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African
Americans
in U.S.
Foreign
Policy
From the Era of
Frederick Douglass
to the Age of Obama

Edited by Linda Heywood,

Allison Blakely, Charles Stith,
and Joshua C. Yesnowitz
 African Americans
in U.S. Foreign Policy

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 African
Americans
in U.S.
Foreign
Policy
From the Era of
Frederick Douglass
to the Age of Obama

Edited by Linda Heywood,

Allison Blakely, Charles Stith,
and Joshua C. Yesnowitz

University of Illinois Press

Urbana, Chicago, and Springfield

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 © 2015 by the Board of Trustees
of the University of Illinois
All rights reserved
Manufactured in the United States of America
1 2 3 4 5 c p 5 4 3 2 1
∞ This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

African Americans in U.S. foreign policy : from the era
of Frederick Douglass to the age of Obama / edited by
Linda Heywood, Allison Blakely, Charles Stith, and
Joshua C. Yesnowitz.
pages cm
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-252-03887-7 (hardback) —
ISBN 978-0-252-08041-8 (paperback) —
ISBN 978-0-252-09683-9 (e-book)
1. United States—Foreign relations—20th century—
Citizen participation. 2. United States—Foreign relations—
20th century—Social aspects. 3. African Americans—
Politics and government—20th century. 4. United States—
Race relations—Political aspects. 5. Racism—Political
aspects—United States—History—20th century. 6. African
Americans—Civil rights—History—20th century.
I. Heywood, Linda M. (Linda Marinda), 1945–
II. Blakely, Allison, 1940–
III. Stith, Charles R. IV. Yesnowitz, Joshua C.
E744.A295  2015
323.1196’073—dc23  2014023259

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 Contents

Acknowledgments vii
Preface: Reflections of a Black Ambassador
Walter C. Carrington ix
Introduction 1

Part I: Early African American

Diplomatic Appointments:
Contributions and Constraints
1 Blacks in the U.S. Diplomatic and Consular
Services, 1869–1924 Allison Blakely 13
2 A New Negro Foreign Policy: The Critical
Vision of Alain Locke and Ralph Bunche
Jeffrey C. Stewart 30
3 Carl Rowan and the Dilemma of Civil Rights,
Propaganda, and the Cold War Michael L. Krenn 58

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 Part II: African American
Participation in Foreign Affairs
through Civil Society:
Religious, Military, and Cultural
Institutions in Foreign Policy
4 Reconstruction’s Revival: The Foreign Mission
Board of the National Baptist Convention
and the Roots of Black Populist Diplomacy
Brandi Hughes 83
5 White Shame/Black Agency: Race as a
Weapon in Post–World War I Diplomacy
Vera Ingrid Grant 109
6 Goodwill Ambassadors: African American
Athletes and U.S. Cultural Diplomacy, 1947–1968
Damion Thomas 129
7 The Paradox of Jazz Diplomacy: Race and Culture
in the Cold War Lisa Davenport 140

Part III: The Advent of the Age

of Obama: African Americans
and the Making of American
Foreign Policy
8 African American Representatives in the
United Nations: From Ralph Bunche to
Susan Rice Lorenzo Morris 177
9 Obama, African Americans, and Africans:
The Double Vision Ibrahim Sundiata 200
Epilogue: The Impact of African Americans
on U.S. Foreign Policy Charles R. Stith 213

Contributors 225
Index 231

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 Acknowledgments

This volume originated in the conference “African Americans and

U.S. Foreign Policy” held at Boston University on October 26–28, 2010. The con-
ference included addresses by Johnnie Carson, U.S. assistant secretary of state,
and Jendayi Frazer, former U.S. assistant secretary of state, and was attended by
more than 350 scholars, former diplomats, State Department officials, students,
and members of the general public. We would like to acknowledge the support
of the African American Studies Program and the African Presidential Archives
and Research Center at Boston University, which co-sponsored the conference.
The conference and this collection of essays would not have been possible with-
out the financial support of the Boston University Humanities Foundation, the
George and Joyce Wein Fund at Boston University, Blue Cross Blue Shield of
Massachusetts, Savings Bank Life Insurance, TD Bank, and USAID.

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 Preface
Reflections of a
Black Ambassador
Walter C. Carrington

It was not the lure of liberty but rather its loss that brought en-
slaved Africans to America’s shores. Others, who originally came from Europe
and later from all corners of the earth, could look forward in hope, but those
who came in chains faced nothing but desolation. In the words of the old spiri-
tual, they felt “like a motherless child, a long ways from home.” They dreamed
of escaping from this hostile land. Many of them, during their captors’ War of
Independence, repaired to the banner of the Union Jack when agents of George
the Third promised them freedom. Although the British lost the war, many
Loyalist blacks claimed that freedom and escaped to Canada and from there
returned to Africa. Those less fortunate were condemned to live in slavery in
the U.S. South or segregation in the North. At times of deepest despair over
their future in America, many blacks followed those who argued, as did Martin
Delany, that Africans in America were a “broken nation” and could be made
whole again only by separating from their white oppressors.
Unwelcome in white churches, blacks formed their own denominations and
often christened them African. Early on, these new black churches saw their
relationship with Africa primarily in terms of helping to Christianize their
“heathen” brethren in Africa; by the late nineteenth century, however, black
churches began to champion the grievances Africans held against their colonial
exploitation. American blacks took the lead in protesting Belgian atrocities in
the Congo and British and French designs on Liberia. Along with blacks in

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 x Preface

other parts of the diaspora, they formed the Pan-African movement and saved
the German colonies from being swallowed up by the victorious Allied powers
at the end of the First World War. America’s black colleges educated genera-
tions of African leaders, from the founders of the African National Congress
to the first heads of state of Ghana, Malawi, and Nigeria. Later blacks moved
the American government away from complicity with the apartheid regime in
South Africa and toward greater relief to the drought-stricken Sahel and Horn
regions. The impetus toward an African identification that had been elite-driven
in the nineteenth century had become, by the end of the twentieth, increasingly
sparked by the rank and file.
Much of black agitation for a role in the formation of foreign affairs, es-
pecially as it affected the Motherland, in the words of Countee Cullen, “from
whose loins” he and his ancestors “sprang,” coalesced around the doctrine of
Pan-Africanism. A West Indian barrister, Henry Sylvester Williams, coined the
term “Pan-African” at a 1900 conference on Africa. A thirty-two-year-old Wil-
liam Edward Burghardt Du Bois incorporated it into the conference report and
later transformed it into the century’s most enduring anthem of a continent’s
liberation and a race’s redemption. Du Bois foresaw in the fall of the kaiser at
the end of the First World War a unique advantage to Africa. He persuaded the
National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) to send
him as an observer to the Paris Peace Conference at Versailles. There, with the
assistance of Blaise Diagne, the Senegalese member of the French parliament, he
called the first Pan-African Conference. Its goal was to influence the Versailles
deliberations, and to that end the group submitted eleven resolutions to the
Paris Peace Conference.
Most of the demands on behalf of African nationalism fared no better with the
victorious Allies than those made in the name of Kurdish or Armenian national-
ism. The one exception concerned the fate of the former German colonies. Du
Bois and his fellow Pan-Africanists urged that they not be transferred to other
colonial powers but instead be placed under international control until their
inhabitants could determine their own future. This led to the establishment of
the Mandates Commission, under which the League of Nations and later the
United Nations Trusteeship Council kept South West Africa (now Namibia)
from being formally incorporated into South Africa. While, as chronicled in
chapter 1 of this volume, more than sixty African Americans were appointed to
diplomatic, consular, or commercial agency positions during the period from
the Civil War to the 1920s, their formal participation in foreign policy dates
from later in the twentieth century and included great attention to Africa.

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 Preface xi

Marcus Garvey and the Raising of Mass Consciousness

The Pan-African movement united black intellectuals in the Americas and Af-
rica but left the masses of blacks in the diaspora largely unmoved. While the
Pan-Africanists were convening in various European capitals, the condition
of the Negro in the United States was deteriorating. Once again, blacks were
beginning to despair that they could never hope to live in dignity and security
in white America.
It was during this increasingly desperate period that Marcus Garvey arrived
from Jamaica to become the greatest mass leader black America had yet known.
Garvey went to Harlem in 1916 to talk about his recently established Universal
Negro Improvement Association (UNIA). His doctrine of “Africa for the Africans
at home and abroad,” which he preached with charismatic appeal, caught on
quickly. He instilled in the dispirited black masses pride of self and heritage and
called for a return to Africa, reigniting the emigration debates of the pre–Civil
War years. At the height of his influence in the early 1920s, Garvey had a fol-
lowing of more than a million people. Had the U.S. government not successfully
brought controversial mail fraud charges against him in 1923 (and deported him
in 1927), there is no telling how much stronger his movement might have grown,
especially in the Depression years of the 1930s.
Though Garvey never got to Africa himself nor succeeded in his settlement
plans, he had a substantial influence on the continent and upon ordinary black
Americans’ views toward it. The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey
influenced a broad spectrum of African thinking. Kwame Nkrumah wrote that
of all the literature he had studied, none did more to fire his enthusiasm for the
liberation of his country than had Garvey’s Philosophy.1
The consciousness about Africa that Garvey had resurrected among the black
masses did not disappear with his deportation. The embers of that fire flamed
up again in the mid-1930s when Benito Mussolini’s Italy invaded Haile Selassie’s
Ethiopia. Racial pride erupted as never before as the emperor of Abyssinia stood
before the League of Nations and warned of a holocaust to come if the nations of
the world did not come to his country’s aid and stop Fascist Italy in its tracks. The
Ethiopian war became the main topic of conversation wherever blacks gathered.
A championship boxing match took on mythic proportions as Joe Louis’s fists
became the instruments of a race’s vindication as he delivered a beating to his
Italian opponent, Primo Carnera. Volunteers were recruited to go to Ethiopia
and fight alongside their African brothers. The country’s occupation and the
flight of Haile Selassie into exile in London was a deep wound to black pride.
Some feared that the conquest of Ethiopia was the beginning of a genocidal plan
to annihilate the black race.

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 xii Preface

Organizing to Influence American Policy

In 1937, a year after the Italian invasion, Max Yergan organized the Council on
African Affairs (CAA), the first black-led group dedicated to influencing Ameri-
can policy toward Africa. The council, whose leadership included Paul Robeson,
Ralph Bunche, Mordecai Johnson, Adam Clayton Powell, and W.E.B. Du Bois,
established close working relationships with African nationalists and labor lead-
ers and lobbied on their behalf with the American government. It paid special
attention to South Africa and forged links with the African National Congress.
As the end of the war approached in 1945, the council unsuccessfully urged the
State Department to convince the British, French, and Belgians to give up their
African colonies or at least put them under some sort of international supervision
as had previously been done with the German colonies. The council’s potential was
curtailed in the postwar years by the rise of McCarthyism. It was accused of being
a Soviet front and was even denounced as such by its founder, Max Yergan, now a
staunch anticommunist, who testified against it before congressional committees.
Anticolonial agitation in Africa in the 1950s caught the attention of more and
more American blacks. They supported the Mau Mau rebellion in Kenya and
flocked to Kwame Nkrumah’s Ghana after independence in 1957. Two important
but short-lived groups, the American Society for African Culture (AMSAC) and
the American Negro Leadership Conference on Africa (ANLCA), emerged in
the 1950s and 1960s. AMSAC was formed by the American delegates to a con-
ference called by the French-language francophone African magazine Présence
Africaine. The cream of the black intellectual world gathered in Paris in 1956 in
the first important celebration of negritude. AMSAC brought important African
leaders to the United States; held regular conferences on African issues; published
a leading journal, African Forum; and helped historically black colleges develop
African programs and courses. The ANLCA was founded by the NAACP, Urban
League, National Council of Negro Women, sororities, fraternities, and church
groups. Through a Washington office it lobbied with the White House, Congress,
and the State Department.
Whereas the Council on African Affairs ran afoul of the anticommunist hys-
teria of the 1950s, AMSAC and the ANLCA were undone by a converse stigma
in the 1960s. They were unable to survive revelations that they had accepted
funding from the CIA. With the demise of the ANLCA, African issues became
less and less a matter of priority for the mainstream civil rights organizations.
However, it was not in the mainstream but in countless eddies during the 1960s
and 1970s that currents were building that would later cascade down on the
leadership and rudely awaken them to the rising tides of black nationalism and
Pan-Africanism that had engulfed so many of their erstwhile followers.

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 Preface xiii

When the death of the charismatic young leader of the Congo, Patrice Lu-
mumba, in the final days of the Eisenhower administration was revealed in the
early days of the Kennedy presidency, black nationalists, who believed that the
United States had conspired in his overthrow and subsequent murder, staged a
riot at the United Nations, interrupting a speech by Adlai Stevenson, America’s
new U.N. ambassador. The tumult was a watershed event. America’s mainstream
leaders, black and white, were taken aback by the passions that Lumumba’s death
had unleashed. Those same leaders also were slow to appreciate the mass appeal
of a fiery young Muslim minister who called himself Malcolm X. Even as the
energies of black Americans were being turned inward and southward during
the civil rights movement of the 1960s, the more militant among the young
were flirting with nationalist and Pan-African concepts as they sought to link
the American struggle with those of people of color around the globe.
Malcolm X had helped them make that connection when, in 1964, he made
his pilgrimage to Mecca. While abroad, he made his first visit to Africa and
attended the meeting of the Organization of African Unity, where he equated
the racist practices of the United States with those of South Africa. Malcolm,
who was second only to Martin Luther King in popularity among black Ameri-
cans, was invited by Stokely Carmichael and others in the Student Nonviolent
Coordinating Committee (SNCC) to speak in Selma, Alabama. The militants
soon took over the leadership of SNCC as Carmichael was elected to replace
John Lewis, the organization’s more traditionally integrationist head. Chafing
at the strictures that King’s ethic of nonviolence placed upon them, SNCC took
up Carmichael’s cry of “Black Power” in 1966. A delegation from SNCC visited
Africa and returned home to step up their nationalist rhetoric.
Meanwhile, Martin Delany’s old concept of “the broken nation” was being
revived. Robert Williams, a defrocked NAACP leader in North Carolina who
argued that blacks had the right to take up arms in self-defense, was named in
1968 as the first president of the Republic of New Afrika while he was in exile
in China and Tanzania, from which he returned in late 1969. He claimed the
five Southern states with the largest African American populations—Alabama,
Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina—as the “National Territory
of the Black Nation.” The attempt to carve a black nation out of the black belt
never got much beyond the March 1971 dedication of a parcel of land in Missis-
sippi as “the first African capital of the northern Western Hemisphere.” Efforts
to relocate American blacks within the borders of the United States were to be
no more successful in the twentieth century than the efforts to resettle them
beyond its shores had been in the nineteenth.
While the emergence of newly independent African nations opened up new
opportunities for American scholars, black pioneers of the field like Rayford

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 xiv Preface

Logan and Leo Hansberry at Howard University found themselves marginalized

by a new white establishment organized into the African Studies Association
(ASA). Black scholars had only a token representation in the top leadership of
the ASA and increasingly resented the perceived influence the association was
wielding with U.S. government policy makers. Just as black missionaries had
been squeezed out of colonial Africa, so black scholars felt they were being
shunted aside in America’s relations with independent Africa. It had been blacks
like Horace Mann Bond and Hansberry, for example, who had founded the In-
stitute of African American Relations in 1953 to establish ties with the emerging
leadership of Africa’s independence movement. The organizers turned to whites
for financial assistance and soon found the institute under white control, moved
to New York, and renamed the African-American Institute (AAI). The AAI
became the leading private organization promoting ties between African and
American leaders. Its board was overwhelmingly white, and it did not appoint
its first black president until 1989.
The rising tide of black resentment to white hegemony in African affairs
burst through the seawalls at the 1969 annual meeting of the ASA in Montreal.
There, a group of militant black scholars, led by Acklyn Lynch, presented a set
of nonnegotiable demands that were designed to replace “European” control of
the association with “African” control. When the demands were not met, most
of the black delegates walked out and soon after formed the African Heritage
Studies Association under the leadership of one of the patriarchs of Afrocentric
history, John Henrik Clarke. The choice of a historian was symbolic. So much of
the nationalist agitation of the 1960s and ’70s had been an attempt to reconcile
black America with its past and from that past to take pride in its blackness and
in its African lineage. The search for the latter had been popularized by Alex
Haley in his book and later phenomenally successful television series Roots.

Uniting on South Africa

By the 1970s a major debate had begun in the black community over the best
strategy to eliminate apartheid. It was waged between those who favored sanc-
tions and those who, remembering the positive role business had played in the
civil rights struggle in some parts of the South by moderating white resistance,
opposed the pullout of American companies from South Africa. Pushing for
sanctions and divestment were student groups demonstrating on college cam-
puses, liberation support committees being organized throughout the country,
and, perhaps most important of all, black members of the United States Congress.
Resisting sanctions were Andrew Young, ambassador to the United Nations,
and the leaders of the two major civil rights organizations: the NAACP and the

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 Preface xv

National Urban League. Roy Wilkins and Vernon Jordan had returned from
visits to South Africa to announce that American firms could do more good by
staying than by leaving, especially if they adopted the codes of conduct promul-
gated by the Reverend Leon Sullivan, a black activist of the 1960s who now sat
on the board of directors of the General Motors Corporation. Pressure from the
membership of the NAACP prompted the organization to send another mission
to southern Africa after the death of Wilkins. That delegation returned with a
recommendation that the NAACP back sanctions and establish an international
affairs bureau in its national office.
The passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 had moved the civil rights
movement from the streets to the polling booths. A critical mass of blacks was
now in the House of Representatives, and under the leadership of Congress-
man Charles Diggs of Detroit they organized the Congressional Black Caucus.
Diggs had risen to the chairmanship of the House Subcommittee on African
Affairs and had become the most important spokesperson on African issues in
the nation. Through his chairmanship, Diggs provided the continent a place
on the legislative agenda it had never enjoyed before. His committee counsel,
Goler Teal Butcher, was one of the most respected women on Capitol Hill and
until her untimely death in 1993 the intellectual leader on a host of progressive
African issues from ending apartheid to fostering economic development.
In 1972 the caucus sponsored a meeting on Africa at Howard University. It
turned out to be the largest black American conference on Africa ever held in the
United States. At the top of the gathering’s priority list was the mobilization of
black Americans to press for the elimination of white rule from the Portuguese
colonies and southern Africa. Success in this campaign was dependent on blacks
being able to mount lobbying efforts as effective as those of white ethnic groups
on behalf of their own ancestral homelands.
On the eve of the 1976 presidential election, Congressman Diggs called for
a National Black Leadership Conference on southern Africa to be held during
the Congressional Black Caucus Weekend in September. The conference issued
“The African-American Manifesto on Southern Africa,” which called for the
urgent formation of a black lobby to which representatives of the organizations
assembled pledged their financial support. Under the leadership of Randall Rob-
inson, a veteran organizer of student demonstrations on behalf of sanctions and
former staff aide to Diggs, the lobby, TransAfrica, opened its doors for business
in 1978. Robinson quickly moved to mobilize the black community to defeat
efforts to lift sanctions imposed against Southern Rhodesia. He persuaded the
leaders of nearly all the major black organizations to go on record for keeping
sanctions and rallied black voters in key congressional districts. Sanctions were
maintained, and TransAfrica, in existence less than a year, was credited with

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 xvi Preface

engineering the first major victory in the foreign policy field ever attributed
to the direct political intervention of the black community. Thirty-five years
later TransAfrica is still active, demonstrating a staying power that all of its
predecessors lacked.
On the nonpolitical side, Africare, another important African-oriented orga-
nization, was founded in the 1970s. The drought and famine in the West African
Sahel had aroused as much black American concern as the political problems
of southern Africa had. C. Payne Lucas, a former Peace Corps official, work-
ing closely with the president of Niger, one of the drought-stricken countries,
began a relief effort centered in the black community. He tapped ordinary black
Americans in a way they had not been solicited for an Africa-related cause
since the days of Garvey. From small black churches and large ones, from tiny
Southern rural hamlets and great Northern urban ghettos, envelopes poured
into the Africare headquarters in Washington in support of starving cousins in
Africa. Over time Africare moved from relief to long-term development work
and is now, more than three decades later, still recognized as one of the leading
American organizations, black or white, of its kind.
The victory of Jimmy Carter in 1976 brought black Americans into the foreign
policy mainstream as never before. Andrew Young, because of his closeness to
the president, was able to transform the ambassadorship to the United Nations
into a politically powerful post. Like his counterpart in the Ford administration,
he enjoyed cabinet status and in the public mind became the embodiment of
American policy toward Africa. He and his deputy, Donald McHenry, initiated
the strategy that finally led to Namibia’s independence, in spite of the attempt,
for many years, by the Reagan administration to prevent it.
The 1980s saw a diminution of black influence upon foreign policy formation
in the executive branch until, in the last year of his presidency, Ronald Reagan
appointed General Colin Powell as national security adviser. In the first year
of George H. W. Bush’s presidency, Powell moved from the highest civilian
foreign policy post ever held by a black man to the highest military one when
he was appointed chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. During the 1980s black
political influence on Africa policy was exerted primarily through the legislative
branch. Under the leadership of TransAfrica, a Free South Africa movement
was formed soon after the 1984 elections. It organized protests in front of the
South African embassy that went on for a year. During that time the issue of
apartheid received unprecedented media coverage as television cameras recorded
the carefully scripted daily arrests of celebrity protesters in front of the embassy.
The evening news programs carried films of the South African government’s
increasingly brutal crackdown on black protests at home. The Comprehensive
Anti-Apartheid Act of 1986 represented the most important legislative victory

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 Preface xvii

blacks had achieved since the civil rights laws of the 1960s. It demonstrated
that their considerable political power could now be harnessed in support of
international as well as domestic causes.
The question now became how that power would be used. Apartheid was an
easy enemy to unite against. It mirrored the racism blacks had fought against
for so long in this country. It came as no surprise that it was being propped up
by the most antiblack presidency since that of Woodrow Wilson. What was sur-
prising was that Colin Powell as Reagan’s national security adviser occupied the
highest post ever held in foreign policy formulation by any African American.
What was dismaying was that a black man so high up could not or would not
exercise any leavening effect on Reagan’s retrograde Africa policy.
I had been appointed to my first ambassadorship by Jimmy Carter late in
his presidency. I arrived in Senegal in September. Soon after the elections in
November, a congressional delegation visited Dakar. I was told by a friend, a
staff member traveling with the group, that Anne Holloway, the African Ameri-
can ambassador in next-door neighbor Mali, and I were high on the incoming
Reagan administration’s hit list. Anne had been a top aide to Andy Young at
the United Nations, and I, as executive vice president of the African-American
Institute, had been an outspoken supporter of tougher measures against the
white minority governments of South Africa and Southern Rhodesia. Chester
Crocker, who would be the new assistant secretary of state for Africa, did not
want us reading his cables that would, as he put it, remove the “polecat” stigma
from those regimes. Two weeks after Reagan had been sworn in, Ambassador
Holloway and I each received a cable from the new secretary of state, Alexander
Haig, thanking us for our service and giving us only two weeks to pack up and
vacate our posts.

Black Ambassadorial Appointments

Under President Carter the number of black ambassadors reached an all-time
high. It would take Reagan two terms to make as many appointments as Carter
had made in a single term. More important, including the unprecedented nam-
ing of Andrew Young and Donald McHenry to the United Nations, more than
half of the fifteen appointments had been assigned to posts outside the State
Department’s historic ghetto of sub-Saharan Africa and the Caribbean.
The election of Bill Clinton in 1992 reversed the era of benign neglect toward
Africa practiced by the administration of his predecessor George Bush. I had been
running an international program at the Joint Center for Political and Economic
Studies, a black think tank. The Berlin Wall had fallen and democracy seemed to
be blossoming everywhere. As we worked with African democracy activists, we

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