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Elisabeth Mayer
Spanish Clitics on the Move
Studies in Language Change

Edited by
Cynthia Allen
Harold Koch
Malcolm Ross

Volume 14
Elisabeth Mayer

Spanish Clitics
on the Move

Variation in Time and Space

ISBN 978-1-61451-588-3
e-ISBN (PDF) 978-1-61451-421-3
e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-1-5015-0088-6
ISSN 2163-0992

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

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detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de.

6 2017 Walter de Gruyter Inc., Boston/Berlin

Cover image: iStockphoto/thinkstock
Typesetting: RoyalStandard, Hong Kong
Printing and binding: CPI books GmbH, Leck
♾ Printed on acid-free paper
Printed in Germany

www.degruyter.com
Acknowledgments
This book has evolved from my doctoral thesis about the co-evolution of clitics
and differential object marking in non-standardized monolingual and bilingual
Peruvian Spanish varieties. Clitics are small words with many functions. They
are notoriously difficult to define, complex and often highly confusing. All of
these attributes make them an intriguing and fascinating topic, they are worth-
while to work on and never boring. While the core arguments have remained
the same, the emphasis has shifted from a mainly synchronic account of the
complex relationship clitics exhibit in clitic doubling, to a diachronically-based
portrayal of a scalar clitic system, arising from dialect/language contact.
I want to express my gratitude to the editors of the Studies in Language
Change series, Cynthia Allen, Harold Koch and Malcolm Ross for the opportunity
to publish this book in their series, and for advice on the book proposal and
continuing support. To Cynthia Allen I owe a great deal for critically reading
the manuscript and providing constructive and invaluable advice on opening
this book to a wider audience. I am indebted to Susan Ford for skilful editorial
work on the monograph. I also thank the editors at De Gruyter Mouton, espe-
cially Lara Wysong and Wolfgang Konwitschny for their patience and excellent
professional support.
I gratefully acknowledge financial support for collection of the corpus data
for this project from the Australian National University in form of a Fieldwork
Grant and a Vice-Chancellor’s Travel Grant.
I am deeply indebted to indigenous people, family and friends in Peru for
generously sharing their languages, stories, time, and resources. I am also grate-
ful to my colleagues at the PUCP in Lima for an intellectually stimulating and
welcoming environment where the original concepts for this book evolved
towards maturity. I am particularly thankful to Liliana Sánchez and José Camacho
for being a continuous source of learning, support and inspiration.
This monograph has greatly benefitted from feedback from colleagues at
the Australian National University and valuable comments from colleagues at
conferences and seminars. It owes a great deal to them, and most importantly
to Avery Andrews for significantly shaping my linguistic thinking over the years.
And finally, my deepest personal gratitude goes to my linguistically diverse
family around the world, particularly to Jorge – a linguistically not so naïve
reader – Johanna and Peter, Bernardo and Kaccey, for allowing me to sacrifice
family time and for their unfailing and unflailing encouragement.
I dedicate this book to Manu and to our multilingual family.

DOI 10.1515/9781614514213-202
Table of contents

Acknowledgments v
List of tables x
Abbreviations xii

1 Introduction 1
1.1 Clitics and argument marking 1
1.2 Variability and innovations in argument marking 5
1.2.1 Differential object marking 5
1.2.2 Clitic doubling 6
1.3 Variability in clitic systems 7
1.4 The corpus of fieldwork data 11
1.5 Sociohistory 13
1.5.1 Data background 14
1.5.2 Migration, contact and bilingualism 15
1.6 Contact and change 17
1.7 Variability in language 19
1.8 Theoretical framework 22
1.9 Organisation of the book 23

2 The nature of clitics 25

2.1 Background 25
2.2 Romance clitichood: bound or free forms 28
2.3 Dative clitic vs. accusative clitic 33
2.4 Specific lo (la) environments 39
2.4.1 Lo as propositional anaphoric topic marker 40
2.4.2 Determiner cliticization 41
2.4.3 An attempt at accommodating determiner clitics 43
2.5 Clitic placement and alignment constraints 44
2.5.1 Surface constraints 45
2.5.2 The Person-Case Constraint 48
2.5.3 Markedness constraints 51
2.6 Summary 55

3 Objects, case and clitic doubling 57

3.1 Objects and casemarking 57
3.2 Clitic doubling 62
3.2.1 Dialectal variability and evolving clitic doubling sections 63
3.2.2 Agreement and crossreferencing 66
viii Table of contents

3.3 Referential categories 69

3.3.1 Definiteness vs. specificity 69
3.3.2 Animacy 71
3.3.3 Differential object marking, specificity and clitic doubling 76
3.4 A Lexical-Functional Grammar view of clitic doubling 80
3.4.1 From constituent structure to functional structure 80
3.4.2 Grammatical functions 86
3.4.3 Optional PRED PRO 89
3.5 Summary 92

4 From syntax to information structure 93

4.1 The concept of differential object marking 93
4.2 Two-dimensional differential object marking 95
4.3 Differential object marking, topicality and clitic doubling 101
4.3.1 Optionality 103
4.3.2 Non-specificity 104
4.3.3 Extended differential object marking 106
4.4 Clitic evolution by reanalysis 110
4.4.1 Drivers of change – gender and number 113
4.4.2 Morphological simplification in Limeño Spanish contact
varieties 114
4.5 Summary of argument thus far 117
4.6 Differential object marking and information structure 118
4.7 The notion of secondary topic 120
4.7.1 Previous accounts for Spanish 122
4.8 Correlation of case marking and information structure 124
4.8.1 Topic vs. focus 126
4.8.2 Topic and secondary topic 129
4.9 Anaphora and topic/object drop 136
4.9.1 Morphological blocking 138
4.10 Summary 139

5 Variation and continuity in time and space 141

5.1 Agreement in time and space 141
5.1.1 Peninsular Spanish leísmo, loísmo, laísmo 142
5.1.2 Limeño Spanish contact varieties 143
5.1.3 Invariant lo 144
5.2 Leísmo/laísmo doubling 152
5.2.1 The dative-accusative alternation in contact Spanish 156
5.3 Floating agreement in clitic clusters 164
 Table of contents ix

5.3.1 Person-Case Constraint and case syncretism 166

5.3.2 Clitic clusters variability 169
5.4 Object drop and anaphoric recoverability 173
5.4.1 Ecuador 175
5.4.2 Brazilian Portuguese and Paraguayan Spanish 178
5.4.3 Basque Spanish 179
5.5 Summary 183

6 Contact and change 187

6.1 Contact in Peruvian Spanish 187
6.1.1 Comparison with Basque 188
6.2 Amazonian Spanish 190
6.2.2 Contact with Brazilian Portguese 191
6.2.3 Contact with Ashaninka 192
6.2.4 Contact with Yagua 195
6.2.5 Quechua 196
6.2.6 Andean Spanish 200
6.3 The pointing effect of lo and (-ta) -qa 202
6.3.1 Topicality vs. transitivity 207
6.3.2 Primary object and secondary object marking 208
6.3.3 Semantic roles 211
6.3.4 Mapping of thematic roles to grammatical functions 212
6.3.5 Two primary objects? 214
6.3.6 Object behaviour 217
6.4 Object alternations 219
6.4.1 Disambiguation/Agency 219
6.4.2 Affectedness 221
6.4.3 Telicity 223
6.5 Double object constructions 225
6.5.1 Dative alternation 226
6.5.2 Dative vs. oblique 229
6.5.3 Ethical datives 233
6.5.4 Ethical datives in passivization 234
6.6 Summary 235

7 Conclusion 237

References 242
Index 263
List of tables
Table 1.1 Etymological system (Fernández-Ordóñez 2012:78) 8
Table 1.2 Standard and contact head- and dependent marking 9
Table 1.3 Limeño Spanish contact varieties scalar clitic system 10
Table 1.4 Female interviewees by location and education (Lima only) 13
Table 1.5 Male interviewees by location and education (Lima only) 13
Figure 1.1 Feature pool (Mufwene 2001, 2002) 17
Table 2.1 Accusative and dative clitic pronouns in Spanish 34
Table 2.2 Accusative and dative reflexive pronouns in Latin American
Spanish 35
Table 2.3 Syncretism in the Spanish clitic paradigm 35
Table 2.4 Clitic morphology and phonology 36
Table 2.5 Feature representation of third person clitic pronouns 37
Table 2.6 Demonstratives and elsewhere position of /e/ 37
Table 2.7 Strong pronouns, definite determiners and accusative
clitics 38
Table 2.8 Definite determiners and dative clitic 38
Table 2.9 Modified projection/dependence matrix 43
Table 2.10 Spurious se in the cluster se lo(s)/la(s) 52
Table 3.1 Spanish objective marking, case, clitic agreement and thematic
roles 61
Figure 3.1 constituent structure → functional structure 82
Figure 3.2 constituent structure → functional structure 85
Table 3.2 Grammatical functions (Dalrymple 2009: 5) 86
Figure 3.3 Clitic morphosyntactic features 90
Table 4.1 Evolution of differential object marking and clitic doubling 99
Table 4.2 Differential object marking system in El Cid 102
Table 4.3 Object marking in Limeño Spanish contact varieties 108
Table 4.4 Evolution of change (Palacios 2005) 112
Table 4.5 Anaphoric and grammatical clitic agreement in Limeño Spanish
contact varieties and Standard Spanish 113
Table 4.6 Markedness hierarchies (Aissen 2003: 445) 119
Table 4.7 Default alignment (Dalrymple and Nikolaeva 2011: 166) 120
Table 4.8 Similarities subject and object – Standard Spanish 125
Figure 4.1 constituent structure → functional structure 130
Figure 4.2 constituent structure → functional structure 134
Table 4.9 Marked and unmarked objects in Spanish 136
Table 6.1 Ashéninka-Perené demonstrative pronouns (Reed and Payne
1986: 330) 193
Table 6.2 Topicality markers in Quechua and Limeño Spanish contact
varieties 206
Table 6.3 Primary object (PO) properties for the direct object in Spanish
varieties 210
xi List of tables

Table 6.5 Feature correlation and mapping on to syntactic functions 213

Table 6.6 Monotransitive and ditransitive primary and secondary object
mapping 213
Table 6.7 Primary (PO) and secondary object (SO) in contact Spanish 214
Table 6.7 Syntactic properties of direct object, indirect object and primary
object in Spanish 218
Abbreviations

ACC accusative case

AGR agreeing feature
ANIM animate
AUX auxiliary
C constraining
CL clitic
CLD clitic doubling
COM comitative
COND conditional
CONJ conjunction
DAT dative case
DEF definite
DEM demonstrative
DET determiner
DIMIN diminutive
DO direct object
DOM differential object marking
ETHDAT ethical dative
F feminine gender
FOC focus
FUT future tense
GEND gender
GF grammatical function
IMP imperative
IMPERS impersonal
IND indicative
INDEF indefinite
INF infinitive
IO indirect object
LA Latin America
LS Limeño Standard Spanish
M masculine gender
N neuter gender
NP noun phrase
NUM number
OBJ object
OBJθ restricted object
 Abbreviations xiii

OBL oblique
OM objective marker
P preposition
PARTIC participle
PAST past tense
PERF perfect aspect
PERS person
PL plural
PN proper noun
POSS possessive
PP prepositional object
PRED predicate feature/lexical form
PRO pronoun
QUANT quantifier
RECIPR reciprocal
REFL reflexive
REL relative
RP River Plate
S sentence
SBJV subjunctive
SG singular
SPEC specific
SUBJ subject
TOP topic
TOP2 secondary topic
VP verb phrase
Chapter 1
Introduction

This book is about the genesis of a subset of feature-reduced clitics and their
syntactic/pragmatic functions in Limeño Spanish contact varieties of Peruvian
Spanish. These clitics, which arise as non-standardized variation embedded in
a variety of contact and second language acquisition scenarios, exhibit different
grammaticalization stages and extended grammatical functions. The book presents
a theoretically oriented description linking the clitic variability and innovation
found in these dialects to language change in progress. The argument is then
extended to show that these innovations are not restricted geographically but
can be found in contact situations across the Spanish-speaking world.

1.1 Clitics and argument marking

Clitic pronouns are morphological markers at the interface of syntax and phonol-
ogy, morphology, semantics and information structure (Belloro 2007; Ordóñez
and Repetti 2006; Spencer and Luís 2012; Zwicky 1985). They are phonologically
unstressed bound morphemes and as such dependent on a verbal host. Proclitics
as in (1b), occur as single words immediately before the verb, enclitics attach
verbfinally as suffixes in (1c). In their morphology, Spanish clitics express the
features person, gender, number and case, and play an important role in argu-
ment marking (Harris, 1995). As anaphores, feature-agreeing clitics replace
propositions or noun phrases as in the feminine clitic la in (1b) and (1c) referring
to the noun phrase María in (1a).

(1) a. Ayer vi a Maríai .

yesterday see-PAST-1SG DOM María.FSG
‘Yesterday I saw María.’

b. Ayer lai vi.

yesterday CL 3FSG see-PAST-1SG
‘Yesterday I saw her.’

c. Quise verlai ayer.

want-PAST-1SG see-INF.CL 3FSG yesterday
‘I wanted to see her yesterday.’

In object-verb agreement, Spanish shows dependent- and head-marking as in

showing case and agreement features in the two core grammatical functions,

DOI 10.1515/9781614514213-001
2 Introduction

namely the indirect object and the direct object (Bresnan 2001c; Nichols 1986).
Dependent-marking uses a syncretic form a to mark indirect objects with dative
case obligatorily and direct objects with accusative case differentially (differ-
ential object marking [DOM]). Head-marking obtains through a set of feature-
specific clitic pronouns (number, gender and case [dative and accusative]),
crossreferencing the object on the verb subject to semantic and pragmatic
constraints. The combination of head- and dependent marking strategies is
shown in the direct object clitic doubling construction in (2) where two elements,
feature-specifc clitics (la carries feminine gender and lo masculine) and differen-
tial object marking specify information about one single argument, the lexical
direct object.

(2) Lai / Loj vi a Maríai / Juanj.

CL 3FSG / CL 3MSG see-PAST-1SG DOM María.FSG / Juan.MSG
‘I saw Maria/Juan.’

Co-occurrence of head- and dependent marking also extends to non-argument

or discourse structures via word order arrangements such as preposing or left
dislocation1 in (3a) and right dislocation in (3b), marking different grammatical
relations and signaling pragmatic functions in particular topicality. Note that in
(3), the masculine lo agrees in number and gender with its referential noun
phrase al chico.

(3) Topicalization
a. Al chic-oi María loi vio ayer.
DOM - DET. MSG boy-MSG María CL 3MSG see-PAST-3SG yesterday
‘The boy, Maria saw him yesterday.’

b. Right dislocation
María loi vio ayer al chic-oi .
María CL 3MSG see-PAST-3SG yesterday DOM - DET. MSG boy-MSG
‘Maria saw him, the boy, yesterday.’

Clitic doubling and topicalization strategies are governed by a complex con-

figuration of morphosyntacic, semantic and pragmatic factors, and are subject

1 These are two slightly different strategies with dislocation involving a pause after the dis-
located object. As both phrase structure positions are used to mark a topical, that is a highly
salient object, I will not make a distinction here and treat them under the term topicalization.
The relationship between casemarking and information structure will be discussed in depth in
chapter 4.
 Clitics and argument marking 3

to diachronic and synchronic variability across all Spanish varieties. In language

contact situations, hybrid/split or new clitic systems may develop.
These new developments in monolingual and bilingual Spanish varieties are
the focus of this book. They are illustrated by the following three clitic-doubled
structures from two closely related contact varieties, Limeño Spanish contact
varieties and Andean Spanish. All examples are considered non-standard or
ungrammatical by educated speakers of Spanish across the Spanish speaking
world.
Firstly, the emergence of invariant accusative lo crossreferencing a plural
feminine human object with optional casemarking in (4a) and a feminine in-
animate definite object (4b) with case marking.

(4) Limeño Spanish contact varieties (Mayer 2008: 363)

a. Lo vi (a) las chicas.
CL 3MSG see-PAST-1SG DOM DET. FPL girl-FPL
‘I saw the girls.’

Limeño Spanish contact varieties (Mayer 2008: 366)2

b. Lo frío a la cebolla.
CL 3MSG fry-1SG DOM DET. FSG onion.FSG
‘I fry the onion?’

Secondly, invariant accusative lo covaries with invariant dative le in extended

accusative doubling, crossreferencing a feminine/masculine human and a feminine
inanimate object with casemarking as shown in (5). The extension of le to
inanimate objects depends on geographic region and intensity of contact. Note
the ambiguous role of the syncretic form a as either dative case or differential
object marker (accusative case).

(5) Limeño Spanish contact varieties (Mayer FW)

Le veo a Ana/Pablo/mi carro.
CL 3SG see-1SG DAT / DOM Ana/Pablo/my car
‘I see Ana/Pablo/my car.’

Thirdly, another function of invariant lo is locative doubling. The syncretic form

a in (6) is a locative preposition.

2 This combination is very unusual outside dialect contact regions and considered ungram-
matical by educated Spanish speakers. However, per personal communication from native
speakers of River Plate in the greater Buenos Aires region – something requiring more evidence –
the same variability can be found in River Plate.
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