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(Ebook) Embodied Histories: New Womanhood in Vienna, 1894-1934 by Katya Motyl ISBN 9780226832166, 0226832163 Online Reading

Scholarly document: (Ebook) Embodied Histories: New Womanhood in Vienna, 1894–1934 by Katya Motyl ISBN 9780226832166, 0226832163 Instant availability. Combines theoretical knowledge and applied understanding in a well-organized educational format.

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Embodied Histories
Embodied Histories
N e w Wom a n ho od
i n V i e n n a , 1 8 9 4 – ­1 9 3 4
Katya Motyl

The University of Chicago Press C h i c a g o a n d L o n d o n


The University of Chicago Press, Chicago 60637
The University of Chicago Press, Ltd., London
© 2024 by The University of Chicago
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any
manner whatsoever without written permission, except in the case of brief
quotations in critical articles and reviews. For more information, contact
the University of Chicago Press, 1427 E. 60th St., Chicago, IL 60637.
Published 2024
Printed in the United States of America

33 32 31 30 29 28 27 26 25 24   1 2 3 4 5

ISBN-­13: 978-­0-­226-­83214-­2 (cloth)


ISBN-­13: 978-­0-­226-­83216-­6 (paper)
ISBN-­13: 978-­0-­226-­83215-­9 (e-­book)
DOI: https://doi.org/10.7208/chicago/9780226832159.001.0001

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data


Names: Motyl, Katya, author.
Title: Embodied histories : new womanhood in Vienna, 1894–1934 /
Katya Motyl.
Description: Chicago : The University of Chicago Press, 2024. |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2023039951 | ISBN 9780226832142 (cloth) |
ISBN 9780226832166 (paperback) | ISBN 9780226832159 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Body image in women—Austria—Vienna—History—
19th century. | Body image in women—Austria—Vienna—History—
20th century. | Women—Austria—Vienna—Identity—History—
19th century. | Women—Austria—Vienna—Identity—History—
20th century. | Urban women—Austria—Vienna—Social life and customs—
19th century. | Urban women—Austria—Vienna—Social life and
customs—20th century. Femininity in popular culture—Austria—
Vienna—History—19th century. | Femininity in popular culture—
Austria—Vienna—History—20th century.
Classification: LCC HQ1610.V5 M67 2024 |
DDC 306.4/6130820943613—dc23/eng/20230828
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2023039951

♾ This paper meets the requirements of ANSI/NISO Z39.48-­1992


(Permanence of Paper).
Contents

Introduction : She Stood Outside, Listening to Music 1


1. Ne w M ove s : Flânerie, Urban Space, and
Cultures of Walking 27
2. Ne w Sha p e s : The Masculine Line, the Starving
Body, and the Cult of Slimness 75
3. Ne w E xp r e s s ions : Emotion, the “Self,”
and the (Kino)Theater 107
4. Ne w Se nsua lit y: A Sexual Education
in Desire and Pleasure 145
5. Ne w Vi sions : Reproductive Embodiment
and the Medical Gaze 191
E p il o gue : Are There Even Women? 223

Acknowledgments 229
Notes 235
Bibliography 275
Index 301
Introduction
S h e S t o od Ou t s i de ,
L i s t e n i ng t o M u s ic

On 21 January 1934, at two forty-­five in the morning, forty-­year-­old


Hedwig Patzl stood near the Café Royal on Margaretenstrasse in the
IVth District of Vienna.1 It was a relatively mild winter night, with dark
clouds threatening a light dusting of snow.2 The café was crowded with
fun-­seekers and revelers, and the seductive sounds of jazz poured out onto
the winter streets. For a whole hour, Patzl loitered outside the café, while
a police officer surreptitiously watched her. Finally, the officer approached
Patzl and asked her why she was standing outdoors and for whom she was
waiting. He had seen her trying to chat up the few men who had walked
by, and he suspected she might be an unregistered sex worker. But Patzl
would not be intimidated. She saucily responded that “she could stand
where, when, and for however long she wanted.” After all, she was on her
way home and was “just listen[ing] to the music.” She could, she insisted,
engage in whatever practices she liked.
Embodied Histories: New Womanhood in Vienna, 1894–­1934 is about
these practices. It rewrites the history of the New Woman by looking at
the performance of new womanhood—­everyday embodied practices that
constituted a form of gender subversion in Vienna from the fin de siècle to
the interwar period. By loitering on the street that winter night, Patzl was
a woman engaging in deviant behavior. The simple act of standing thus
became an act of defiance, a challenge to normative womanhood. It was,
in short, a practice of new womanhood, contributing to the transforma-
tion of what it meant to perform womanhood, and by extension, to be a
woman. One of the central arguments of this book, then, is that everyday
embodied practices, such as standing, play an important role in generat-
ing historical change. Changes in gender and sexuality occurred not only
from the top down, but also from the ground up, and significantly, I argue,
from the body up.
2 Introduction

That Patzl stood near the Café Royal is significant. After all, cafés were
the “site of urban modernity and cultural exchange,” of spectacle and
consumption.3 Moreover, this particular café was the seat of the Vien-
nese Film Exchange (Filmbörse), and for those looking to work in the film
industry—­an unambiguously modern industry—­it was the obvious place
to go. Vienna witnessed a cinema boom shortly before the First World
War that continued well into the interwar period, with theaters open-
ing their doors across the city. In the IVth District, there were six movie
theaters in 1934; a few streets from the Café Royal was the Schikaneder
Ton-­Kino, which happened to be screening Sehnsucht nach Wien (Longing
for Vienna) on the very day Patzl stood longingly on the streets of Vienna.
The practices of new womanhood emerged within these spaces of urban
modernity: cafés, cinemas, streets. Embodied Histories further argues that
there is a dynamic relationship between the city and the body. Rather
than consider the city, as both discursive and physical space, as containing
the distinct body, I am proposing instead that we think of the city as be-
ing of the body, and by the same token, the body as being of the city. The
city therefore affects the body just as the body affects the city. New city
streets and cafés encouraged Patzl to stand, despite being a woman, but
the practice of women standing outdoors also contributed to the further
transformation of the city. This book therefore examines how new woman-
hood emerged in tandem with a distinctly new Vienna.
But even if the Café Royal was a site of urban modernity, it was also,
most likely, a classic Viennese Kaffeehaus with a grand counter displaying
trays of strudels and tortes, a billiard table, round tables with bentwood
chairs, and a row of upholstered booths. Sitting in clouds of cigarette
smoke, patrons would read local newspapers attached to bent-­cane hold-
ers while stirring small cups of coffee, most likely a mélange, served on
metal trays with small glasses of water. At night, the café would lure locals
with dancing and live music, wine and beer, and, if the mood struck, a
Gspusi (fling). The space of the Viennese Kaffeehaus was to be savored
with the entire body and all its senses. If the modern city brought with
it new opportunities for the practices of new womanhood, then Vienna’s
culture of corporeality—­embodied by its Kaffeehaus culture—­made these
practices legible.
But who was the New Woman, exactly? And was Patzl such a woman?

In Search of the New Woman


Thirty years before Hedwig Patzl stood near the Café Royal, the New
Woman was frequently shown standing in the pages of novels and maga-
Introduction 3

zines, and on the stage. Images depicted her standing on chairs, giving up
her seat on the tramway, or taunting a male pedestrian from across the
street.4 She stood as she adjusted her cycling hat, smoked a cigarette, or
attended the races, for she was more interested in betting on men than
on horses.5
A neologism coined by the English feminist and novelist Sarah Grand
(1854–­1943), and then capitalized by Ouida (the nom de plume of Marie
Louise de la Ramée [1839–­1908], the prolific author of romantic stories)
in 1894, the New Woman was a caricature popularized by the fin-­de-­siècle
media to such a degree that she acquired a visual iconography that was eas-
ily identifiable across the globe.6 In Britain and America, the New Woman
“cavorted through the pages of Life, Puck, Punch, and Truth perched on bi-
cycles and smoking cigarettes; she looked learned in judges’ wigs and aca-
demic gowns and athletic in riding pants and football helmets.”7 In France,
she was “alternatively envisioned as a gargantuan amazone or an emaci-
ated, frock-­coated hommesse.”8 By the 1920s, the New Woman—­known
alternatively as the Modern Girl, flapper, moga, or garçonne—­became even
more widespread, her iconography consisting of “bobbed hair, painted
lips, provocative clothing, elongated body, and open, easy smile.”9 While
contemporaries typically identified the New Woman “with reform and
with social and political advocacy,” the Modern Girl was associated “with
the ‘frivolous’ pursuit of consumption, romance, and fashion.”10
A similar iconography appeared in fin-­de-­siècle Vienna, though filtered
through a local idiom. In Grete Meisel-­Hess’s 1902 novella, Fanny Roth,
Viennese readers would have immediately recognized the eponymous
character as an “emancipated woman,” a New Woman.11 In addition to
being an avid composer and violinist, Fanny is a reader of Friedrich Nietz­
sche and Henrik Ibsen, an admirer of the Vienna Secession, and a foe of
the corset.12 And she rides a bicycle. In the late 1890s and early 1900s,
in the midst of an emergent cycling craze, the New Woman was almost
always imagined and depicted as a cyclist, dressed in sporting attire and a
hat (see fig. I.1).13 Even if she did not ride the bicycle, it was always shown
nearby, symbolizing her literal and figurative freedom—­from stasis on the
one hand, and from convention on the other.14
Anti­feminist media portrayed the New Woman as a towering Amazon
who was typically dressed in a top hat and/or pants and carried a walk-
ing stick, thereby embodying a potent, even virile feminine beauty. She
was always stronger than her male counterpart, who was often shown as
smaller than her, effeminate, and beholden to her gaze and chivalry. In one
alpine-­themed caricature from 1907, a tall, buxom New Woman was shown
hiking through the mountains, dressed in Lederhosen, with an axe slung
Figur e I.1. The New Woman was frequently depicted on a bicycle. From the top, left
to right: (1) “The woman cyclist has the motto: ‘The bike is under my control.’ ” (There
is a play on words, here, since unter der Haube literally means “under the hat,” which
is appropriate insofar as the woman wears a hat. It also means “to have under control,”
or “to be married.” In this way, the woman cyclist expresses not only her mastery over
the bike, but also her preference for a bike over a husband.) (2) “The bicyclist races
and wants a victim.” (3) “At home, you steer me with advice and force, and yet, you are
unable to [steer] this little bike.” (4) “Two hearts and one bicycle.” (5) “He: ‘Do stay
longer, all of that riding is dangerous.’ She: ‘Not biking is even more dangerous. . . .’ ”
(6) “ ‘Oh my God, did something happen to you?’ ‘If you did not see anything—­no!’ ”
(7) “All’s unwell!” From “All’ Heil,” Der Floh, 8 July 1894, 5. ANNO/ÖNB.
Introduction 5

over her shoulder, as her male guide scrambled weakly behind her (see
fig. I.2).15 Although he was the mountain guide—­the leader or Führer—­
she was clearly the one leading him. The New Woman, it seemed, was
posing a threat to the masculinity of men.
At other times, the New Woman was imagined as not only acting
masculine, but looking it as well. Neither tall nor Amazonian, she was
envisioned as either muscle-­bound and stocky or dandyish and wraith-
like. Sometimes referred to as a “Man-­Woman” (Mannweib)—­in French,
an hommesse—­she looked, dressed, and acted like a man, perhaps even,
some believed, was a man with male desires. Writing in 1903, the Jewish-­
Austrian writer Otto Weininger even argued that “a woman’s demand for
emancipation and her qualification for it are in direct proportion to the
amount of maleness in her,” suggesting that the New Woman was physi-
ologically partly male.16
Anti­feminist contemporaries believed that the New Woman’s “manly”
and noticeably foreign “lifestyle” were the cause of her “unwomanly” be-
havior—­a logic used especially in the 1910s to explain the rioting suffrag­
ettes.17 In one advertisement for a coffee substitute, foreign products such
as strong tea, whiskey, and hot and spicy food (presumably Hungarian
paprika) were decried for making women “nervous, angry, eccentric” (see
fig. I.3).18 The New Woman posed a threat not only to the masculinity
of men, then, but also to the particularly Viennese femininity of women,
thereby leading to what contemporaries called “degeneration” and sexual
crisis.19
By the 1920s, the New Woman underwent yet another transformation.
Recalling the Amazon of the 1900s, this New Woman, known occasion-
ally as the “Modern Woman” (moderne Frau), was tall in stature, slender,
and androgynous. While her slim physique contributed to her androgyny,
it was her haircut—­the pageboy or Bubikopf—­that was viewed as espe-
cially boyish, prompting an outcry among conservatives who feared its
degenerative effects.20 The Bubikopf became such a cause célèbre that the
haircut became the signifier of the New Woman at this time; in fact, if
the bicycle was the New Woman’s prop in the 1890s, then by the 1920s it
was the Bubikopf, with the result that the New Woman was sometimes
even referred to as a Bubikopf.21 In addition to symbolizing a freewheeling
boyishness, the Bubikopf also signified frivolity, free love, and sensual-
ity.22 A woman sporting the haircut appeared uninterested in marriage
and children, looking instead for sexual adventure or a “comrade and soul
friend.”23 In a caricature from 1924, a “modern woman” sporting a zippy
Bubikopf lounges comfortably on a plush armchair, her arms draped over
its spine while her top calf is crossed loosely over her knee (see fig. I.4).24
F i gur e I .2 . A 1907 caricature of the New Woman as a towering Amazon hiking
through the Alps. Her male guide exclaims, “Freedom lives in the mountains!” To
which she responds: “With whom?” From “Ihre Frage,” Wiener Caricaturen, 14 July
1907, 1. ANNO/ÖNB.
Introduction 7

Figur e I .3. In this advertisement for Imperial Fig Coffee, a chaotic group of unruly
New Women are rounded up by the police. Two gentlemen stand on the sidelines,
wondering, “How is it that suffragettes behave in such an unwomanly manner?” The
reason is because they “follow a manly lifestyle.” “If they drank Imperial Fig Coffee
like the Austrian and Viennese housewife,” the gentlemen insist, “they would like-
wise be the loveliest and most good-­natured ladies.” From “Imperial-­Feigen-­Kaffee,”
Illustriertes Familienblatt: Häuslicher Ratgeber für Österreichs Frauen 28, no. 2 (1913):
14. ANNO/ÖNB.

A gentleman bends stiffly toward her, promising, “My dear madam, if you
will be with me, I will never leave you!” Meanwhile, the woman peers
skeptically at him and replies, “But that is precisely what scares me.”
It was not just the antifeminist media that propagated this image. In
1926, a new magazine appeared in circulation, Die moderne Frau (The
Modern Woman), that targeted a range of different “modern” women, in-
cluding the “beautiful and chic woman who finds her life’s purpose in
fashion, society, and flirtations.”25 Another women’s magazine, Moderne
Welt (Modern World), featured spreads of androgynous women’s fashion,
with occasional caricatures poking fun at the anxiety generated by the
8 Introduction

F igur e I .4. In a caricature from 1924, a modern woman with a Bubikopf hesitates
after receiving a proposal from her beau. After he tells her that he “will never leave
[her],” she responds, “but that is precisely what scares me.” From “Ein modernes
Weib,” Wiener Caricaturen, 1 May 1924, 8. ANNO/ÖNB.

new style.26 Finally, women themselves sometimes drew on New Woman


imagery. In a personal ad from 1926, two women—­“one, plump, the other,
a slim, blond Bubikopf, not boring, thank God”—­were looking for “two
fun friends” for the occasional night on the town.27
Finally, the Social Democratic Workers’ Party (SDAP), which gov-
erned Vienna for most of the 1920s, also conjured up a version of the
New Woman, “the female part of the ‘neue Menschen’ ” who would revi-
Introduction 9

talize Viennese society.28 Like the Modern Woman, the socialist version
was “youthful, with a slender-­garçon figure,” “[made] supple by sports,
with bobbed hair and non-­constraining garments,” and a “fearless, open,
and relaxed” temperament.29 And yet, unlike the frivolous Bubikopf, she
was neither an avid shopper nor a single good-­time girl. Not only was
the SDAP’s New Woman frugal, as well as committed to rational dress
and sensible shoes; she also saw herself, first and foremost, as a mother
whose job it was to manage the triple burden of housework, wage work,
and child-­rearing.30

Scholarship on the New Woman has often focused on the figure’s repre-
sentation in popular culture, attributing her ubiquity to contemporary
anti­feminist anxieties or feminist fantasies about women’s emancipation.31
Debora Silverman, for example, situates the Femme Nouvelle/New Woman
of fin-­de-­siècle France within the context of the burgeoning women’s
movement, French women’s access to higher education and professional
careers, and a declining birth rate after 1889, to explain how the figure
came to symbolize anxieties about the decline of the bourgeois family.32
Meanwhile, in Civilization Without Sexes, Mary Louise Roberts argues
that the 1920s’ Femme Moderne/Modern Woman “served as a symbol of
rapid change and cultural crisis” in the wake of the First World War.33
And, according to Carroll Smith-­Rosenberg, the New Woman in Victorian
America was a “condensed symbol of disorder and rebellion.”34
But who were the actual new women to whom the New Woman re-
ferred? Were there even new women? Most scholars agree that the term has
many limitations, for few women identified themselves as new women to
begin with; moreover, the image rarely corresponded to the reality on the
ground.35 As Helmut Gruber points out, Vienna’s “working women were
light years removed from that attractive image of the new woman pro-
jected in socialist literature.”36 In fact, the term is mostly used by historians
as an analytic category or heuristic device to make sense of changes in
gender and sexuality in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.37
Some scholars have used the term to study those women who moved
beyond the so-­called private sphere of the home to the public sphere of
politics and society. These were university graduates, medical women,
white-­collar workers, and women who had acquired independence and
new opportunities to earn a living.38 They were also theater actors, per-
formers, and journalists, sex workers, leisure-­seekers, and consumers.39
In Vienna, these new women were active in the burgeoning women’s
10 Introduction

movement and organizations, including the General Austrian Women’s


Association (Allgemeiner Österreichischer Frauenverein, AÖF, founded in
1893), the League of Austrian Women’s Associations (Bund Österreichis-
cher Frauenvereine, BÖF, founded in 1902), or the Women’s Right to Suf-
frage Committee (Frauenstimmrechtskommitee, founded in 1906).40 They
were the women involved in the sex reform movement and the League for
the Protection of Motherhood and Sexual Reform (Bund für Mutterschutz
und Sexualreform, founded in 1907).41 They were often Jewish women pur-
suing higher education degrees and careers.42 They were the women who
were involved in the modernist art movement or who worked in theater or
film.43 They worked as sex workers or labored outside the home, a trend
that began in the 1860s and continued into the interwar period.44 They
served as nurses during the First World War and participated in the war
effort.45 And, after the introduction of women’s suffrage in 1918, they were
the women who voted or became involved in politics.46 In short, they were
women who consciously transgressed into the “public” sphere.
But the separate spheres paradigm has many limitations, given that
the spheres were never mutually exclusive in the first place. Scholars have
thus come to think of new women not just in terms of entering new spaces
but also in terms of engaging in new acts in both new and old spaces.
In Disruptive Acts: The New Woman of Fin-­de-­Siècle France, Mary Louise
Roberts argues that the new women of fin-­de-­siècle France engaged in
“disruptive acts” that “play with gender norms by embracing both con-
ventional and unconventional roles.”47 Similarly, Liz Conor describes the
new women in 1920s Australia as engaging in “techniques of appearing,”
while the Modern Girl Around the World Research Group similarly argues
that “being seen was a quintessential feature of the Modern Girl.”48 Finally,
although she is mostly concerned with the discursive New Woman, Lena
Wånggren nevertheless observes that even this figure is “often connected
not only with ideas or concepts, but with specific tools, technologies and
practices”—­in short, with acts.49
Embodied Histories shifts the focus from the New Woman/new women
to the acts or performances of new womanhood. It argues that, while most
Viennese women did not identify as new women per se, many of them
performed new womanhood by engaging in everyday embodied practices
that subverted and defied normative femininity. Set in modernizing Vi-
enna from the fin de siècle to the interwar period amid its “corporeal turn,”
the book traces the emergence, proliferation, and consolidation of these
embodied practices and details how they came to transform womanhood
for years to come.
Introduction 11

To return to Hedwig Patzl: it is doubtful that she identified as a new


woman. She may not even have been sympathetic to the feminist move-
ment. And yet, she engaged in a practice of new womanhood: she stood
outside for over an hour in the middle of the night. She did not just trans-
gress into public space, she stood in that space. To understand just how
radical this simple act was, let us examine it from a theoretical perspective.

Embodied Practices, Embodied Subjects


In 1925, a Viennese magazine observed that “a new gender is emerging
that wants to be understood in the context of its time.”50 New woman-
hood, this book argues, was that new gender expression. Judith Butler
famously argued that gender constitutes a bodily performance, a series of
repeated gestural iterations and citations that give shape and substance to
gendered subjectivity.51 Although Butler observed that performativity is
always constrained by hegemonic norms, subversion or “gender trouble”
is also possible. This book partially draws on Butler’s idea of performativ-
ity while reframing new womanhood in terms of practices. Like Butler, I
focus on how bodily practices shaped gendered subjectivities, including
new gendered subjectivities, and attempt to answer the question of how
the practices of new womanhood generated possibilities for a different
kind of woman, a new woman.
But Embodied Histories deviates from Butler’s work in significant ways.
For Butler and many performance studies scholars, the subject “perform-
ing” gender does not exist. Rather, the performances of gender are what
give coherence and materiality to the subject, creating the illusion of a
stable sexed performer. Although this book acknowledges the instabil-
ity and contingency of subjectivity, it does not deny the subject’s exis­
tence, even as my understanding of the subject differs significantly from
the traditional liberal view. New womanhood may have been practiced
absentmindedly at times, but there really were existing subjects doing the
practicing. Embodied Histories claims that these subjects, these practition-
ers of new womanhood, were embodied women.
By “embodied women” I do not mean people who are genetically female
and/or endowed with female reproductive organs. Rather, I mean people
who lived everyday lives as women-­in-­the-­world.52 This book draws on the
more recent “material turn” in history, as well as on the paradigm shift in
feminist history and theory that considers gender as lived and embodied
and rethinks the body as endowed with its own agency.53 It uses feminist
phenomenology, which takes the position, following Simone de Beauvoir,
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