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 Domesticating a Religious Import

................. 17937$ $$FM 01-24-11 07:45:43 PS PAGE i

................. 17937$ $$FM 01-24-11 07:45:43 PS PAGE ii
Domesticating a
Religious Import
The Jesuits and the Inculturation
of the Catholic Church in
Zimbabwe, 1879–1980

  GXki`Z`XBfccXe[\in`k_Af_eFËJlcc`mXe
Nicholas M. Creary

Fordham University Press | New York 2011

................. 17937$ $$FM 01-24-11 07:45:44 PS PAGE iii

Copyright 䉷 2011 Fordham University Press

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval
system, or transmitted in any form or by any means—electronic, mechanical,
photocopy, recording, or any other—except for brief quotations in printed reviews,
without the prior permission of the publisher.

Fordham University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs
for external or third-party Internet websites referred to in this publication and does not
guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.

Fordham University Press also publishes its books in a variety of electronic formats.
Some content that appears in print may not be available in electronic books.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Creary, Nicholas M.
Domesticating a religious import : the Jesuits and the inculturation of the Catholic
Church in Zimbabwe, 1879–1980 / Nicholas M. Creary.—1st ed.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index.
ISBN 978-0-8232-3334-2 (cloth : alk. paper)—ISBN 978-0-8232-3336-6 (ebook)
1. Catholic Church—Zimbabwe—History—19th century. 2. Christianity and
culture—Zimbabwe—History—19th century. 3. Jesuits—Missions—Zimbabwe—
History—19th century. 4. Zimbabwe—Church history—19th century. 5. Catholic
Church—Zimbabwe—History—20th century. 6. Christianity and culture—
Zimbabwe—History—20th century. 7. Jesuits—Missions—Zimbabwe—History—
20th century. 8. Zimbabwe—Church history—20th century. I. Title.
BX1682.ZC74 2011
282⬘.6891—dc22
2010039511

Printed in the United States of America

13 12 11 5 4 3 2 1
First edition

................. 17937$ $$FM 01-24-11 07:45:44 PS PAGE iv

Contents

List of Abbreviations vii

Preface ix
Acknowledgments xiii

Introduction 1

1. A Failed Mission, Contesting Colonial Rule,

and Ecclesiastical Developments 22

2. ‘‘The Struggle Approximated to the Heroic’’: African Catholic

Women Becoming Nuns in Colonial Zimbabwe, 1922–1965 39

3. ‘‘The Most Important Work on the Mission’’: The Seminary

of Saints John Fisher and Thomas More, 1919–1979 79

4. A ‘‘Do-Nothing’’ Organization? The Catholic Association,

1934–1974 120

5. Until Death Do Us Part? African Marriage Practices

and the Catholic Church, 1890–1979 170

6. ‘‘Thou Shalt Not Take My Name in Vain’’:

The Mwari Controversy, 1911–1961 204

7. Bread and Wine, Beer and Meat:

The Kurova Guva Controversy 222

Conclusion 243

................. 17937$ CNTS 01-24-11 07:45:47 PS PAGE v

vi | c on te nt s

Notes 255
Glossary 311
Bibliography 313
Index 329

Photographs follow page 78

................. 17937$ CNTS 01-24-11 07:45:47 PS PAGE vi

Abbreviations

AAH Archives of the Archdiocese of Harare

ABSI Archivum Britannicum Societatis Iesu (British Archives
of the Society of Jesus), London
ANTT Arquivo Nacional de Torre de Tombo, Lisbon
CA Catholic Association
CAA Catholic African Association
DC District Commissioner
JAZ Jesuit Archives of Zimbabwe, Harare
LCBL Little Children of Our Blessed Lady
NAZ National Archives of Zimbabwe, Harare
NC Native Commissioner

................. 17937$ ABBR 01-24-11 07:45:50 PS PAGE vii

................. 17937$ ABBR 01-24-11 07:45:50 PS PAGE viii
Preface

This project began with the crisis of trying to find a job. During my
senior year at Georgetown University, I happened across a pamphlet
advertising volunteer teaching positions with the Catholic Ancillary
Teachers of Rural Zimbabwe (Catoruzi). The pamphlet noted that
then–Prime Minister Robert Mugabe had asked the Catholic Church to
provide teachers for schools in the rural areas. This struck me as odd:
why would an alleged Marxist entrust the future of a newly liberated
nation to the care of an ostensibly reactionary religious institution? At
the time I had no idea that Mugabe had been raised as a Catholic at a
Jesuit mission.
Four years later, after two years of teaching high school social stud-
ies and two years in the novitiate of the Jesuit New York province, I
found myself in the M.A. program in American history at the Catholic
University of America in Washington, D.C., studying the history of
American Catholics of African descent. During a conversation with a
fellow graduate student while on a research trip to the Archdiocese
of Baltimore’s archives, my colleague expressed surprise that I had
completed my undergraduate degree with a concentration in African
history rather than American history. In explaining to her the things
about African history that I found most interesting, I found myself
becoming excited about them anew—and longing to return to African
history. Two years later, while working with Catholic Relief Services
in Angola, after getting to know and working with missionary priests
and the Spanish Hermanas Teresianas (Sisters of Saint Theresa), who
dedicated their lives to working among the people at the mission of
Mary the Mother of God on the outskirts of Cubal, the kernel of the
idea for this project struck: the idea of testing inculturation, or the

................. 17937$ PREF 01-24-11 07:45:52 PS PAGE ix

x | p re fa ce

adaptation of Christianity to a local culture, as a process of social liber-

ation that paralleled the struggle for political liberation.
As with many projects, field research changed the scope and struc-
ture of the inquiry. I had originally intended to trace the histories of
three Jesuit missions in Zimbabwe and compare them with the histor-
ies of three Jesuit missions in Mozambique, using the Jesuits as a con-
trol to test the effects of differences in African and European cultures
on the inculturation process. Comparing Jesuit missions in Zimbabwe
and Mozambique would have provided a means to examine the practi-
cal effects of Jesuit spirituality and missiology, as well as differences
in European cultures, colonial systems, and mentalities on the incultur-
ation process. While Jesuits in Asia and the Americas were renowned
for their efforts to inculturate the church prior to the nineteenth cen-
tury, inculturation did not appear to be a priority or strategy within
the African context prior to the middle of the twentieth century. Jesuit
missions, accordingly, are excellent loci for case studies because Igna-
tian spirituality allows great flexibility and variety in its implementa-
tion, thereby ostensibly making it more amenable to inculturation
processes within the Catholic Church. Furthermore, the church’s cen-
tralized and uniform transnational structures, its emphasis on ritual,
and its natural law philosophy and theology mitigated against schisms
and the formation of African independent churches, as happened more
often with many Protestant churches, thus making it well suited to
study African initiatives within the global church and their efforts to
transform it.1
I was unable to gain access to the records of the Jesuit missions
in Mozambique, located in the Jesuit archives in Lisbon because the
archivist, Padre Vital Perreira, a spry septuagenarian, was frequently
away from the archives hearing the confessions of the nuns and youth
of the city. Additionally, the overabundance of material on Chisha-
washa Mission, the oldest Catholic mission established in colonial Zim-
babwe, versus the virtual nonexistence of material on St. Peter’s Parish,
Harare (the oldest urban parish for African Catholics in Harare) in the
Jesuit Archives of Zimbabwe necessitated that I revise the structure of
this project. Further, the political violence in Zimbabwe following the

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 p re fa ce | xi

defeat of the constitutional referendum of February 2000 and the par-

liamentary elections of June 2000 resulted in this project’s current for-
mat, for very few laypeople were willing to be interviewed about their
experiences during the colonial and chimurenga periods, and even
some priests and brothers were afraid to speak. Of the twenty-eight
interviews I was able to conduct, only six were with laypeople (four
men and two women). Consequently, the current study relies more
heavily on written sources found primarily in the Jesuit Archives of
Zimbabwe and the Archives of the Archdiocese of Harare than I would
have preferred, and I have had to glean more African perspective
through colonial sources to compensate for the relative lack of African
voice obtained through direct oral research.2
I wanted to study Africans adapting and taking charge of the
church, making it their own. I accept Basil Davidson’s contention
that African struggles against European colonialism were struggles
for social liberation, and that the political form of the nation-state
was accidental, not the goal of the liberation movements in and of
itself.3 And so inculturation seemed the best lens through which to
test this question within the Catholic Church, as well as to test Jean
and John Comaroff’s theory that Western missionaries colonized Af-
ricans’ consciousness and that the acceptance and external manifesta-
tion of Christianity was the manifestation of the results of the
colonization process.4 Their application of Western cultural experi-
ence generally to so-called non-Western societies saw interaction as
predominantly one-way, with Western missionaries almost exclu-
sively influencing Africans, and the implication of their premise of
the colonization of consciousness is that African Christians could not
think for themselves or know their own interests.
Inculturation was a way to show Africans as agents in their own
right within the church, and within the drama of history. As I spent
time living with the church in Zimbabwe, however, seeing what I can
only call the relative lack of the inculturation of the church in Zimba-
bwe, I began to consider what appeared to be a significant gap between
inculturation as written by Catholic theologians (both African and Eu-
ropean), and the experience of the process on the ground in Zimbabwe,
and to a lesser extent in Mozambique and Angola.

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................. 17937$ PREF 01-24-11 07:45:53 PS PAGE xii
Acknowledgments

A ChiShona proverb says that success has many mothers, but failure
is an orphan. To the extent that this study is in any way successful, I
must express my gratitude to the many mothers (and fathers) who
helped to give it life. At the same time, I alone take responsibility for
any and all of its failings.
Thanks go first to David Robinson, Richard W. Thomas, Sam
Thomas, Harry Reed, John T. Hinnant, and John Metzler of Michigan
State University, and to Jeanne Marie Penvenne of Tufts University,
for their constant patience, encouragement, and willingness to help me
at several moments when all seemed bleak. I owe thanks as well to
Elizabeth Eldredge.
Research for this study would not have been possible without gen-
erous financial support from the Social Science Research Council and
the State of Michigan Department of Education’s King-Chavez-Parks
fellowship, for which I thank Dorothy Harper-Jones and Evette Chavez.
I particularly thank Dean Karen Klomparens of the Graduate School,
who provided supplemental funding when the surprises of academia
and life in the field caught me unprepared, and Dean Patrick Mc-
Coneghy of College of Arts and Letters for academic and financial sup-
port on a number of fronts.
I would like to thank the fellows of the Erasmus Institute at the
University of Notre Dame for their comments on an earlier draft of
Chapter 2, portions of which were published in ‘‘Jesuit Missionary Per-
spectives on the Formation of African Clergy and Religious Institutes
in Zimbabwe, c. 1922–1959,’’ Le Fait Missionaire: Social Sciences &
Missions 14 (July 2004): 117–145. Portions of Chapter 3 were published

................. 17937$ $ACK 01-24-11 07:45:56 PS PAGE xiii

xiv | a ck no wl ed gm en ts

in that article, as well as in ‘‘ ‘Speaking the Language of Protest’: Afri-

can Student Rebellions at the Catholic Major Seminary in Colonial
Zimbabwe, 1965–1979,’’ in 1968 and the Third World, edited by Saman-
tha Christiansen and Zachary Scarlett (New York: Berghahn Books,
2009).
I thank my colleagues, who pushed me to be a better scholar: Ma-
nelisi Genge, Brett Cohen, Liz MacGonagle, Lindsay Frederick Braun,
Getnet Bekele, Cheikh Babou, Ghislaine Lydon, Mark Graham, Dawne
Curry, and Mary Mwiandi; and mentors and friends at the Catholic
University of America in Washington, D.C.: Paul G. Robichaud, Gary
Gerstle, Jon L. Wakelyn, Rose Marie Zagarri, Chris Kauffmann, and
especially Maria Mazzenga for reawakening my interest in African his-
tory. I also thank Patrick Barr-Melej, Norm Goda, Lance Grahn, Keenan
Grinnell, George Hartley, Heather Hathaway, Steve Howard, Herb
Howe, Paul Kollman, Bryan Massingale, Mike McKinney, Meredith
McKittrick, John McNeill, Gwen Mikell, Steve Miner, Joe Murphy, Phil
Naylor, Ghirmai Negash, Terry O’Reilly, Patrick Provost-Smith, Sholeh
Quinn, Julius Ruff, Kristin Schwain, Kathy Sobieralsky, Bob Sullivan,
Jim Turner, and Madeline Wake for their kindness and inspiration.
For their assistance in helping me to find the invaluable data that
became the content of this study, I thank Fr. Thomas M. McCoog,
S.J., and Anna Edwards, of the Archivum Britannicum Societatis Iesu
(British Archives of the Society of Jesus) in London; Maria Fernanda
Marques Nabais Gomes of the Instituto dos Arquivos Nacionais/Torre
de Tombo; and the staff of the Arquivo Histórico Útramarino (AHU)
in Lisbon. I especially wish to thank Fr. Karl-Ferdinand Schmitt, S.J.,
Fr. Anthony Bex, S.J., and Fr. Joseph Arimoso, of the Jesuit Archives of
Zimbabwe for their boundless patience and generosity, and Mrs. Mary
Stonier and her able and patient assistant Mrs. Elizabeth Muchenje
of the Archives of the Archdiocese of Harare. I also thank the Jesuit
Community at Arrupe College, Harare, especially Frs. Val Shirima, Ste-
phen Buckland, and Pat Madigan and Br. Felix Majichi.
Several people read early drafts of various parts of the study. I
am grateful to Sam Thomas, Mary Ann Miller, Susan Kroeg, Deborah
Gaitskell, Wendy Urban-Mead, Terence Ranger, Betsy Schmidt, Jean

................. 17937$ $ACK 01-24-11 07:45:56 PS PAGE xiv

 a ck no wl ed gm en ts | xv

Allman, Meredith McKittrick, Emily Osborn, Paulinus Odozor, Patrick

Holt, and Jeff Marlett for their generosity and thoughtful comments.
I thank Tawanda Gumbo, Sipho Radebe Gumbo, Isabel Mukonyora,
and Janice McLaughlin for invaluable assistance in translating early-
twentieth-century Jesuit ChiShona, and for many delightful and
thought-provoking conversations about religion, culture, colonialism,
and the Catholic Church in Africa, as well as for their friendship. I also
thank Leah Jaquith for helping to keep me sane during trying times in
the preparation of this manuscript and Kelsey Eilers for helping me to
believe in myself again. I also owe debts of gratitude to Raphael Nya-
guze and Emily Miner for their assistance in preparing the glossary
and index respectively.
I thank Fredric Nachbaur, Bob Oppedisano, Mary-Lou Elias Peña,
Eric Newman, Gregory McNamee, and their colleagues at Fordham
University Press for their patience, belief in this project, and willing-
ness to publish it. Last, but by no means least of all, I dedicate this
work to Audrey Leticia and Sophia Esperanza Creary–De La Cruz and
thank them for sharing too much of their time with this project.

................. 17937$ $ACK 01-24-11 07:45:56 PS PAGE xv

................. 17937$ $ACK 01-24-11 07:45:56 PS PAGE xvi
 Domesticating a Religious Import

................. 17937$ HFTL 01-24-11 07:46:00 PS PAGE xvii

................. 17937$ HFTL 01-24-11 07:46:00 PS PAGE xviii
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