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Studying Global Pentecostalism
The editors want to thank the following institutions for their
financial assistance toward the conferences on which this
publication is based: British Academy, University of Heidelberg,
Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences, Vrije
Universiteit Amsterdam, Church in Action (Protestant Church in
the Netherlands).
Studying Global
Pentecostalism
Theories and Methods
Edited by
19 18 17 16 15 14 13 12 11 10
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Contributors 309
Index 311
A B B R EV IAT IO N S
vii
viii ABBREVIATIONS
A R A P I D LY E X PA N D I N G M O DA L I T Y
O F C H R I S T IA N I T Y
With one estimate of 500 million adherents worldwide, converted in the course
of one century, Pentecostalism has become one of the main branches of Christian-
ity.1 A popular theory locates the origin of Pentecostalism in a 1906 revival meeting
at the Azusa Street Mission in Los Angeles. In this community the gifts of the
Holy Spirit—for example, speaking in tongues, healing, and prophecy—were dis-
covered and celebrated. There are reports, however, of the more or less simultane-
ous occurrence of similar movements in other parts of the world. Within a few
years of the 1906 upsurge Pentecostalism had in fact established itself worldwide.
Today the majority of Pentecostal believers are found in non-Western countries,
especially in the Global South. In the short history of its existence, Pentecostalism
has reshaped the face of Christianity and has also developed a rich and varied
repertoire of doctrines, rituals, strategies, and organizations, which makes it dif-
ficult to generalize about the phenomenon.
Without losing its identity and despite its stereotypical reputation as a move-
ment of conservative orthodox Christians, Pentecostalism has shown a remark-
able ability to adapt to diverse cultural contexts. Through its adaptability, its
impact has been global, both in its geographic distribution and in its presence as
a religious movement capable of producing local versions of its universal message.
As a successful global movement, it has served to give its many converts the pos-
sibility of integrating into the widening modernized world. In Pentecostalism they
have found the means to facilitate their adaptation to the increasing scale of
1
2 INTRODUCTION
S C HO L A R LY I N T E R E S T
an attractive research theme. Yet it was only in the 1950s that serious academic
work on Pentecostalism began. Especially over the past two decades the study of
global Pentecostalism has gained strength, parallel to the movement’s major
expansion. The common expressions of an established academic field, such as
study associations, networks, research centers, conferences, journals, and books,
are now found with regard to the study of Pentecostalism. Research on Pentecos-
talism has achieved an accepted position in academia.
Yet, just as Pentecostal history is short, Pentecostal studies is young and explor-
ative. This is also because of the dynamics of Pentecostalism as a study object.
Scholars sometimes appear to have difficulty keeping up with the activist rhythm
of Pentecostalism. Before the ink on research reports is dry, new developments
have already presented themselves. Thus as a new study area Pentecostalism is still
very much under construction. From its inception it has met with at least three
difficulties that still have not been fully resolved.
The first problem is the delineation of the field and the search for a good defini-
tion. It is not easy to reduce the huge diversity of Pentecostal phenomena to a
generalized formula acceptable to all. Statistical questions and disputes are of
course closely linked to the debate on the definition. Although the worldwide
Pentecostal expansion can hardly be questioned, there are diverging opinions on
the actual size of the global Pentecostal community. Authors differ with regard to
the inclusion or exclusion of groups such as African independent churches or even
Charismatic renewal movements.
The second difficulty is the interdisciplinary nature of this scholarly field. More
modestly put, the multidisciplinary nature of the research already represents a
challenge. The advantage of a particular discipline’s study of Pentecostalism is
usually not contested, but common ground has hardly been defined. From the
start researchers from various disciplines developed an interest in Pentecostalism,
each attracted by a particular aspect. Gradually the motive for doing research
changed from a biased interest in a deviating and competing form of Protestant-
ism to the challenging and more objectively approached riddle of the spectacular
growth of Pentecostalism. Theologians studied Pentecostalism for its emphasis on
the Holy Spirit and for its competitive position. Moreover, the everyday practice
of putting experience over doctrine drew attention, in part because it did not
exclude rather orthodox stances. Church historians among the theologians started
to study the short history of Pentecostalism and its expansion, and they were soon
joined by researchers from Pentecostal churches, often describing the history of
their own churches. Psychologists of religion were primarily interested in the
manifestations of the Holy Spirit and in believers’ experiences with the charismata.
Sociologists of religion, especially those studying Christianity, shared with theo-
logians an interest in Pentecostal groups as examples of what was labeled a “sect.”
For quite some time sociologists of religion produced work on church-sect typolo-
INTRODUCTION 5
gies, nourished in part by the Pentecostal example. The mainline churches’ distrust
of Pentecostalism’s success appears to have influenced the choice of Pentecostalism
as a topic and sometimes also the outcome of research, putting Pentecostal
churches in a second-rank position as a modus of being Christian. The stereotypi-
cal and erroneous image of Pentecostals as focused on souls and the hereafter may
be interpreted as a result of this mainline view, ignoring the this-worldly and
corporeal aspects of Pentecostal practice. Anthropologists came relatively late to
this field, studying Pentecostal groups initially as examples of religious movements
in Third World contexts and emphasizing the functions they shared with other
such movements, including evangelical revival groups. Once they had made the
turn from “pure” cultures to changing cultures, and from “primitive” societies to
culture as a global phenomenon, their interest in global Pentecostalism grew
significantly.
With each of these disciplines producing a particular type of approach and
thematic interest, academic work in the field is still much more multidisciplinary
than interdisciplinary. It is not uncommon for scholars to be unaware of what
colleagues in other disciplines are doing or publishing. A sign of change is the
increased interest theologians have shown in the work of their colleagues from
the social sciences and the humanities. There is accordingly a tendency to reha-
bilitate Pentecostalism from its second-rank status, sometimes leading to the other
extreme, romantic idealization of its expansion and flexibility. Cooperation
between scholars from different disciplines, such as occurs in the network that
took the initiative for this book,2 is a result of these trends, although still in its
initial, exploratory stages.
The third problem, partly connected with the previous set of challenges, is the
way in which a good practice for academic work on Pentecostalism can be devel-
oped. Developing interdisciplinary methods and a common vocabulary is a major
task, but there is more. The participation of scholars from various disciplines
introduces a variety of views on the mission of science. One of the questions in
this regard is the competition or cooperation between scholars working with
quantitative methods on the one hand and those who prefer qualitative methods
on the other. The increasing activity of researchers who themselves are Pentecostal
believers—a welcome and interesting development—adds a dimension to the
debate on issues of objectivity and subjectivity. The former theological bias in
work with a mainline background may now be substituted with another theologi-
cal bias, this time from a Pentecostal perspective. One issue that may emerge is
the question of whether the study of Pentecostalism should contribute to effective
recruitment and successful marketing through the choice of themes and the appli-
cation of results. In historical studies, the discussion of objectivity and subjectivity
may concern how the role of the leadership is depicted: in a critical way or as a
form of modern hagiography, to mention only the extreme positions. Another
6 INTRODUCTION
issue is the preference for either an insider’s or an outsider’s point of view. This
may take the form of a debate between those scholars, mainly from the social
sciences and the humanities, who tend to reduce any religious activity, including
Pentecostalism, to nonreligious aspects and functions, and those, in particular
theologians and scholars from Pentecostal backgrounds, who maintain the truth
of their religion, as manifested through the Holy Spirit. For Pentecostal scholars
the view from the social sciences and the humanities may cause a crisis in personal
faith. If the success of Pentecostalism is attributed to the combined effect of inter-
nal characteristics and external conditions, not to the working of the Holy Spirit,
some personal soul-searching may result. On the other hand, the scholar who is
an agnostic outsider may view typical Pentecostal practice as just another func-
tional religious phenomenon in this confusing modern world, thereby missing
idiosyncratic elements that may be relevant for a complete analysis.
THIS BOOK
The question to be answered now is what contribution this book hopes to make
to the study of Pentecostalism. The three problem areas mentioned in the preced-
ing section have been instrumental in the design and organization of the book.
As editors we thus sought to address the issue of defining the field of global Pen-
tecostalism, to summarize and stimulate multidisciplinary efforts, and to explore
examples of good research practice. In view of the demands of these challenges
we did not consider ourselves able to produce this book without the help of others.
Authors were selected for their eminence in disciplinary, theoretical, thematic,
methodological, or regional sectors of research. We invited both Pentecostal and
non-Pentecostal scholars. We invited authors who were able to address the over-
arching themes mentioned above in our description of Pentecostalism and in our
appraisal of the problems our study field is confronted with. Taken together, their
contributions summarize the achievements and challenges of the current study of
Pentecostalism.
That this is the first publication to undertake a general inventory of the study
of Pentecostalism since serious academic work on it began illustrates how young
the field is; in fact, it is still coming of age. Our volume completes the change from
research motivated by a polemical theological interest in a phenomenon that
meant competition to mainline churches to a focus on Pentecostalism’s success in
moving easily throughout a globalizing world, adapting to any cultural context
without losing its basic identity markers. Because Pentecostalism has grown into
a global religion, we as editors sought to offer a global perspective, making up for
what is still lacking. Our intention was to cover as many angles as possible from
which global Pentecostalism can be studied. We made an effort to map the field,
trace its boundaries, and describe the various landscapes it encompasses.
INTRODUCTION 7
global and local settings. Pentecostals have always been heavily involved in mis-
sions but traditionally have not given much thought to a theology of religions or
interreligious dialogue and encounter. In chapter 12 Amos Yong and Tony Richie
argue that Pentecostal scholars can no longer avoid these topics. After a survey of
these issues they offer a suggestive sketch of fruitful developments and directions.
Mark Cartledge is the first to map the nature of practical theology in the context
of Pentecostal-Charismatic Christianity. He does so by looking at the dominant
methodological approaches that characterize contemporary practical theology
and by distinguishing between writers from inside the movement and those
outside it. Chapter 14, by Cecil M. Robeck, rounds off part 3 and the book with a
discussion of ecumenism. Robeck explains why this is another difficult subject for
most Pentecostals. He suggests an ecumenical methodology and provides a bib-
liography and series of recommendations on how to proceed.
I N SUM
NOTES
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