(Ebook) Embodied Histories: New Womanhood in Vienna, 1894-1934 by Katya Motyl ISBN 9780226832166, 0226832163 Online Reading
(Ebook) Embodied Histories: New Womanhood in Vienna, 1894-1934 by Katya Motyl ISBN 9780226832166, 0226832163 Online Reading
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33 32 31 30 29 28 27 26 25 24 1 2 3 4 5
Acknowledgments 229
Notes 235
Bibliography 275
Index 301
Introduction
S h e S t o od Ou t s i de ,
L i s t e n i ng t o M u s ic
That Patzl stood near the Café Royal is significant. After all, cafés were
the “site of urban modernity and cultural exchange,” of spectacle and
consumption.3 Moreover, this particular café was the seat of the Vien-
nese Film Exchange (Filmbörse), and for those looking to work in the film
industry—an unambiguously modern industry—it was the obvious place
to go. Vienna witnessed a cinema boom shortly before the First World
War that continued well into the interwar period, with theaters open-
ing their doors across the city. In the IVth District, there were six movie
theaters in 1934; a few streets from the Café Royal was the Schikaneder
Ton-Kino, which happened to be screening Sehnsucht nach Wien (Longing
for Vienna) on the very day Patzl stood longingly on the streets of Vienna.
The practices of new womanhood emerged within these spaces of urban
modernity: cafés, cinemas, streets. Embodied Histories further argues that
there is a dynamic relationship between the city and the body. Rather
than consider the city, as both discursive and physical space, as containing
the distinct body, I am proposing instead that we think of the city as be-
ing of the body, and by the same token, the body as being of the city. The
city therefore affects the body just as the body affects the city. New city
streets and cafés encouraged Patzl to stand, despite being a woman, but
the practice of women standing outdoors also contributed to the further
transformation of the city. This book therefore examines how new woman-
hood emerged in tandem with a distinctly new Vienna.
But even if the Café Royal was a site of urban modernity, it was also,
most likely, a classic Viennese Kaffeehaus with a grand counter displaying
trays of strudels and tortes, a billiard table, round tables with bentwood
chairs, and a row of upholstered booths. Sitting in clouds of cigarette
smoke, patrons would read local newspapers attached to bent-cane hold-
ers while stirring small cups of coffee, most likely a mélange, served on
metal trays with small glasses of water. At night, the café would lure locals
with dancing and live music, wine and beer, and, if the mood struck, a
Gspusi (fling). The space of the Viennese Kaffeehaus was to be savored
with the entire body and all its senses. If the modern city brought with
it new opportunities for the practices of new womanhood, then Vienna’s
culture of corporeality—embodied by its Kaffeehaus culture—made these
practices legible.
But who was the New Woman, exactly? And was Patzl such a woman?
zines, and on the stage. Images depicted her standing on chairs, giving up
her seat on the tramway, or taunting a male pedestrian from across the
street.4 She stood as she adjusted her cycling hat, smoked a cigarette, or
attended the races, for she was more interested in betting on men than
on horses.5
A neologism coined by the English feminist and novelist Sarah Grand
(1854–1943), and then capitalized by Ouida (the nom de plume of Marie
Louise de la Ramée [1839–1908], the prolific author of romantic stories)
in 1894, the New Woman was a caricature popularized by the fin-de-siècle
media to such a degree that she acquired a visual iconography that was eas-
ily identifiable across the globe.6 In Britain and America, the New Woman
“cavorted through the pages of Life, Puck, Punch, and Truth perched on bi-
cycles and smoking cigarettes; she looked learned in judges’ wigs and aca-
demic gowns and athletic in riding pants and football helmets.”7 In France,
she was “alternatively envisioned as a gargantuan amazone or an emaci-
ated, frock-coated hommesse.”8 By the 1920s, the New Woman—known
alternatively as the Modern Girl, flapper, moga, or garçonne—became even
more widespread, her iconography consisting of “bobbed hair, painted
lips, provocative clothing, elongated body, and open, easy smile.”9 While
contemporaries typically identified the New Woman “with reform and
with social and political advocacy,” the Modern Girl was associated “with
the ‘frivolous’ pursuit of consumption, romance, and fashion.”10
A similar iconography appeared in fin-de-siècle Vienna, though filtered
through a local idiom. In Grete Meisel-Hess’s 1902 novella, Fanny Roth,
Viennese readers would have immediately recognized the eponymous
character as an “emancipated woman,” a New Woman.11 In addition to
being an avid composer and violinist, Fanny is a reader of Friedrich Nietz
sche and Henrik Ibsen, an admirer of the Vienna Secession, and a foe of
the corset.12 And she rides a bicycle. In the late 1890s and early 1900s,
in the midst of an emergent cycling craze, the New Woman was almost
always imagined and depicted as a cyclist, dressed in sporting attire and a
hat (see fig. I.1).13 Even if she did not ride the bicycle, it was always shown
nearby, symbolizing her literal and figurative freedom—from stasis on the
one hand, and from convention on the other.14
Antifeminist media portrayed the New Woman as a towering Amazon
who was typically dressed in a top hat and/or pants and carried a walk-
ing stick, thereby embodying a potent, even virile feminine beauty. She
was always stronger than her male counterpart, who was often shown as
smaller than her, effeminate, and beholden to her gaze and chivalry. In one
alpine-themed caricature from 1907, a tall, buxom New Woman was shown
hiking through the mountains, dressed in Lederhosen, with an axe slung
Figur e I.1. The New Woman was frequently depicted on a bicycle. From the top, left
to right: (1) “The woman cyclist has the motto: ‘The bike is under my control.’ ” (There
is a play on words, here, since unter der Haube literally means “under the hat,” which
is appropriate insofar as the woman wears a hat. It also means “to have under control,”
or “to be married.” In this way, the woman cyclist expresses not only her mastery over
the bike, but also her preference for a bike over a husband.) (2) “The bicyclist races
and wants a victim.” (3) “At home, you steer me with advice and force, and yet, you are
unable to [steer] this little bike.” (4) “Two hearts and one bicycle.” (5) “He: ‘Do stay
longer, all of that riding is dangerous.’ She: ‘Not biking is even more dangerous. . . .’ ”
(6) “ ‘Oh my God, did something happen to you?’ ‘If you did not see anything—no!’ ”
(7) “All’s unwell!” From “All’ Heil,” Der Floh, 8 July 1894, 5. ANNO/ÖNB.
Introduction 5
over her shoulder, as her male guide scrambled weakly behind her (see
fig. I.2).15 Although he was the mountain guide—the leader or Führer—
she was clearly the one leading him. The New Woman, it seemed, was
posing a threat to the masculinity of men.
At other times, the New Woman was imagined as not only acting
masculine, but looking it as well. Neither tall nor Amazonian, she was
envisioned as either muscle-bound and stocky or dandyish and wraith-
like. Sometimes referred to as a “Man-Woman” (Mannweib)—in French,
an hommesse—she looked, dressed, and acted like a man, perhaps even,
some believed, was a man with male desires. Writing in 1903, the Jewish-
Austrian writer Otto Weininger even argued that “a woman’s demand for
emancipation and her qualification for it are in direct proportion to the
amount of maleness in her,” suggesting that the New Woman was physi-
ologically partly male.16
Antifeminist contemporaries believed that the New Woman’s “manly”
and noticeably foreign “lifestyle” were the cause of her “unwomanly” be-
havior—a logic used especially in the 1910s to explain the rioting suffrag
ettes.17 In one advertisement for a coffee substitute, foreign products such
as strong tea, whiskey, and hot and spicy food (presumably Hungarian
paprika) were decried for making women “nervous, angry, eccentric” (see
fig. I.3).18 The New Woman posed a threat not only to the masculinity
of men, then, but also to the particularly Viennese femininity of women,
thereby leading to what contemporaries called “degeneration” and sexual
crisis.19
By the 1920s, the New Woman underwent yet another transformation.
Recalling the Amazon of the 1900s, this New Woman, known occasion-
ally as the “Modern Woman” (moderne Frau), was tall in stature, slender,
and androgynous. While her slim physique contributed to her androgyny,
it was her haircut—the pageboy or Bubikopf—that was viewed as espe-
cially boyish, prompting an outcry among conservatives who feared its
degenerative effects.20 The Bubikopf became such a cause célèbre that the
haircut became the signifier of the New Woman at this time; in fact, if
the bicycle was the New Woman’s prop in the 1890s, then by the 1920s it
was the Bubikopf, with the result that the New Woman was sometimes
even referred to as a Bubikopf.21 In addition to symbolizing a freewheeling
boyishness, the Bubikopf also signified frivolity, free love, and sensual-
ity.22 A woman sporting the haircut appeared uninterested in marriage
and children, looking instead for sexual adventure or a “comrade and soul
friend.”23 In a caricature from 1924, a “modern woman” sporting a zippy
Bubikopf lounges comfortably on a plush armchair, her arms draped over
its spine while her top calf is crossed loosely over her knee (see fig. I.4).24
F i gur e I .2 . A 1907 caricature of the New Woman as a towering Amazon hiking
through the Alps. Her male guide exclaims, “Freedom lives in the mountains!” To
which she responds: “With whom?” From “Ihre Frage,” Wiener Caricaturen, 14 July
1907, 1. ANNO/ÖNB.
Introduction 7
Figur e I .3. In this advertisement for Imperial Fig Coffee, a chaotic group of unruly
New Women are rounded up by the police. Two gentlemen stand on the sidelines,
wondering, “How is it that suffragettes behave in such an unwomanly manner?” The
reason is because they “follow a manly lifestyle.” “If they drank Imperial Fig Coffee
like the Austrian and Viennese housewife,” the gentlemen insist, “they would like-
wise be the loveliest and most good-natured ladies.” From “Imperial-Feigen-Kaffee,”
Illustriertes Familienblatt: Häuslicher Ratgeber für Österreichs Frauen 28, no. 2 (1913):
14. ANNO/ÖNB.
A gentleman bends stiffly toward her, promising, “My dear madam, if you
will be with me, I will never leave you!” Meanwhile, the woman peers
skeptically at him and replies, “But that is precisely what scares me.”
It was not just the antifeminist media that propagated this image. In
1926, a new magazine appeared in circulation, Die moderne Frau (The
Modern Woman), that targeted a range of different “modern” women, in-
cluding the “beautiful and chic woman who finds her life’s purpose in
fashion, society, and flirtations.”25 Another women’s magazine, Moderne
Welt (Modern World), featured spreads of androgynous women’s fashion,
with occasional caricatures poking fun at the anxiety generated by the
8 Introduction
F igur e I .4. In a caricature from 1924, a modern woman with a Bubikopf hesitates
after receiving a proposal from her beau. After he tells her that he “will never leave
[her],” she responds, “but that is precisely what scares me.” From “Ein modernes
Weib,” Wiener Caricaturen, 1 May 1924, 8. ANNO/ÖNB.
talize Viennese society.28 Like the Modern Woman, the socialist version
was “youthful, with a slender-garçon figure,” “[made] supple by sports,
with bobbed hair and non-constraining garments,” and a “fearless, open,
and relaxed” temperament.29 And yet, unlike the frivolous Bubikopf, she
was neither an avid shopper nor a single good-time girl. Not only was
the SDAP’s New Woman frugal, as well as committed to rational dress
and sensible shoes; she also saw herself, first and foremost, as a mother
whose job it was to manage the triple burden of housework, wage work,
and child-rearing.30
Scholarship on the New Woman has often focused on the figure’s repre-
sentation in popular culture, attributing her ubiquity to contemporary
antifeminist anxieties or feminist fantasies about women’s emancipation.31
Debora Silverman, for example, situates the Femme Nouvelle/New Woman
of fin-de-siècle France within the context of the burgeoning women’s
movement, French women’s access to higher education and professional
careers, and a declining birth rate after 1889, to explain how the figure
came to symbolize anxieties about the decline of the bourgeois family.32
Meanwhile, in Civilization Without Sexes, Mary Louise Roberts argues
that the 1920s’ Femme Moderne/Modern Woman “served as a symbol of
rapid change and cultural crisis” in the wake of the First World War.33
And, according to Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, the New Woman in Victorian
America was a “condensed symbol of disorder and rebellion.”34
But who were the actual new women to whom the New Woman re-
ferred? Were there even new women? Most scholars agree that the term has
many limitations, for few women identified themselves as new women to
begin with; moreover, the image rarely corresponded to the reality on the
ground.35 As Helmut Gruber points out, Vienna’s “working women were
light years removed from that attractive image of the new woman pro-
jected in socialist literature.”36 In fact, the term is mostly used by historians
as an analytic category or heuristic device to make sense of changes in
gender and sexuality in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.37
Some scholars have used the term to study those women who moved
beyond the so-called private sphere of the home to the public sphere of
politics and society. These were university graduates, medical women,
white-collar workers, and women who had acquired independence and
new opportunities to earn a living.38 They were also theater actors, per-
formers, and journalists, sex workers, leisure-seekers, and consumers.39
In Vienna, these new women were active in the burgeoning women’s
10 Introduction
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