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 Era of the Oath Northern Loyalty Tests During the Civil War
and Reconstruction Harold Melvin Hyman

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THE
AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION

S O C I A L D A R W I N I S M IN
A M E R I C A N T H O U G H T 1860-1915
BY R I C H A R D HOFSTADTER

ORIGINS O F INTER-AMERICAN
INTEREST 1700-1812
BY H A R R Y BERNSTEIN

T H E TERRITORIES AND THE

UNITED STATES
BY E A R L S. P O M E R O Y

FIGHTING POLITICIAN:
M A J O R G E N E R A L N. P. BANKS
BY F R E D H A R V E Y HARRINGTON

THE SPANISH S T R U G G L E FOR

J U S T I C E IN T H E C O N Q U E S T
O F AMERICA
BY L E W I S HANKE

BACKWOODS UTOPIAS
BY A. E. B E S T O R . JR.

J O H N WILLIAM DRAPER A N D
T H E RELIGION O F SCIENCE
BY D O N A L D FLEMING

M E X I C A N SILVER
AND THE ENLIGHTENMENT
BY C L E M E N T G. MOTTEN

T H E A G R I C U L T U R A L HISTORY OF
THE GENESEE VALLEY
BY N E I L A. McNALL

STEAM POWER
ON THE AMERICAN FARM
BY R E Y N O L D M. W I K

HORACE GREELEY:
NINETEENTH-CENTURY CRUSADER
BY G L Y N D O N G. V A N D E U S E N

ERA O F THE OATH:

N O R T H E R N LOYALTY TESTS
D U R I N G T H E CIVIL W A R
AND RECONSTRUCTION
BY H A R O L D Μ. H Y M A N

PREPARED AND PUBLISHED UNDER THE DIRECTION O F THE AMERICAN

H I S T O R I C A L A S S O C I A T I O N F R O M T H E I N C O M E O F T H E A L B E R T J.
BEVERIDGE MEMORIAL F U N D

F O R T H E I R Z E A L A N D B E N E F I C E N C E IN C R E A T I N G T H I S F U N D T H E
A S S O C I A T I O N IS I N D E B T E D T O M A N Y C I T I Z E N S O F I N D I A N A W H O D E -
S I R E D T O H O N O R IN T H I S W A Y T H E M E M O R Y O F A S T A T E S M A N A N D
A HISTORIAN
 By John Rogers, 1865.
Courtesy of the S'c-c-Vork Historical Society, Nezu York City.
 m ίγιιιιε ( D ^ m
NORTHERN LOYALTY TESTS

DURING THE CIVIL W A R

AND RECONSTRUCTION

HAROLD MELVIN HYMAN

UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA PRESS

PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA · 1954

 Copyright 1954

AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION

All Rights Reserved, Including the

Right to Reproduce T h i s Book,
or Portions Thereof, in Any Form

Designed by Guenther K. Wehrhan

Manufactured in the United States of America

BOOK CRAFTSMEN ASSOCIATES

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 54-7108

Published in Great Britain, India, and Pakistan

by Geoffrey Cumberlege: Oxford University Press
London, Bombay, and Karachi
To LEE
 N O T E BY T H E P U B L I S H E R
Harold M. Hyman was born in New York City on July 24, 1924.
After graduating from the University of California at Los Angeles, he
obtained the degree of Doctor of Philosophy from Columbia Univer-
sity in 1952. Since then he has held the post of Assistant Professor of
History at Earlham College, Richmond, Indiana.

With Dr. Morton Borden, he wrote "Who Is a Civil Officer?" Dela-

ware History, September 1953. He has also written "New Yorkers and
the Civil War Draft," to be printed in New York History, and was an
editorial assistant for R. B. Morris, Encyclopedia of American History
(New York: Harpers, 1953).
 PREFACE

Alan Barth, speaking to the American Association of University Pro-

fessors in March 1951, said: "My own guess is that historians sufficiently
removed from the present to look at it with detachment may very well
refer to it as the era of the oath."* We can view the Civil War, nearly
a century old, with the detachment Mr. Barth suggests, T h a t war,
and the subsequent Reconstruction, richly deserve the title "Era of the
Oath."
Americans of 1861 certainly could not be mistaken about the need
for identifying loyalty. An internal foe stood armed and ready to de-
stroy the Union. T h e North responded with arms—it responded also
with oath laws, executive loyalty orders, Congressional investigating
committees, and judicial commentaries on these laws and orders. T h e
Civil War and Reconstruction offer for investigation a coherent period
of organized loyalty-testing in which the North used an apparatus
similar to that in use today.
In this investigation I was fortunate in receiving the advice and
assistance of many people. Professor Brainerd Dyer of the University
of California at Los Angeles suggested the first phase of this topic. T h e
late Professor James G. Randall lent his sympathetic attention without
hesitation. I gratefully acknowledge the interest and assistance which
many members of the faculty of Columbia University so freely ex-
tended. Professor Allan Nevins encouraged this research in many ways.
Professor David Donald generously afforded me access to materials he
had laboriously collected. With keen judgment Professor Richard B.
Morris kept me from many errors. T o Professor Henry Steele Com-
mager I owe much for his patient guidance and sponsorship of this
research from its early stages to its present form.
T o Columbia University I am indebted for the facilities and inspira-
tion it provided and for the University Fellowship which made it pos-
sible for me to continue my graduate studies. I am honored that the
Committee on the Albert J. Beveridge Award of the American His-
torical Association chose this work for Honorable Mention in 1952.
Many librarians and archivists provided invaluable assistance in lo-
cating needed materials. Among them Miss Southwick of the National
Archives staff deserves special and warm mention. I am grateful to the
* A l a n B a r t h , " T h e Loyalty of F r e e M e n , " Bulletin, A m e r i c a n Association of U n i v e r s i t y Pro-
fessors, X X X V I I ( S p r i n g 1951), 7.
editors of Delaware History for permitting the inclusion here of
material which has appeared in that journal. T o Morton Borden I
offer thanks for his help, but more important, for his friendship. It
would take a volume larger than this to acknowledge my debt to my
wife.
HAROLD M . HYMAN
Earlham College
October 1953
 CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION: LOYALTY ON DEMAND XI

CHAPTER PAGE

1. CONGRESS, C A B I N E T , AND CIVIL SERVANTS 1

2. THE FIRST Y E A R : L O Y A L T Y TESTS SPREAD 13

3. L O Y A L T Y D E F I N E D : T H E IRONCLAD TEST O A T H 21

4. T H E KEY T O F R E E D O M 33

5. A PROBLEM OF PEACE: POSTWAR A D M I N I S T R A T I O N AND T H E TEST

OATH 48

6. CONGRESS, T H E E X E C U T I V E , AND T H E TEST O A T H 58

7. T H E P E R S O N A L F A C T O R IN L O Y A L T Y O A T H S 69

8. VACANT CHAIRS IN CONGRESS 83

9. B E N C H , BAR, AND O A T H 95

10. T H E S U P R E M E C O U R T DECIDES 107

11. FIRST BREACH 121

12. FINAL REPEAL 135

CONCLUSION 151

APPENDIX 157

T A B L E O F CASES CITED 160

NOTES 162

BIBLIOGRAPHY 208

INDEX 223
 ILLUSTRATIONS
1. T a k i n g t h e O a t h a n d D r a w i n g R a t i o n s frontispiece

2. T r a d i n g License f o r L o y a l S o u t h e r n e r s 42

3. N o Accommodations! 89

4. T a k i n g t h e O a t h of A l l e g i a n c e 139

ABOUT THE NOTES

T h e notes will be f o u n d o n pages 162-207. I n t h e text, r e f e r e n t i a l
n o t e s a r e i n d i c a t e d by s u p e r i o r n u m b e r s i n r o m a n type; discussion
notes by s u p e r i o r n u m b e r s in italics. I n t h e n o t e section, a t t h e u p p e r
r i g h t h a n d c o r n e r of e a c h recto p a g e a n d t h e u p p e r l e f t - h a n d c o r n e r
of e a c h verso p a g e , will b e f o u n d n u m b e r s i n d i c a t i n g t h e pages of t h e
text to w h i c h t h e notes o n these t w o pages r e f e r .
 INTRODUCTION
LOYALTY ON DEMAND
. . . majority Patriotism is the customary Patriotism.—MARK TWAIN*

T h e Civil W a r was many wars. It was a war of battles—of Bull R u n ,

Shiloh, Lookout Mountain, and Cold Harbor. It was a war of s h i p s -
wood against iron, steam against sail, the fleetness of privateers against
the attrition of blockade. In these aspects the Civil W a r was like many
wars. And it was a war of glory. W e honor the valor of G r a n t and
Lee, Jackson and Sherman, and the nameless men who made possible
the victories of their chieftains. T h e V.M.I, cadets retain imperishable
youth and the mature wisdom of Lincoln remains ageless.
Like other wars the Civil War was one of death, pain, hunger, and
misery. Corruption and speculation oozed beneath acts of selfless hero-
ism. Fear was the common denominator for the fighting man as it has
been for all fighting men. T h e swift horror of battle, the boredom of
military inaction, the irritations of rear-area regulations—these too
are common to all wars.
Yet it was a different kind of war for the Americans of 1861, for it
was a civil war. More than a decade had passed since the brief blood-
letting at the Halls of Montezuma. Aged veterans of 1812 and the
Revolution added haloed reminiscences to their accounts of past con-
flicts. Few of Lincoln's contemporaries could estimate the consequences
of major military actions. If they had, if such consciousness might have
deterred them, there was a Ruffin and a R h e t t to make the South in-
transigent, and a Garrison and J o h n Brown to spur on the North.
In 1861 Americans had to choose. T h e i r leaders had prepared them
for this moment for decades. Clay, Calhoun, Webster, Douglas—these
and many more had argued the nature of the Union. Compromises
had twice adjusted sectional tensions to national expansion. B u t in
Kansas and at Harpers Ferry, in the rank holds of slave-running ships
and in the measured tread of federal troops surrounding a hapless
fugitive Negro, these compromises were undermined until faith no
longer adhered to them.
•Europe and Elsewhere (New York: Harper, 1923), p. 303.
 Like an ugly scar, division lay across the land. It divided men on a
geographical basis, but in other ways as well. T h e r e were many things
to which an American could be loyal in the troubled winter of 1860-
1861. T h e nation, the state, the family, the "pernicious abstractions" of
ideologies—which took precedence? Lincoln's election and Fort Sum-
ter provided the issue. Now Americans must choose with grim purpose
as they had done before in debate and by ballot.
For most Americans, the choice was easily made. They lived in the
North or in the South. They pledged their lives and honor to the new
Confederacy or to the old Union as circumstances dictated. Conscrip-
tion officials p u t men into blue or grey ranks without reference to
ideological convictions. But these convictions persisted, and men up-
held the Southern cause in the North and the Union found supporters
in the South.
For many Americans it was a terrible choice to make. Those who
lived in the geographical border regions faced the Bitterness of divided
families and learned the horrors of guerrilla warfare. And an intellec-
tual border area existed—an area of confusion, indecision, and an in-
evitable choice. Lee chose to follow his state out of the Union he had
served. Thomas, who loved Virginia as much, remained with the North
in its trial of arms. An officer of the Confederate iron clad Virginia
helped kill his brother who had chosen the naval service of the Union
on board the wooden U.S.S. Congress. Samuel Clemens rejected both
sides, and f o u n d a haven far distant from the demands of civil war. 1
From the earliest days of the conflict the North faced internal divi-
sion. Greeley advocated peaceful secession; Marylanders stoned federal
troops rushing to the threatened capital. T h e Knights oT the Golden
Circle, draft riots, outright treason threatened the survival of the
Union.
A troubled North f o u n d that it was not ready to fight a war, that de-
feats could come to federal forces and that victory was a costly goal.
Northerners learned that sympathizers with secession had held high
office in the federal government in the years before the war. Some had
betrayed their trusts, aided the cause of secession and rebellion, and
weakened the military power of the Union. When Lincoln assumed
office he f o u n d ". . . his army weakened by the desertion of many of
its officers, with traitors in every department of the public service—in
every bureau, in every room, and at almost every desk." 2 Lincoln him-
self complained that ". . . [Southern] sympathizers pervaded all depart-
ments of the government and nearly all communities of the people." 3
From disclosures of treason came hate for the traitor. J o h n Sherman
and Walt W h i t m a n agreed that rebel soldiers were far less reprehen-
sible than Copperheads. Henry Cabot Lodge, recalling his wartime
boyhood, "could never remember hearing . . . bitter words about the
soldiers of the Confederacy . . . b u t [he] well r e c a l l e d ] the bitterness
which was expressed in regard to N o r t h e r n m e n with Southern sym-
pathies." *
T h e bitterness a b o u t which Lodge spoke f o u n d expression. As
George J u l i a n commented, " W e are learning to draw the line between
treason a n d loyalty." 5 From N o r t h e r n pulpits, ministers of all faiths
a n d denominations p o u r e d hell-fire on the h e a d of the traitor. T h e y
furnished from Holy W r i t proof of the sacred n a t u r e of American gov-
e r n m e n t , a n d the duty of obedience to it which every citizen owes. T h e
clergy preached that treason was a sin against the word of God, t h a t
traitors were violating His precepts, that Southern sympathizers in the
government's service must be rooted out w i t h o u t mercy. 6 It was a re-
ligious age; such exhortations must have h a d effect. As the editor of
the North American Review stated, " T h e relation of the p u l p i t to the
great crisis in our national history is well worthy of o u r e m p h a t i c
notice." 7 O t h e r groups are equally w o r t h noticing. Lawyers, business-
men, jurists—all lent their voices a n d pens to the d e m a n d for loyalty,
unity, a n d conformity. T h e y wrote letters to editors, pamphlets, a n d
books on this theme. Judges m a d e patriotic orations of their charges
to juries. Politicians kept the subject of loyalty before their constitu-
encies. " H e r e a f t e r , " wrote E. C. Stedman in 1862, " t h e two parties
t u r n on the question of s u p p o r t to the g o v e r n m e n t or sympathy with
the rebels." 8
Conformity became the ideal. T e a c h e r s w h o failed to meet the re-
q u i r e m e n t of patriotism f o u n d themselves discharged f r o m college
faculties. Private clubs cleansed their m e m b e r s h i p lists of the names of
those who supported the South by word or deed. W h e n N a t h a n i e l Haw-
thorne dedicated the 1863 edition of Our Old Home to F r a n k l i n Pierce
he learned that m a i n t a i n i n g f r i e n d s h i p with a S o u t h e r n sympathizer
was a n expensive luxury in w a r t i m e America. 9
Above all else, N o r t h e r n patriots d e m a n d e d that the g o v e r n m e n t
should be staffed by loyal men. Mass meetings in Kentucky, Maine,
New York, and Missouri petitioned W a s h i n g t o n to urge the exclusion
from public office of all who h a d expressed sympathy with secession.
T h e Reverend H e n r y Bellows of New York a u t h o r e d m a n y p a m p h l e t s
on the subject of loyalty. In one widely r e p r i n t e d statement Bellows
pointed to the resolutions which dozens of church bodies h a d passed,
urging that the federal authorities discharge u n p a t r i o t i c civil servants.
H a d not such men lost the privileges of citizenship? W a s not the n a t i o n
fighting for its life? T h i s was no time for scrupulous concern for the
innocent few who might suffer as the n u m e r o u s guilty received their
just penalties. Were not N o r t h e r n traitors ultimately responsible for
every excess committed by Southern rebels? W i t h o u t the h e l p of trai-
tors n o rebellion could have broken out. 1 0 T h e war must be e x t e n d e d
to the rear areas of the North, argued Sinclair Tousey, a prominent
businessman of New York. It seemed to Tousey that internal disaffec-
tion was as deadly a threat to the survival of the Union as any the
South could erect by arms. Therefore, government authority must un-
earth disloyal persons ". . . and mark them. State and federal authori-
ties should proscribe them. Courts should punish them as fomenters
of disorder. . . . Loyal men should shun all such as moral lepers." 11
Traitors could have no rights under the government against which
they plotted treason. T h e Bill of Rights was for true Americans, not
for traitors who received salaries from the nation while seeking its
overthrow. 12 It was war, a war which outraged the moral sense of the
North. Religion, patriotism, and the logic of events joined to pressure
authorities for the tools to mark the Unionist from the traitor. "Wash-
ington and the Army should be purged of traitors by the most sum-
mary means," wrote J o h n Jay, Jr., to Charles Sumner. 13
Such demands, multiplied across the nation and continued through-
out the years of conflict, provided another facet of the Civil War.
Along with the battles, the heroism, the vileness, which are common
to all wars, the Civil War was one in which a nation tried to identify
loyalty and punish disloyalty on a huge scale. Legislators, administra-
tors, and jurists made laws, policies, and verdicts to meet the demand
for loyalty. How well did they succeed?
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