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         
                    
A Publication of the Society of Dance History Scholars

  

The Origins of the Bolero School, edited by Javier Suárez-Pajares and Xoán M. Carreira

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José Limón: An Unfinished Memoir, edited by Lynn Garafola, with introduction by

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Dancing from Past to Present: Nation, Culture, Identities, edited by Theresa Jill Buckland
Dancing from Past
to Present
Nation, Culture, Identities

Edited by

            

    

 The University of Wisconsin Press
1930 Monroe Street
Madison, Wisconsin 53711

www.wisc.edu/wisconsinpress/

3 Henrietta Street
London WC2E 8LU, England

Copyright © 2006
The Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System
All rights reserved

1 3 5 4 2

Printed in the United States of America

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Dancing from past to present: nation, culture, identities /
edited by Theresa Jill Buckland.
p. cm.—(Studies in dance history)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-299-21850-3 (cloth: alk. paper)
ISBN 0-299-21854-6 (pbk.: alk. paper)
1. Dance—History. 2. Dance—Anthropological aspects.
I. Buckland, Theresa. II. Series: Studies in dance history (unnumbered).
GV1601.D36 2006
793.3109—dc22 2006008620
    

Preface vii
Acknowledgments xi

1 Dance, History, and Ethnography: Frameworks,

Sources, and Identities of Past and Present 3
     
2 Dances and Dancing in Tonga: Anthropological
and Historical Discourses 25
    .  
3 Constructing a Classical Tradition: Javanese Court
Dance in Indonesia 52
       - 
4 Utopia, Eutopia, and E.U.-topia: Performance and
Memory in Former Yugoslavia 75
   .  
5 Qualities of Memory: Two Dances of the Tortugas
Fiesta, New Mexico 97
   
6 Dancing through History and Ethnography: Indian
Classical Dance and the Performance of the Past 123
   ’  
7 Interpreting the Historical Record: Using Images of
Korean Dance for Understanding the Past 153
     
8 Romani Dance Event in Skopje, Macedonia: Research
Strategies, Cultural Identities, and Technologies 175
       

v
vi Contents

9 Being Traditional: Authentic Selves and Others in

Researching Late-Twentieth-Century Northwest
English Morris Dancing 199
      

Selected Further Reading 231

Contributors 239
Index 241
  

This book has two principal goals. First, it aims to stimulate debate on
the combined use of ethnographic and historical strategies in investigat-
ing dance as embodied cultural practice. Second, it aims to expand the
field of mainstream dance studies by focusing on examples beyond typi-
cally Eurocentric conceptualizations of concert dance. The eight essays
presented here constitute a specially commissioned collection of case
studies on dancing in Tonga, Java, Bosnia-Herzegovina, New Mexico,
India, Korea, Macedonia, and England. Each author was asked to root
discussion in her or his own long-term ethnographic inquiry and to
reflect upon issues of past and present within the dance practice inves-
tigated. Authors were also invited to discuss their relationship to the
research. The resultant collection provides examples not only of the
making of histories and identities through bodily practices, but also of
the part that disciplinary frameworks, methodology, and autobiography
play in determining selection and interpretation. The balance of this
collection lies with researchers of dance whose investigations did not
begin with history; rather they turned toward the diachronic perspec-
tive in order to shed light on present cultural meanings.
Scholarly examination of “the past” might not immediately suggest
the research focus of the human sciences as social scientists traditionally
concentrate their attention on the present, initially at least. Such was the
starting point for all the contributors to this volume. Traditionally too,
social scientists are concerned more with understanding communal
than individual practice. Again, this is a characteristic of the essays,
apart from one example ( Janet O’Shea), in which the practice of indi-
viduals is examined in relation to interpretations of shared pasts. Taken
as a whole, the collection of essays sheds light upon continuities and

vii
viii Preface

disruptions in codified movement systems, interrogates attributions of

significance and power to particular dance forms, and scrutinizes social
and political agency behind a rhetoric that may foreground dance as
cultural expression by reference to specific “past(s).” The inquiry has
been undertaken through the explicit juxtaposition of ethnographic and
historical frameworks. The concentration is on dance practices typically
associated with particular cultural groups professing national, ethnic, or
regional identities. Such identification may be challenged within the es-
says, and differing interpretations of the working processes of ethno-
graphic and historical inquiry are evident. Nonetheless, the emphasis
upon empirically based studies, resulting from long immersion in what-
ever constitutes the “ethnographic community,” is a collective feature.
Not every writer in this volume, of course, would necessarily con-
sider herself or himself first and foremost as a social scientist. Some con-
tributors work in university dance departments or dance organizations
and may have training that parallels or draws upon aspects of the social
sciences; others do hold specific qualifications as social scientists and are
institutionally situated in such disciplines. The resultant treatment of
the selected dance practices across this volume addresses a number of
research questions that reach across past and present documentation
and interpretation of dance practices. In answering such questions, the
research requires techniques and analytical models beyond those tradi-
tionally associated with a single framework of inquiry. What brings the
authors together here is less a single shared theoretical vision and more
an interest in issues and knowledge gained from dancing across both
pasts and presents.
Obviously, the collection does not represent every academic dis-
course that utilizes ethnography as a major methodology. Evident
absences are sociology and cultural studies, both fields that have made
innovative contributions to advancing dance knowledge and under-
standing.1 The principal academic frameworks used here are anthro-
pology, dance ethnology, folk life studies, dance history, and perform-
ance studies. The essays demonstrate variation in the ways in which
the researcher, as a result of his or her training, may relate to people
and their practices. Even where the authors explicitly locate themselves
within one disciplinary field, there exist differences of approach. Three
essays are written from within anthropology (Adrienne Kaeppler,
Felicia Hughes-Freeland, and Lynn Maners), but the specific treatment
emerges from the separate schools of ethnoscience, social anthropology,
Preface ix

and cultural anthropology, respectively. Dance ethnology may con-

stitute the disciplinary base for the essays by Judy Van Zile and Elsie
Ivancich Dunin, but each author’s treatment of the overall theme by no
means suggests a uniformity of engagement. The interpretations pro-
vide reminders that even if the writers have a declared “home” disci-
pline, they also exercise individual theoretical and methodological pref-
erences. Moreover, all authors respond to different influences in dealing
with their material in relation to the book’s theme. Interdisciplinary ten-
dencies evident in this collection may result from the author’s training
in more than one academic discipline and/or her or his openness to en-
gaging with literature beyond the declared home discipline.
Each case study is concerned with a dance practice that is popularly
seen as “other” to Euro-American-derived concert dance. The specific-
ities of each essay refute any overarching tendency toward monolithic
conceptualizations of world dance cultures. Hughes-Freeland’s study,
for example, reveals the fluid diversity of dance practice that belies the
current seeming stability and tightly defined notion of classical dance in
Indonesia. O’Shea discusses differing beliefs between individuals who
perform a genre that is often popularly and erroneously referred to in a
generalized fashion as “Indian dance.” Even within the arguably more
familiar terrain of scholarship on dancing in Europe, the three essays by
Maners, Dunin, and Theresa Buckland examine dancing that has devel-
oped within particular historical, socioeconomic, and political situa-
tions. The selection of dance forms and geographies in this volume,
then, is intended to contribute to redressing the long-standing balance in
dance studies, observed by many, that “classist and racist ideologies . . .
assigned the past and present of the socioculturally powerful to ‘history’
and ‘criticism,’ and the past and present of everyone else to ‘anthropol-
ogy/ethnography.’”2
This situation is changing, albeit slowly. It might be argued that this
particular assemblage of case studies in one volume perpetuates such a
division. At this juncture in the early twenty-first century, however, the
appearance of eight specialist essays within a mainstream book series
that is dedicated to dance history is symptomatic of the increasing profile
of the traditionally perceived “other” in dance academia. The volume
highlights sustained inquiry around a particular theme; it is not designed
as a collection of examples under the umbrella of “world dance,” a term
that has replaced, often without full critical interrogation, that of “ethnic
dance.” The essays presented here are representative of the regions that
x Preface

have been studied from both ethnographic and historical perspectives.

The original conception included material on Africa and the African di-
asporas, but, regrettably, the few knowledgeable scholars working in
this area were already pressed to contribute their research in a variety of
avenues. Considerable effort was made to elicit a suitable essay, but
both the timeframe and comparative paucity of research activity con-
spired against inclusion in this volume. Such a situation needs to be ad-
dressed in dance scholarship, not least to bear witness to the voices of
minority scholars. It is hoped that the examples within this volume will
prompt further publications on this theme of communal dancing pasts
and presents; not least with respect to the various dance practices of
Africa but also those of China, South America, and Australasia.

 
1. See, in particular, the works of Helen Thomas, for example, The Body,
Dance, and Cultural Theory (Basingstoke, Hampshire, and New York: Palgrave
Macmillan, 2003); and those of Jane C. Desmond, an influential example being
her “Embodying Difference: Issues in Dance and Cultural Studies,” in Meaning
in Motion: New Cultural Studies of Dance, ed. Jane C. Desmond (Durham and Lon-
don: Duke University Press, 1997), 29–54.
2. Kent De Spain, “Review of Ann Dils and Ann Cooper Albright, eds.,
Moving History/Dancing Cultures,” Dance Research Journal 34, no. 1 (2002): 106. See
also John O. Perpner III’s thoughtful critique, “Cultural Diversity and Dance
History Research,” in Researching Dance: Evolving Modes of Inquiry, ed. Sondra
Horton Fraleigh and Penelope Hanstein (London: Dance Books, 1999), 334–51.
     

The impetus for this collection began at the 20th Symposium of the
International Council for Traditional Music Study Group on Ethno-
choreology in 1998 when a major theme was traditional dance and its
historical sources. In addition to new historical research, a number of
often contrasting theoretical and methodological approaches to dance
study was exposed at this international meeting. These differences were
frequently the result of geographical circumstances and intellectual tra-
ditions in the practices of dance history and dance ethnography that
cried out for more overt acknowledgment and sustained treatment.
Since 1998, there has been ongoing expansion in scholarly investigation
across dance practices worldwide. Such developments, I would argue,
coupled with further questioning of how we conduct dance research,
have made the potential of juxtaposing dance history and dance eth-
nography even more relevant to the future direction of dance studies.
I am therefore most grateful to the editorial board of the Society of
Dance History Scholars, especially to Lynn Garafola, then its chair, for
recognizing the value of such a project for inclusion in their highly re-
garded series on dance and for offering advice. Ann Cooper Albright as
the new chair has continued to champion and advance the volume’s
production through helpful recommendations. Greatly appreciated too
has been the generous advice and attention to detail received from the
staff at the University of Wisconsin Press.
My thanks also go to my own institution, De Montfort University,
Leicester, for ongoing support and financial help to facilitate com-
pletion of the project. Thanks too to all those colleagues, Thomas
DeFrantz in particular, who came so quickly to my assistance in provid-
ing ideas and answers when chapter commissions unfortunately could

xi
xii Acknowledgments

not be realized. I would also like to thank Trvtko Zebec for his swift and
effective help in selecting and providing photographs.
For a considerable period in this book’s gestation, Georgiana Gore
acted as coeditor until time pressures unfortunately prevented her con-
tinuing participation. This present collection would undoubtedly be
much the poorer without her insightful editorial comments, sharp intel-
lectual input, and stimulating discussions in the earlier phases. Several
of the contributors to this volume and I have benefited greatly from her
suggestions.
This book could never have been realized without the ongoing pa-
tience of the contributors, who have toiled tirelessly in response to some-
times lengthy and frequent editorial requests; my grateful thanks to all.
An invaluable figure in the background, but whose participation has
been very much “hands-on,” has been Chris Jones, whose critical edito-
rial eye, expert advice, and unflagging commitment to the project have
been faultless. Added to this, her unbelievable patience, good humor,
and encouragement make her a treasured companion on any editorial
journey.
Finally, I would like to express my appreciation to my husband for
his unfailing support in listening and inspiring me to bring this volume
to fruition.
         
World map: Main locations cited in the text. Map by Stephen Heath.
 1

Dance, History, and Ethnography

Frameworks, Sources, and Identities
of Past and Present
  

Ethnography and history, as methodologies through which dance may

be researched, suggest contrasting spheres of space and time. For the
dance ethnographer, her or his usual territory is that of the field, where
source materials are created through the researcher’s systematic de-
scription of the transient actions and words of people dancing in the
present. For the dance historian, the familiar realm is the archive, where
extant sources, often fragmentary and sparse, have been created by
people other than the researcher, who now employs their surviving arti-
facts as testimony to the dancing of the past. Stereotypically, the dance
ethnographer investigates the customary dance practices of an aggre-
gate of people, such as an ethnic or cultural group. The dance historian
more frequently focuses on individuals or perhaps a dance company,
often seeking evidence of innovative rather than consensual activity.
In the twenty-first century, such a neat division into mutually exclu-
sive territories no longer holds; nor indeed, as this book demonstrates,
were such strict demarcations ever wholly operative in dance research.
Some branches of ethnography, in the Eastern European and Scandina-
vian disciplines of ethnology, ethnography, and folk life studies, explicitly

3
4         

aimed to document dances from the past by seeking out older ways of
life to record for posterity.1 From the middle of the twentieth century,
some historians of dance, influenced by Western European and North
American practices of oral history, for example, similarly found sources
among the living about dancing that was no longer performed.2 In pur-
suing dance research, it has not always been easy, nor necessarily desir-
able, to ignore the potential benefits to be gained by combining syn-
chronic and diachronic perspectives.
Both ethnography and history may be found interrelated in studies
of dance that, for their theoretical and methodological frameworks, are
located in anthropology, ethnology, cultural studies, social and cultural
history, performance studies, sociology, ethnomusicology, and folklore
studies. There are also the hybrid disciplines that clearly indicate their
focus on dance, as in dance anthropology, dance ethnology, and ethno-
choreology. As a comparatively new subject within academia, dance
studies in general draws upon established disciplinary frameworks in
which ethnographic and historical methods have already taken on dis-
tinctive hues that may not always be immediately evident to the dance
researcher’s eye. Very often the precise meaning of ethnography and
history when applied within a particular discipline may be the result of
certain intellectual traditions and geographical circumstances. There
is, for example, no consensus about the meaning of the term “ethnog-
raphy,” even within its home disciplinary bases of the social sciences. It
is beyond the scope of this introductory chapter to explore the detailed
and diverse terrain of disciplinary legacies, differences, and correspon-
dences in their application to dance. But some background to the older
traditions of dance ethnography and dance history, together with some
reflections on past and present sources and identities of dance, are pre-
sented here as a frame through which the essays that constitute this
book may be viewed.

Disciplinary Frameworks and Questions of Context

The terms “ethnography” and “history” share the characteristics of re-

ferring simultaneously to their practice and to their end result. In most
West European and North American practice, ethnography is a meth-
odology that deals with the present and typically concludes in a book
known as an ethnographic monograph or ethnography. History—or,
Dance, History, and Ethnography 5

more properly, the historical method—similarly signals a methodology

but investigates the past to produce a history, also most often in book
form. The practice of dance history and the production of dance histo-
ries were established features of mainstream dance scholarship for much
of the twentieth century.
For most of that period, mainstream dance scholarship in North
America concentrated on dance as an art form. This was certainly the
case during the late 1960s when dancer and anthropologist Joann Kea-
liinohomoku wrote her seminal article on ballet as an ethnic form of
dance.3 Research that addressed consensual meanings and the socio-
cultural contextualization of dance was regarded as the sole concern of
anthropologists. Anthropologists, unlike most dance scholars, predomi-
nantly studied supposedly oral, homogenous societies that were posi-
tioned as “other” to so-called civilized and literate white European and
North American society.4 Oral cultures were believed to possess no his-
tory since there were often no literary records to study their pasts. In
any case anthropologists sought to understand the present of cultures as
holistic systems, an aim for which the methodology of ethnography—
documenting and explaining the present—was essential. Culture, in the
broad anthropological sense of a discrete systematic totality of socially
transmitted beliefs, values, institutions, and practices, became a hugely
influential concept across academia in the later twentieth century, even
if debate raged over its usefulness as an analytical construct both within
and outside its home discipline.5
In the 1960s, though, for most dance scholars, the term “culture”
had quite another meaning. Culture was instead understood as synony-
mous with “high” art. This meaning, as elucidated by Victorian literary
critic Matthew Arnold, equated culture with “the best which has been
thought and said.”6 Such a definition positioned popular or vernacu-
lar artistic expression in opposition, so that the category of culture as
“high” accorded with the preferred arts of the aristocracy and bourgeoi-
sie. Artifacts and practices eligible for the designation of “culture,”
furthermore, were evaluated by Eurocentric criteria for the label of
“art.” This socially hierarchical and evolutionist conception of culture
continued to hold sway in the middle of the twentieth century, and most
dance scholars were not unusual in professing it. In line with other arts
and humanities subjects, those forms and practices deemed by society to
possess high aesthetic value were granted primacy as sources for aca-
demic investigation.7 Accordingly, dance forms other than ballet and
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