
among whites, and of the violence that would certainly ensue, championed
accommodationism and peaceful co-existence as the antidote to mob rule.
 Voices from within the Veil xvii

It was in the first half of the twentieth century that blacks learned what it
meant to be a “good Negro” and a “credit to their race.” And while there
were organizations in the early 1900s such as the Niagara Movement, the
NAACP, and the National Colored Women’s League, which decried
injustice as a national policy and demanded more than the insular world
that segregation afforded for blacks, their voices were temporarily muted
by the powerful thunder of those arguing for compromise, patience, and
moderation. Ironically, in the midst of those pressures, there emerged a
diversity of voices cascading from the 1920s through the Depression era
and World War II that refused to be silenced, advocating not only that
blacks should join forces and fight for a more powerful Africa (Pan-
Africanism), but that blacks should claim their rightful place in American
society. After all, what would America be without African Americans?
From America’s music to its religious practices and economy, African
Americans had left their indelible imprint.
In the April 1970 edition of Time magazine, Ralph Ellison wrote an
article, “What America Would Be Like Without Blacks,” in response to
the conservative reactions to a more radical civil rights initiative by
organizations such as SNCC and the Black Panthers. In the article, Ellison
said:

Since the beginning of the nation, white Americans have suffered from a
deep inner uncertainty as to who they really are. One of the ways that has
been used to simplify the answer has been to seize upon the presence of
black Americans and use them as a marker, a symbol of limits, a metaphor
for the “outsider.” Many whites could look at the social position of blacks
and feel that color formed an easy and reliable gauge for determining to
what extent one was or was not American. Perhaps that is why one of the
epithets that European immigrants learned when they got off the boat was
the term “nigger”—it made them feel instantly American. But this is
tricky magic. Despite his racial difference and social status, something
indisputably American about Negroes not only raised doubts about the
white man’s value system but aroused the troubling suspicion that
whatever else the true American is, he is also somehow black.2

From the beginning of the arrival of Africans into this nation, blacks
have grappled with the issue of self-identity. This was complicated by the
process of enslavement which occurred over a period of forty-odd years,
and it continued throughout the colonial and revolutionary years. And
even after free blacks had begun referring to themselves as Afro-
Americans because of their desire to reconnect with their African roots
during the antebellum period, those years brought with them self-loathing,
resulting in part from the creation of proslavery arguments that were thinly
xviii Introduction

veiled as intellectual and rational. Blacks were characterized as beasts,

inferior beings, and even canines. Added to that were the challenges
associated with widespread racism in America and the internalization of a
“blame the victim” syndrome as a defense against these policies that
deprived African Americans of their personhood and citizenship.
Throughout, blacks have persevered to reclaim the humanity that
American society repeatedly attempted to strip from them, despite their
services to this country in war, missionary outreach, education, political
activism, and civic involvement. Perhaps nowhere is this story recorded
most poignantly than in the African American work songs, spirituals,
blues, gospel, jazz, rhythm ‘n blues, and rap music. Together, this music
symbolically reflects the actions and attitudes of resiliency, improvisation,
yearning, and confrontation which evolved and helped African Americans
to endure the cruelties of slavery and segregation, while simultaneously
providing a medium for communion and communication. Despite the
assimilation and acculturation process that has occurred in America,
African Americans have continued to refashion their culture and adaptive
perceptions to fit their own social needs and aesthetic preferences. In
Shadow and Act, Ralph Ellison wrote, “‘Everybody wants to tell us what a
Negro is. But if you would tell me who I am, at least take the trouble to
discover what I have been.’” Whether the paradigm is DuBois’ burden of
double-consciousness, Ellison’s invisible man seeking identity, or Fanon’s
white masks donned by people of color, African Americans have been
defined by alienation and marginalization.

Notes
1
W. E. B. DuBois, Darkwater: Voices from within the Veil (New York: Brace and
Company, 1920), 142.
2
“What America Would be like without Blacks,” Time Magazine, April 6, 1970.
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5
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