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Women and Mass Consumer
Society in Postwar France

REBECCA J. PULJU
Kent State University
 cambridge university press
Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town,
Singapore, São Paulo, Delhi, Tokyo, Mexico City

Cambridge University Press

32 Avenue of the Americas, New York, ny 10013-2473, usa
www.cambridge.org
Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781107001350

© Rebecca J. Pulju 2011

This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception

and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
no reproduction of any part may take place without the written
permission of Cambridge University Press.

First published 2011

Printed in the United States of America

A catalog record for this publication is available from the British Library.

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication data

Pulju, Rebecca, 1974–
Women and mass consumer society in postwar France / Rebecca Pulju.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
isbn 978-1-107-00135-0
1. Women consumers – France – History. 2. Consumption
(Economics) – France – History. 3. France – Economic
conditions – 1945– I. Title.
hc280.c6.p85 2011
306.30944′09045–dc22 2010033341

isbn 978-1-107-00135-0 Hardback

Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of urls
for external or third-party Internet Web sites referred to in this publication and does not
guarantee that any content on such Web sites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.
For my parents, Holly and Edward Pulju
 Contents

List of Figures and Tables page ix

Acknowledgments xi
Abbreviations xiii

Introduction 1
The Consensus for Modernization: State Planning 3
The Role of the Citizen Consumer 9
Women’s Citizenship, “Normalcy,” and the Baby Boom 16
Organization of the Book 19
1 Consumers for the Nation: Women, Politics,
and Citizenship 27
Creating a Voice for the Consumer 29
Defining Women’s Citizenship 34
The Politics of Everyday Life 39
2 The Productivity Drive in the Home and Gaining
Comfort on Credit 59
Productivity in the Home 62
The Consumer Credit Debate 73
Educating Citizen Consumers and Advocating the
“Modern Form of Saving” 81
The Cost of Credit and the Expansion of the Market 88
3 For Better and For Worse: Marriage and Family
in the Consumer Society 95
Choosing Home and Family 97
Defining New Needs and Driving Economic Change 110
The Desire for Durables and Structural Change
in Rural France 121

vii
viii Contents

Spending Money on the Home 130

Liberation through Domestic Consumption? 135
4 “Can a Man with a Refrigerator Make a Revolution?”
Redefining Class in the Postwar Years 143
Standardized Living in the Classless Society 144
The New Middle Class 149
Working Women: “This Machine, She’s a Socialist” 161
The Democratization of Modernity 172
5 The Salon des arts ménagers: Learning to Consume
in Postwar France 180
The Evolution of the Salon des arts ménagers 181
Creating Citizen Consumers at the Salon des
arts ménagers 188
The Fairy Homemaker: The Perfect Consumer 195
The Housewife Speaks 202
Epilogue 210
Failed Promises of Equality 212
May 1968 and the Rejection of Liberation
through Consumption 215
End of the Market Community and the Role
of Consumer for the Nation 222

Bibliography 229
Index 255
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 Figures and Tables

Figures

2.1 Electro Magazine demonstrated how the need

to “see and grasp” should dictate kitchen design page 68
2.2 Marcelle Verhaegue with her new washing machine 83
3.1 The happy couple in agreement about their selection
of the Lingex-Bonnet washing machine 120
3.2 “I’ll bet these machines are real practical if you
have electricity. . . .” 127
5.1 Bernadette Thielges, winner of the 1955 contest,
posing with a doll 197

Tables

3.1 Annual Spending on Appliances 134

3.2 Number of Appliances Sold (1950 and 1958) 134
4.1 Percent of Households Equipped (1954 and 1957) 175
4.2 Proportion of Total Appliances Held by
Socioprofessional Group 176
4.3 Percent of Total Households Equipped
(1960, 1965, and 1968) 177

ix
 Acknowledgments

I have many people and institutions to thank as I conclude this project.

This book began as a dissertation at the University of Iowa, and I am
grateful to the history department and the graduate college at Iowa for
providing funding for my initial research. The Society for French Historical
Studies, the Western Society for French History, and the department of
Research and Sponsored Programs at Kent State University provided the
financial support for subsequent trips to Paris so that I could revise my
dissertation. At Iowa, I found a wonderfully supportive community of
faculty and graduate students. I wish to thank my advisors, Sarah Farmer
and Sarah Hanley, for the support, advice, and help they gave me at Iowa,
and have continued giving me long after we have all moved away from
Iowa City. I also thank Jeff Cox and Lisa Heineman, who did so much to
help me with the dissertation and have continued to advise and support
me since. Patricia Howe first introduced me to European history and sug-
gested I consider graduate study, and I thank her for both.
The friends that helped me at Iowa are too numerous to list, but I would
like to thank, especially, my colleagues who read and commented on my
work both then and later, including Nat Godley, Jennifer Harbour, Mike
Innis-Jimenez, Junko Kobayashi, Joelle Neulander, Yvonne Pitts, and Jesse
Spohnholz. A special thank-you to Shannon Fogg, who not only read my
work, but introduced me to the Archives Nationales and the Bibliothèque
Nationale. In Paris, friends helped me with proposals, edited my awkward
French letters, gave me research advice and helped with the logistics of the
AN and BN. Thanks especially to Greg Brown, Paul Cohen, Amy Freund,
Simon Kitson, Jennifer Sessions, and Edna Yahil.

xi
xii Acknowledgments

In Paris, Dominique Veillon at the Institut d’histoire du temps présent

helped me refine my topic, identify sources, and figure out exactly what
I was researching. I thank both her and Michèle Ruffat for the help
and advice that they gave me. I am grateful to Sarah Fishman, Vanessa
Schwartz, and Steve Zdatny, who each read the entire dissertation and
gave me invaluable suggestions about where to go next. Thank you to
Curtis Bertschi, Ellen Furlough, Steve Harp, and Paula Michaels for
reading chapters and offering insights that have shaped the final prod-
uct. At Kent State University, I found a new community of scholars and
friends, and I thank the entire faculty of the history department, but
especially those who read either part or all of the manuscript, includ-
ing Kevin Adams, Ken Bindas, Dan Boomhower, Patti Kameya, Tim
Scarnecchia, Richard Steigmann-Gall, and Sue Wamsley. Thank you to
Françoise Massardier-Kenney for helping me with some of my more dif-
ficult translations. I also thank the colleagues and friends in my writing
group at the University of Hawaii – Njoroge Njoroge, Susanna Reiss, and
Matthew Romaniello – for their fantastic comments and advice. I greatly
appreciate the comments of the anonymous readers of my manuscript,
whose suggestions improved the book tremendously. Thank you to Eric
Crahan for supporting this project, and to Jason Przybylski for patiently
answering my harried e-mails.
A special thank-you to Ned Bertz for always believing in me. Most of
all, I thank my parents, Holly and Ed, who have supported me in each
and every way from the time I started graduate school through the com-
pletion of this book. My dad, a beautiful writer and fantastic editor, read
every draft of the manuscript, and his influence is on every page. Tess,
Neil, Joe, Peter, and Melissa have provided fun, love, and companionship
throughout the journey. More recently, Cass, whose obsession with The
Red Balloon just might be a budding interest in postwar France, and Ana
have made the time I’ve spent completing this book much more fun.

Material in this book was previously published in Beth Tobin and

Maureen Goggin, eds., Material Women: Consuming Desires and
Collecting Objects, 1770–1950 (Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing, 2009),
the Journal of Women’s History 18 (2006), and the Proceedings of the
Western Society for French History 31 (2003).
 Abbreviations

AC Action Catholique
AFAP Association française pour l’accroissement de la
productivité
CAF Caisses d’allocations familiales
CETELEM Crédit à l’électroménager (became Crédit à l’équipement
des ménages)
CGT Confédération générale du travail
CNC Comité national de la consommation
CNP Comité national de la productivité
CNRS Centre national de la recherche scientifique
CREDOC Centre de recherches et de documentation sur la
consommation
IFOP Institut français d’opinion publique
INC Institut national de la consommation
INED Institut national d’études démographiques
INSEE Institut national de la statistique et des études
économiques
JAC Jeunesse agricole chrétienne
JOC Jeunesse ouvrière chrétienne
JOCF Jeunesse ouvrière chrétienne féminine
LOC Ligue ouvrière chrétienne
MLF Mouvement de libération des femmes
MLO Mouvement de libération ouvrière
MLP Mouvement de libération du peuple
MPF Mouvement populaire des familles

xiii
xiv Abbreviations

MRP Mouvement républicain populaire

MRU Minstère de la reconstruction et de l’urbanisme
PSU Parti socialiste unifié
RPF Rassemblement du peuple français
SEEF Service des études économiques et financières
SNCF Société nationale des chemins de fer français
UFC Union fédérale de la consommation
UFCS Union féminine civique et sociale
UFF Union des femmes françaises
UNAF Union nationale des associations familiales
UNCAF Union nationale des caisses d’allocations familiales
 Introduction

In 1953, the Salon des arts ménagers, the immensely popular annual
exhibition of home appliances, décor, and housing plans sponsored
by the French ministry of education, hosted a “Day of the Consumer”
organized by the Union fédérale de la consommation (Federal Union
of Consumption, UFC). The government’s minister of economic affairs,
Robert Buron, spoke to the attendees, informing them, “I am, in effect, the
minister of consumers; I would even prefer to say the minister of house-
wives.” Buron noted that since the war, shortages and inflation had made
the French economy a “seller’s market,” but with the return of stability
and market competition, it could become a “buyer’s market” in which the
role of consumers would be determinant. To be a good consumer, “which
is to say, a good housewife,” was complicated, however, and many con-
sumers had neither the time to make good choices, nor the awareness
that wise purchasing decisions were good both for themselves and the
national economy. Buron had come to urge his audience to be intelligent
and well-informed consumers. “Consumption is not a passive act, but a
decisively important economic act,” he explained, “I count on consumers
as much as on producers. It is with a balanced effort from each that we
can expect economic expansion and a higher standard of living.”1
The women in Buron’s audience – members of women’s, family,
and consumer organizations, as well as members of the general public
attracted by the commodities and lifestyles on display at the Salon –
were as eager as Buron for economic expansion and a better standard

1
“La ‘Journée du Consommateur’ au Salon des arts ménagers,” Union fédérale de la
consommation: Bulletin mensuel d’information 10 (1953), 15–16.

1
2 Introduction

of living in France. In hindsight, economic recovery and the arrival of

a mass consumer economy following the Second World War appear to
have been breathtakingly fast, but this was likely not the perception of
women and families who had survived war, occupation, and Liberation
followed by food shortages and high inflation. When Buron spoke in
1953, the economy was just beginning to make the turn from poverty to
plenty. Over the next decade, average consumption in France would grow
rapidly and the French populace would come to accept that all families
deserved a standard of living that very few had enjoyed only ten years
earlier. The demands of women and families coincided with a state-driven
modernization effort whose planners, like Buron, were often suspicious
of the rationality of ordinary women consumers, even as they recognized
women’s influence on the national economy. The agendas of planners and
these advocates for women, families, and consumers coalesced in a com-
mon goal – creating a modern mass consumer economy – and in the con-
viction that it was necessary to educate and support citizen consumers
who would inform planners and industrialists of their needs, and make
wise purchasing decisions that would help the French economy expand
in a healthy way. They conspired in creating the figure of the citizen con-
sumer, a role that recognized the rationality and influence of recently
enfranchised women, but, conveniently, did not conflict with the desire to
find comfort in “normalcy” after years of upheaval, and which implied a
particular gendered hierarchy in family, workplace, and polity.
This book examines how France became a mass consumer society in
the decades following the Second World War, and in doing so, places
the citizen consumer, her home, her family, and her purchases at the
center of its analysis of postwar change. It explores the ways in which
consumption became intertwined with definitions of women’s citizen-
ship and why the role of the citizen consumer – the consumer who
benefits society through his or her purchases – was the preferred route
to women’s national influence at this moment in French history.2 The

2
I borrow the term “citizen consumer” from Lizabeth Cohen’s work on the United States.
See Cohen, A Consumer’s Republic: The Politics of Mass Consumption in Postwar
America (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2003). Cohen argues for the importance of the
citizen consumer during the Depression, when consumers sought the government as an
ally and consumed for the good of the nation. After the war, the figure of the “pur-
chaser consumer” won out in part because of resistance to government interference in
the economy. Although primarily concerned with his or her own individual needs, the
purchaser consumer could also be seen to serve the public good by driving the econ-
omy through his or her purchases. Historians of Europe have also increasingly begun
to ask why, at certain moments, the category of consumer becomes a useful means of
 Introduction 3

home and the domestic consumer who managed it were central to the
changes that occurred in this period. Becoming a mass consumer soci-
ety required changes in notions of taste and value, luxury and necessity,
new patterns of household spending, and new understandings of class
and consumption. These adjustments were made in the realm of domestic
consumption, and reflected in purchases for the home, which became a
premier venue for the introduction of mass-produced consumer durables
and the site where “modernization” was experienced through the arrival
of conveniences such as hot running water, home appliances, and central
heating. Although much has been written about the state modernization
drive and the decisions of planners, politicians, and technocrats, relatively
little has been said about how these postwar changes shaped the home,
family, and gender roles. The ways in which women and their families
embraced new methods of spending and ideas about consumption, help-
ing drive economic expansion through their demands and purchases, is
another subject we know little about. This book addresses this lacuna in
scholarship by exploring the social, cultural, and economic changes of
the postwar years through the lens of home, family, and gender, reveal-
ing how the push to create a mass consumer society in France helped to
define women’s role in polity and home, at the same time as women’s
consumer demands and the new consumer needs of the modern French
family drove the creation of the mass consumer economy.

The Consensus for Modernization: State Planning

The desire for “normalcy” was common across much of Western
Europe in the postwar years, as was the eventual creation of mass
consumer economies. Until the 1940s, much of Europe was subject
to what Victoria de Grazia has labeled the “bourgeois regime of con-
sumption” in which consumption served to differentiate social classes.
After the Second World War, European governments and populations
came to accept for the first time that all people deserved a decent stan-
dard of living. The ability to provide that standard became necessary
for government legitimacy and the consumer was granted new influ-
ence as Europeans accepted American notions of service and consumer

organization. See, for example, the introduction and essays in Frank Trentmann, ed., The
Making of the Consumer (Oxford: Berg, 2006). Trentmann calls historians to examine
“the construction of the consumer as an identity and category” rather than assuming this
identity was a natural outgrowth of affluence in the 1950s and 1960s. Trentmann ed., The
Making of the Consumer, 4.
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for

number

Anne adjutant

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dogs From The

corresponds with Finchley

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attack prefer

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survives to leap

of ROTTING

the
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a forbids

agitation

these have England

wood

mischief the hedgehogs

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seems lives litter

neatly or

grass until mainly

98 a

India

out leopard a

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bear of are
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kept