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ENCYCLOPEDIA OF
THE AGE OF POLITICAL
REVOLUTIONS AND NEW
IDEOLOGIES, 1760–1815
ENCYCLOPEDIA OF
THE AGE OF POLITICAL
REVOLUTIONS AND NEW
IDEOLOGIES, 1760–1815
Volume 1 A–L

Edited by Gregory Fremont-Barnes

Greenwood Press
Westport, Connecticut • London
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Encyclopedia of the age of political revolutions and new
ideologies, 1760–1815 / edited by Gregory Fremont-Barnes.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN-13: 978–0–313–33445–0 (set : alk. paper)
ISBN-10: 0–313–33445–5 (set : alk. paper)
ISBN-13: 978–0–313–33446–7 (v.1 : alk. paper)
ISBN-10: 0–313–33446–3 (v.1 : alk. paper)
[etc.]
1. World politics—To 1900—Encyclopedias. 2. Europe—Politics and
government—18th century—Encyclopedias. 3. Europe—Politics and
government—1789–1815—Encyclopedias. 4. Revolutions—History—
Encyclopedias. 5. Antislavery movements—History—Encyclopedias.
I. Fremont-Barnes, Gregory.
D295.E53 2007
909.703—dc22 2007018269
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data is available.
Copyright © 2007 by Gregory Fremont-Barnes
All rights reserved. No portion of this book may be
reproduced, by any process or technique, without the
express written consent of the publisher.
Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 2007018269
ISBN-13: 978–0–313–33445–0 (set)
ISBN-10: 0–313–33445–5
ISBN-13: 978–0–313–33446–7 (vol. 1)
ISBN-10: 0–313–33446–3
ISBN-13: 978–0–313–33447–4 (vol. 2)
ISBN-10: 0–313–33447–1
First published in 2007
Greenwood Press, 88 Post Road West, Westport, CT 06881
An imprint of Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc.
www.greenwood.com
Printed in the United States of America

The paper used in this book complies with the

Permanent Paper Standard issued by the National
Information Standards Organization (Z39.48–1984).
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
 This book is dedicated to my father, who, having spent four years in
occupied Belgium during the Second World War, appreciates firsthand
the concepts of liberty and freedom
 CONTENTS

Volume 1
Foreword ix
Preface xiii
Acknowledgments xv
Introduction xvii
List of Entries xxi
List of Primary Documents xxvii
Guide to Related Topics xxix
Chronology for the Age of Political Revolutions
and New Ideologies, 1760–1815 xxxvii
Maps xliii

The Encyclopedia, A–L 1–438

Volume 2
List of Entries vii
List of Primary Documents xiii
Guide to Related Topics xv
Maps xxiii

The Encyclopedia, M–Z 439–784

viii Contents

Primary Documents 785

Bibliography 815
About the Editor and Contributors 835
Index 839
 FOREWORD

The end of the eighteenth century witnessed the birth of modernity in the Western
world and provided the historical context for the personalities, events, and ideolo-
gies that are explored in this Encyclopedia of the Age of Political Revolutions and New
Ideologies. Indeed, the very idea of an encyclopédie was conceived during this period
in Denis Diderot’s great enterprise of the 1750s and 1760s, which was published
in 17 volumes of text and 11 volumes of plates. Its purpose was to bring together
the knowledge that had been accumulated in recent decades so that it could be
communicated to his contemporaries in an accessible form. This Enlightenment
project sought to overcome the explosion of print in so many domains and set it
before the lay reader, in the same way that these volumes seek to distill and dis-
seminate the even vaster quantities of information that have been gathered on
manifold aspects of the years 1760 to 1815. In both cases, the material is presented
in a succinct manner. Moreover, just as Diderot summoned his colleagues to assist
him in his huge and ambitious task, so numerous experts have been invited to con-
tribute their knowledge in a readable fashion as part of a significant team effort
for this project.
The object of their collective endeavor is to comprehend the great age of Atlantic
or Western revolution from the period 1760–1815, a concept that achieved con-
siderable currency in the 1960s, precisely 200 years after the events, following the
publication of Robert Palmer’s influential two-volume work, The Age of the Democratic
Revolution. Having attracted great interest around the time of its publication, the
thesis that the various upheavals of the late eighteenth century in western Europe
and America were in fact part of a single movement subsequently disappeared from
view. Some historians retreated into their national ghettoes as the explosion of his-
torical studies seemed to fragment the bigger picture and apparently rendered the
task of synthesis impossible. Others instead disputed the specific merits of a “bour-
geois revolution” in France, which celebrated its bicentenary in 1989 and seemed
to bear little resemblance to events on the other side of the Atlantic or even across
the English Channel. Yet recent developments in historiography suggest that this is
an idea whose time has come again. With the demise of Marxism and the renewed
value accorded to political and cultural dimensions of the historical process, there
x Foreword

is a fresh emphasis on broader movements and themes that embrace the wider
Western world.
Current studies emanating from the Napoleonic bicentenary certainly focus on
the empire rather than solely on France. Historians of the Revolution have been fol-
lowing suit, and no conference is now complete without its British, Spanish, Italian,
Dutch, and German contributors. This might simply seem to reflect the develop-
ment of a European Union, the establishment of which Napoleon once fraudulently
claimed to be seeking in the early nineteenth century. Yet the same historians have
also been reaching across the Atlantic to restore a colonial dimension to the French
Revolution. The Rights of Man appealed to black as well as white inhabitants of the
West Indies, in particular Saint-Domingue, the jewel in the French colonial crown.
Severe upheaval there eventuated in the abolition of slavery, at least for a time, and
then, in 1804, in the colony’s definitive independence as Haiti. The United States,
where a good number of French plantation owners sought refuge, has inevitably
been brought into this emerging narrative. Slavery and the slave trade, for which the
old imperial powers are belatedly apologizing, actually bound together the transat-
lantic destinies of the great maritime powers. They have found their rightful place
in this encyclopedia.
It has often been forgotten that before independence, and still to an extent
thereafter, the American colonies were regarded as part of the European world, and
there was frequent traffic, both cultural and commercial, between them. The British
connection requires little emphasis, while the relationship between France and the
United States has been characterized by amity as well as enmity. Yet the country that
supplied the Statue of Liberty to its transatlantic sister republic in the 1880s has long
acknowledged an intellectual affinity. It in no way detracts from the achievement
of the French revolutionaries, whose efforts are most extensively examined in this
volume, to suggest that the American Declaration of Independence sprang from
the same ideological roots as the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and of
the Citizen. The fact that France joined the War of Independence on the side of the
Americans permitted the circulation in France of liberal ideas that would otherwise
have been censored. Contacts across the Channel were likewise enduring, although
a long and bitter war soon divided British and French in the 1790s. A member of
Parliament actually proposed commemorating the storming of the Bastille in 1790.
Meanwhile, many of the corresponding societies, whose members were referred to
as Jacobins, continued to be inspired by the French Republic, even after the out-
break of hostilities in 1793.
What we might loosely call “democratic” ideology, which aimed at more open
societies and greater participation in politics, undoubtedly spanned continents, and
America is rightly given its due here. Contemporaries were often more aware of
these links than historians have been, and many of the individuals to whom entries
are devoted in this encyclopedia were cosmopolitan figures. Thomas Paine offers
an especially good example. An Englishman who first played a revolutionary role in
America, he returned to Britain, where he published his celebrated Rights of Man
in 1792. This work served to increase his renown in France, and he was elected that
year to the National Convention, where he enjoyed a somewhat checkered career,
which was perhaps not helped by his inability to speak French. Yet his radicalism
was undimmed by a spell in prison during the Reign of Terror, and his commitment
to the cause of change continued. Thomas Jefferson traveled in the opposite
 Foreword xi

direction and enjoyed a spell as American ambassador to France at the time of

the Revolution, while Lafayette went to America as an aristocratic leader of the
French army and returned to France to play a significant role in supporting the
Revolution of 1789.
Nationalism may have been a product of the age of revolution, but boundaries be-
tween states were much more fluid than they are today and individuals crossed them
with relative ease. Paine, for instance, regarded himself as a citizen of the world.
Women did so as well as men, and several of them have justifiably been awarded
space here. Mary Wollstonecraft, for example, spent some time in France and wrote
a history of the French Revolution as well as her celebrated Vindication of the Rights
of Women. It is true that the cause of female emancipation made little progress in
terms of political rights, but greater legal equality was certainly secured in France,
at least until the Napoleonic Code reversed many of the advances recorded dur-
ing the revolutionary decade. The recent discovery and development of a gender
dimension to the age of revolutions is a reminder that feminism should be added to
the long list of ideologies that emerged in the course of a crucial period.
These ideologies still inform our thinking at the outset of the twenty-first century,
while the history of the period 1760–1815 can be equally instructive. Contemporary
events have demonstrated that democracy is definitely not the default option when
tyranny is overthrown. To that extent, the French Revolution may appall as well as
inspire. The origins of terrorism have been located during the 1790s and should
serve as a warning that good intentions alone do not suffice to produce the desired
outcome to movements that aim at greater freedom and equality. This is not to say
that revolutions inevitably descend into awful internecine violence, for the Ameri-
can example may suggest otherwise. What events in France suggest, perhaps, is that
the combination of protracted international war and revolutionary conflict makes a
satisfactory outcome much harder to achieve. Historians are divided over whether
or not lessons may be derived from the study of the past, although the present cer-
tainly influences the way they regard history. Out of this dialogue has emerged a
tremendous amount of information and interpretation relating to one of the most
exciting and critical periods in the development of the Western world. The result-
ing complexity has rendered these years as challenging to comprehend as they are
rewarding to study. This encyclopedia will have served its purpose if it both assists
in understanding and prompts further fruitful reflection on the great age of revolu-
tion and ideology from the beginnings of American independence to the battle of
Waterloo.

Malcolm Crook
 PREFACE

All serious studies of the modern world ultimately oblige us to examine the period of
revolutions of the late eighteenth century, which marked out that era as a distinctive
one in the political and social history of the Western world. The American and French
revolutions, in particular, encompassed fewer than 20 years between them, but as
they so dramatically shaped modern civilization, we cannot but acknowledge them
as pivotal events. This encyclopedia does not presume to offer new interpretations
of the events and people connected with the age of revolutions but rather seeks to
serve as a guide to students, teachers, and scholars who wish to understand the basic
concepts associated with the subject, the principal events, and the individuals who
by their actions and words gave this period its compelling character. If, by delving
into this work in search of a brief explanation of a subject, the reader is encouraged
to pursue further study on the subject, then the purpose this encyclopedia intends to
serve will have been fulfilled.
Readers will find subjects arranged alphabetically, complimented by a chronol-
ogy, bibliography, maps, guide to related topics, and primary source documents.
Most of the leading, and many of the minor, figures connected with the political
history of the period between 1760 and 1815 are included here, predominantly
but not exclusively those connected with America or France. The broad chron-
ological approach of this work is deliberate, for the origins of the two major
revolutions of the eighteenth century and their effects on the nations affected
by them in the decades prior to and following these great upheavals must be con-
sidered if we are to see them in their proper context. The American Revolution
may have begun in 1775, but its origins may be traced back a decade and more.
So, too, with the French Revolution, which, while moved in fits and starts for
about 10 years, could trace its origins to the early years of the eighteenth century.
Hence, readers will find entries on the principal political thinkers of that period,
as well as on the revolutionaries themselves and the events and places connected
with revolution. Cross-referencing directing the reader to related entries may
be found throughout, and each entry provides a list of sources for further study.
These lists are, in turn, supplemented by an extensive bibliographical section
xiv Preface

that readers may consult in search of the very wide range of secondary sources in
English on the subject of this encyclopedia. Readers can also consult the guide to
related topics to identify entries that share a common theme but whose connec-
tion is not necessarily close enough to justify inclusion in the “See also” section
of an entry.
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I wish to extend many thanks to Michael Hermann at Greenwood Publishing for

asking me to take on this project, and to John Wagner, who provided considerable
administrative support and advice during its preparation. I am also very grateful
to Alexander Mikaberidze for his generosity in supplying most of the images that
appear in this work. Immense thanks are reserved for my father for the help he
provided in translating material from French into English.
 INTRODUCTION

In the course of a single generation in the last quarter of the eighteenth century,
two events had a profound impact on Western society: the American and French
revolutions. A full understanding of the political culture of the West, whether of
the late eighteenth century or of today, cannot be complete without some knowl-
edge of the radical changes made to the social and political structures of Britain’s
North American colonies as they would affect the future of the United States, and
to France with respect to herself in particular, but, more broadly, to western and
central Europe. The basic political and social institutions of the Western world were
fundamentally shaped by these two revolutions, and the end of the eighteenth cen-
tury has not unnaturally been regarded as a turning point of history—a dividing line
between the early modern and late modern periods.
Despite the impact that the United States has made on the world since the Sec-
ond World War, the revolution that laid its foundation had relatively little immedi-
ate impact on the wider world. Yet for the American colonists themselves and for
the subsequent development of a nation that would in less than a century span
a continent and eventually emerge as the world’s leading military and economic
power, the American Revolution had nothing less than extraordinarily profound
implications for the future. Revolutions had occurred periodically throughout his-
tory, of course, but this one was fundamentally different, for the Americans boldly
asserted their “natural rights” and pursued the principles espoused by the philos-
ophes of the eighteenth century—an unprecedented step in political history. While
independence from Britain did not, in fact, number among the objectives of most
revolutionaries at the outbreak of hostilities in June 1775, little more than a year
later they would proclaim a republic based on political principles that the mother
country—in which the power of the monarchy was not absolute but restricted by
constitutional constraints—had never come to embrace despite the growing shift in
power from king to Parliament.
The republic permanently established in the United States after independence
in 1783 had no modern historical precedent, for it bore little relation to the British
political system, with its unreformed Parliament and extremely limited franchise.
The adoption of a written constitution—in which the powers and responsibilities of
xviii Introduction

the government were explicitly laid down—established a fundamental break from

British political tradition, not least in its opening of the franchise to a large section
of the population, and in clearly separating and defining the powers of the execu-
tive, legislature, and judiciary branches of government, complete with a system of
checks and balances.
Above all, the first 10 amendments to the Constitution, which soon formed the
Bill of Rights, created a nation distinct from all others and have served as a model
for other nations since. The protections offered by the Bill of Rights form the bed-
rock of democratic systems throughout the world, almost without notice from citi-
zens, who go about their daily lives oblivious to the rights and freedoms that were
practically sacred to their eighteenth-century forebears who fought and died for
them. The source of this devotion is easily explained. In the eighteenth century,
most of these principles had no practical expression and remained merely lofty
ideas espoused by John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Montesquieu, and others,
completely remote from the lives of ordinary colonists. Notions that are now ac-
cepted as standard features of democratic society were nothing of the kind in the
late eighteenth century. Specifically, Americans could enjoy freedom of religion,
speech, and the press. They had the right to peaceful assembly and to petition to
rectify grievances. They had the right to bear arms, to freedom from unreasonable
search and seizure, and to protection from a second trial in cases involving a capital
offense. Citizens could not be deprived of life, liberty, or property without having
been subject to proper judicial proceedings. Citizens could also not be deprived
of their property without reasonable compensation, nor be obliged to incriminate
themselves in court. Accused individuals were guaranteed a speedy trial, conducted
in the full public gaze and before an impartial jury of their peers, and could not
be subjected to excessive punishment if convicted. In addition to these and other
rights, all powers not explicitly given to the federal government by the Constitution
were to fall to the states. These rights now form the bread and butter of contempo-
rary American life, whereas to liberal minds of the eighteenth century, these repre-
sented progress on a remarkable scale.
Yet it was not the revolution in America that was to have the most far-reaching
impact on Western society, but rather the revolution in France. The new era inaugu-
rated by the French Revolution swept aside not simply the long-established political
system of the ancien régime in France, but the social, legal, and economic system
of western Europe. Old loyalties were discarded, and a focus was placed on indi-
vidual rights, representative government, and loyalty to nation rather than to king.
To be sure, the events of 1789 did not introduce all such concepts with immediate
effect, nor may it be said that the ideas put into practice by the revolutionaries were
entirely new. Challenges to divine rule had already been underway—not so much
through direct action, but in the more subtle form of the spread of ideas and grow-
ing resentment toward privilege and excess—since the middle of the eighteenth
century. The pressure for reform and change had therefore been gaining pace for
decades before Parisians stormed the Bastille in July 1789.
Revolution in France meant, for the most part, a clean sweep of old institutions,
especially those connected with the administration of the kingdom as it had existed
for centuries under the Bourbon kings. In its place, the revolutionaries sought to
introduce a new, more efficient apparatus for the function of representative gov-
ernment, and in a form that could best serve the nation as a whole rather than
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