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 Education and Social Change
Themes in the History of American Schooling

s•t
 Education and Social Change
Themes in the History of American Schooling

s•t

John L. Rury
DePaul University

LAWRENCE ERLBAUM ASSOCIATES, PUBLISHERS

2002 Mahwah, New Jersey London
Copyright © 2002 by Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in
any form, by photostat, microform, retrieval system, or any
other means, without prior written permission of the publisher.

Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc., Publishers

10 Industrial Avenue
Mahwah, NJ 07430

Cover design by Kathryn Houghtaling Lacey

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Rury, John L., 1951– .

Education and social change : themes in the history of American
schooling / John Rury.

p. cm. — (Social foundations in education)

Includes bibliographical references and index.

ISBN 0-8058-3339-0 (paper : alk. paper)
1. Education—United States—History. 2. Educational sociology—
United States. 3. Social change—United States. I. Title. II. Series.
LA205 .R67 2002
370’.973—dc21 2001056913
CIP

Books published by Lawrence Erlbaum Associates are printed on acid-

free paper, and their bindings are chosen for strength and durability.

Printed in the United States of America

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
To Aida
Contents

Preface ix

1 Introduction: History, Social Change, and Education 1

2 Colonial Origins: Education in a Preindustrial Society 22

3 The 19th Century: Beginnings of a Modern School System 55

4 Ethnicity, Gender, and Race: Contours of Social Change 91

in the 19th Century

5 The Progressive Era: Reform, Growth, and Differentiation 130

6 Education in Postwar America: The Human Capital 174

Revolution

Epilogue 219

References 229

Index 249

vii
Preface

Education and social change are facets of experience that sometimes affect
our lives in dramatic fashion. As I was completing the final steps in prepar-
ing this book, the tragic September 11 attack on the World Trade Center in
New York and the Pentagon in Washington shocked the nation. This was a
singular event, in terms of both its savagery and its impact on the world. It
also represented an unusually poignant moment, one that juxtaposed the
mores and bearing of modern civilization against those wishing for a more
traditional and illiberal society. The individuals and organizations that
planned and executed this barbaric act imagined themselves fighting the
forces of social change that they associated with the United States in partic-
ular, and with Western civilization in general. Even though it was not
among the immediate targets, a part of what they objected to was the con-
temporary educational system and its role in perpetuating and extending
modern society.
In some respects the connection between education and the September
11 tragedy was quite direct. Many commentators have observed the irony
in these terrorists’ use of current technology and sophisticated communi-
cation and coordination strategies to effect their deadly plans. They em-
ployed the instruments and the techniques of modern society to attack it,
and to do this they required schooling. This included both technical train-
ing and more general education in the organization and execution of com-
plex operations. The leaders of the attack were highly literate,
sophisticated, and systematic. Although they saw themselves as battling
the forces of modernity, these extremists were required to learn the criti-
cal, rationalistic, and calculating modalities that have come to characterize
today’s society, and to do so within institutions of formal instruction. Even
in the case of this terrible tragedy born of conflict, it is possible to see edu-
cation and social change as inextricably tied to one another.
The devastation of September 11 also revealed how we often have taken
the conditions of modern life for granted. We fly in airplanes, work in sky-
scrapers, and communicate instantly across vast distances. We publicly ob-
ject to discrimination, celebrate principles of equality, and cherish the idea
ix
x PREFACE

of freedom. We also hold an extraordinary belief in the transforming power

of education. These facets of contemporary American experience, how-
ever, have not existed since time immemorial. To one extent or another,
each is the consequence of a vast and complex process of social change that
has unfolded over a period of several hundred years. They also are the re-
sult of human sacrifice and anguish, conflict and struggle to achieve a
better life. Such change represents a course of events that continues today,
and one that has come to affect much of the rest of the world as well. This is
partly what enraged the September 11 attackers, and yet their actions may
have contributed to the perpetuation of these tendencies. Understanding
this process of social conflict, transformation, and renewal is critical to
deepening our appreciation of who we are, and how we can best contend
with what lies ahead. It is to this end that this book is committed, focusing
on the particular question of education as a condition and aspect of social
change.
This also is a history book, one that addresses a broad and complicated
topic. Its purpose is both analytic and descriptive, relating what has tran-
spired and explaining why events have taken a particular path. Finding the
proper balance between these different goals has often proved difficult for
me as a historian. But I trust this book is a testimony to the importance of
the goal. It is meant to be an aid for readers just beginning to think about
these questions, although I hope that others also will find it interesting and
useful. It is intended to help generate insights into the ways in which for-
mal systems and practices of education have been related to social change.
In this respect, it is an exercise in the history of education, a field of inquiry
and explanation with a long and distinguished tradition of its own. Hope-
fully, the book will convey some of the power of this branch of scholarship
as a means of comprehending the present and contemplating the future.
A final word about the events of September 11: Although the attackers
may have intended to strike a blow against social change, the historical re-
cord suggests that they surely will not succeed in significantly altering it.
This is partly the consequence of their own delimited comprehension of
the problem they set out to address, a reflection of an educational process
that was doubtlessly circumscribed and distorted. They appear to have be-
lieved that they were attacking a thing, an evil entity represented by the
physical structures they destroyed. If history is a guide, however, it appears
they were tragically mistaken. The process of social change is the conse-
quence of human action, people making decisions every day, and strug-
gling to transform their lives in countless ways. As a result of these
shocking events security measures may increase, but otherwise the attacks
are unlikely to have the intended effect. This is history in the making, of
course, and it is hazardous to predict the outcome of recent events, but the
course of social change is difficult to alter. Indeed, these attacks have only
PREFACE xi

strengthened the resolve of many Americans, at the same time that people
everywhere were awakened to certain issues they hitherto may have over-
looked—such as worldwide inequity and intolerance. It is this quality of
human agency that ultimately lies at the heart of social change: the ability
to adapt to shifting historical circumstances and to devise imaginative and
effectual responses to the problems that arise from them. To a very large ex-
tent, such agency is the focal point of this book, as reflected in the realm of
education and related issues. Understanding this aspect of life, after all,
may be our best hope for posterity.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

In writing a book an author incurs many debts. In the 2 years that I have
been at work on this project, I have amassed a number of my own. The first
is to Lane Akers, my editor at Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, who conceived
of a book such as this, and asked me to write it—although I am not certain
this is quite the book Lane had in mind. At the time I was a little astonished
and somewhat doubtful, but I eventually warmed to the idea and finally
came to relish it. I have learned a great deal in the interim, about both the
history of education and writing for a general audience. I hope that the
readers of this book find these lessons to have been advantageous.
It is a pleasure to note that the preparation of this volume was gener-
ously supported by the Spencer Foundation. This assistance did not take
the form of a grant, Spencer’s typical means of sustaining scholarship, but
rather as “research days” afforded me while I worked as a program officer
at the foundation. This enlightened policy, started by President Patricia
Albjerg Graham and continued under her successor, Ellen Condliffe
Lagemann, allowed me and other program-staff members to maintain a
scholarly life while reading and considering the scholarship of others.
Both Pat and Ellen were keen supporters of this particular project as well,
and kindly offered their valuable time to read and comment on the book
while it was in preparation. It has been a joy to work with two such experi-
enced and accomplished historians while at Spencer, and each has been a
source of inspiration and guidance. Of course, the Spencer Foundation it-
self provided a most stimulating and supportive environment for thinking
about the issues discussed in the book, and my other colleagues there were
unfailingly helpful and patient as I struggled with various questions related
to this project. I should add the usual caveat that this work in no way ex-
presses the opinion of the Spencer Foundation or any of its officers.
The preparation of this book has also benefited from the critical reading
and advice of a number of other scholars. John Burton, Susan Dauber, Tim
Reagan, and Wayne Urban commented on different portions of the manu-
script, and B. Edward McLellan, Jeffrey Mirel, and Jennings Wagonner pro-
xii PREFACE

vided reactions to the entire book (along with Pat Graham and Ellen
Lagemann). Each offered valuable observations for revising and improving
the text. I have attempted to adopt their numerous suggestions, but many
problems undoubtedly remain. Consequently, the customary academic
aphorisms are especially applicable in this case: My friends should remain
blameless for my own shortcomings as a historian, and responsibility for
any errors and infelicities that remain is mine alone.
I also would like to acknowledge the support of DePaul University, par-
ticularly Executive Vice President Richard Meister and the School of Educa-
tion, for granting me a leave to work at Spencer, and by extension on this
book. A project such as this would be impossible without the advantages
afforded by modern library resources, including technological capabili-
ties. The staff members of DePaul University’s libraries have been invari-
ably helpful as I have requested books and other materials, many through
interlibrary loan. DePaul’s extensive array of electronic database resources
has been invaluable as well, making it possible to locate an astonishing
range of materials from the comfort of my office at home.
Finally, it is important to note the sustenance I received from my family.
My teenage sons, Aaron and Derek, offered edification and perspective as I
have watched them learn and grow over the years. With this project they
endured yet another term of Dad’s tying up household computer re-
sources. They also exhibited remarkable good cheer in the face of all-too-
frequent references to history and education. One can only hope that the
cultivation of such forbearance ultimately will serve them well in life.
To close, I especially would like to acknowledge the support and assis-
tance of my wife, Aida Alaka, who has been a steadfast and enthusiastic ad-
vocate of this project since its inception. Although not a historian herself,
and engaged with her own demanding professional career, she has been
unstinting in her willingness to endure a spouse’s private fixation with ob-
scure historical events and seemingly arcane social science concepts. She
also is an excellent writer and an experienced editor, and although I would
scarcely hazard her appraisal of the manuscript, she has been a discerning
and persistent critic of my writing throughout the project. Beyond all that,
she is a continuing inspiration and an endless source of encouragement—
and it is for these reasons, among countless others, that I dedicate the book
to her.
—John L. Rury
September 2001
CHAPTER ONE

Introduction: History, Social Change,

and Education

This book is an introduction to the history of American education. It ap-

proaches the topic by considering ways in which education has been re-
lated to social change. Accordingly, it begins with a simple question: Do
schools change society, or does society change the schools? Obviously, the
answer is more complicated than this rather straightforward way of ex-
pressing the matter suggests. As one might guess, influences run in both di-
rections. Education clearly affects the course of social development, and
schools also invariably reflect the influence of their immediate social envi-
ronment. Still, the question of fundamental relationships remains. Can
schools function effectively as instruments of social change? Or are they
shaped by larger social, economic, and political forces at play in society, re-
flecting and amplifying these influences but exerting relatively little influ-
ence of their own?
History can help to answer such questions. There have been a number
of points in the American past when reformers believed that education
could change society, and much time and energy was devoted to improving
society through schooling. But such efforts also raised nagging questions:
Is relying on educational institutions to address larger social problems a
strategy ultimately doomed to failure or disappointment? The answer to
this question is a persistent puzzle in American history, for people in this
country have placed uncommon faith in the power of education to im-
prove society. As historian Henry Perkinson noted more than three de-
cades ago, education has been an “imperfect panacea” for curing the
nation’s ills (Perkinson, 1968). But even Perkinson did not say what the
schools can accomplish.
As already suggested, education includes a very broad set of activities, so
as a way of focusing the discussion this book concentrates on schools and
other institutions of formal education. It is not intended to be a compre-
hensive examination of these issues. Instead, as the title suggests, it is the-
matic, looking at particular incidents and periods in the American
1
2 CHAPTER 1

experience with education that help to illuminate general tendencies and

patterns in the past. The book has been designed to feature moments in
history that were especially telling and influential in establishing the sys-
tem of education that exists today. By examining key steps in the evolution
of the current school system, after all, it is possible to comprehend ways in
which education is related to larger patterns of social change.
Obviously, this book is somewhat different from other texts about the
history of American education. For one thing, it does not pretend to in-
clude everything. Names and dates are hardly its major concern. Rather,
the book’s goal is to help one think about history, and the ways in which so-
cial institutions such as schools change, along with the rest of society. Of
course, historical details are important. Good thinking requires attention
to particulars, and evidence is critical to the assessment of any argument,
historical or otherwise. So there is some exposition of developments, per-
sonalities, and even dates of key events in the past, matters every reader
should pay attention to. Beyond the details of history, however, there is the
significance of ideas, key concepts that are used to interpret history and
think about historical change, past and present. Many of these ideas are
drawn from the social sciences and have been developed to explain impor-
tant patterns of social change in the past. Such concepts are critical tools to
be used in thinking about processes as large and complex as meaningful
social change. Without them it may be impossible to comprehend how
shifts in the social structure have been linked to education and schooling.
It is critical, in that case, to devote some attention to a few of the ideas and
concepts that will be encountered in the narrative that follows. The issue of
history and social theory is considered in greater detail later.

WHY STUDY HISTORY?

What is the value of history? This is hardly a rhetorical question; indeed, it

undoubtedly is asked quite often, surely even about the history of educa-
tion. To understand educational problems and their relationship to social
change, the idea of studying history can seem patently ridiculous. Would
one not be better served by examining contemporary issues, and devising
solutions to present-day problems? What can the experiences of people
who lived a hundred years ago or more possibly tell anyone about today?
What has history got to do with education?
Things change. It is commonplace today for people to observe that soci-
ety is different from not so very long ago. In fact, standing at the start of a
new millennium, it is not unusual to hear someone say that things are
changing faster today than ever before. The daily news contributes to this
impression, of course, with its constant drumbeat of reports about shifting
social views and attitudes, and political changes from one election to the
INTRODUCTION 3

next. There is a steady stream of information about “progress” in one

sphere of life or another, and the ever-advancing march of technology.
Given this, who can doubt that the present is an era of significant social de-
velopment? Why should anyone look to the past to understand it?
History poses challenges to such questions. Are people justified in mak-
ing such assumptions about the present? Because of the idea of progress,
there is a tendency to believe that society today is somehow differ-
ent—even better—than the social order of the past. After all, people then
were “old-fashioned,” and the public knows so much more today. Or does
it? How does one know that the pace of change is faster today than in the
past? It is possible, after all, that society in earlier periods of history experi-
enced even greater shifts than can be discerned in the present. To many to-
day this would come as a surprise. There is a natural inclination to see
one’s own time as the most interesting and dynamic, if only because the
present is known so much better than the past—although many people to-
day see the future as being even better. There are pessimists too, of course,
and major problems loom on the horizon, but most seem to believe that
progress has been good and expect it to continue. This is the lure of
presentism, and what might also be called an intrinsic belief in progress
(Nevins, 1938).
But in fact the present is not the only period of notable change. Things
changed quite rapidly in earlier periods, in some respects at a faster rate
than change is evident at this time. Indeed, in many ways the world today is
in an era of considerable social stability, although this also is an era of sig-
nificant shifts in many areas of life. Truly revolutionary change on a very
large scale occurred in the more distant past (Aghion & Williamson, 1998).
It was those earlier processes of change and adaptation that set the stage
for the shifts evident in the present. One of the great values in studying his-
tory, in that case, is to better appreciate the dynamic quality of one’s own
times, by examining the challenges faced by those who lived in earlier peri-
ods. And everyone has something to learn from seeing how people re-
sponded to a rapidly changing social milieu in the past (Tuchman, 1978).
Of course it is not easy to comprehend the scope or impact of changes in
one’s own time; social change is a tricky subject. For one thing, it is every-
where. It is the very nature of society to constantly change, after all, just as
individuals and communities develop from one year to another. But all
change is not the same. There are major developments and small ones, and
it is often hard to distinguish between those that are long-lasting and oth-
ers destined to have little enduring impact. This is another reason to study
history, to help one see how society has developed over time, and to under-
stand the ways social change is influenced by certain events and circum-
stances, and by people. In this way too, history can help individuals and
groups to understand how they arrived at the present state of affairs, al-
4 CHAPTER 1

though it never provides a formula for figuring out any particular dilemma.
At its best, history may offer a point of comparison, to better understand a
people’s own circumstances, and themselves.
What does this have to do with education and schools? Like social
change, education also is a difficult subject, even without considering its
history. On one hand education is a complex human experience of indi-
vidual growth and development, a process we encounter in our own ev-
eryday lives (Dewey, 1938). In other respects it also is the social and
institutional activity of transmitting knowledge and values from one gen-
eration to the next, a process involving large segments of society and in
recent times billions of dollars. And because education is linked to power
and social status, it is a subject for debate on all sides of the political spec-
trum. In its institutional form, education also has become a means of im-
parting and certifying skills and knowledge essential to the welfare of
society, a fact that has made it a topic of great public interest in recent
years. Understanding education in its many dimensions, in that case, can
be a challenging proposition.
Because of these manifold purposes and functions, education often has
been closely connected to the historical processes of social development.
Indeed, in U.S. history, education has been a centerpiece of important peri-
ods of change in American society. It has contributed to economic growth
and political change, and it has helped to forge a national identity from the
country’s rich variety of cultural and social groups. Of course, the process
of education itself also has changed a great deal in the past, and it has been
influenced by changes in the economy, the political system, and other fac-
ets of the social structure. Schools today are quite different in many re-
spects from those in the past, and the purposes of these institutions have
changed from one period of history to another.
So one might say that education has been on both sides of the process of
social development: both as a causal agent of social change and as an as-
pect of life that has changed because of other social forces. The link be-
tween education and social change, in that case, is complex and constantly
evolving. This makes it potentially interesting as a topic of study, and as a
vehicle for reflection on the present.

HISTORY AND SOCIAL THEORY

In the past several decades the study of history has grown more difficult
and complicated. Historians no longer have a monopoly on the past; they
have been joined in their studies by social scientists, especially those in so-
ciology, economics, and political science. This has been a natural develop-
ment, as many members of these academic disciplines—like historians—
have become concerned with studying large-scale social change and its ef-
INTRODUCTION 5

fects on individual lives. Indeed, historical study has become increasingly

an interdisciplinary enterprise, with historical sociologists and economic
historians, among others, contributing a great deal to the way people think
about past events (Abrams, 1982; Rabb & Rotberg, 1982). These newcom-
ers to the study of history have contributed more than just new informa-
tion, however. The social scientists brought with them a number of ideas
and propositions, or theories, about society, to test and refine with the use
of historical evidence. These ideas and theories have proven quite useful
and influential in the quest to understand how society has developed over
the past several centuries and longer, and especially how the process of so-
cial change has affected people’s lives in earlier times (Skocpol, 1984;
Smith, 1991).
Some of these ideas are quite familiar, and have become terms of every-
day use in conversation. Social critic Theodore Roszak has described the
concepts that help to organize one’s thoughts, those that precede informa-
tion, as Master Ideas (Roszak,1994). This is because they help one to think
about the problems encountered in life, by organizing facts, values, beliefs,
and theories so that people can understand the world more easily. Some of
these are ideas commonly encountered in school; many have become a
part of the conventional wisdom about how society has developed over the
years. Roszak suggested that “all men are created equal” is such an idea, a
notion that most Americans share as a basic proposition of social interac-
tion. Others are a bit more obscure, but include concepts that are used to
interpret facts and make sense of the events in people’s lives. Some of the
terms that are discussed here can play such a role, especially with regard to
understanding such complex social phenomena as education and histori-
cal change. Even if they fall short of Roszak’s definition of Master Ideas,
these abstractions are useful in thinking about the process of social trans-
formation.
Whatever we call them, it is important to have a clear understanding of
how historians and social scientists have thought of these concepts, partic-
ularly if one is to make use of them in understanding the history of educa-
tion. Briefly discussing them is also a useful exercise for beginning to think
about how society undergoes transition, and how this process has been re-
lated to education and schools. It provides some interesting tools to reflect
on history, and to consider the course of change that has affected the edu-
cational system.
A good example of master abstraction, and perhaps one of the most fa-
miliar in everyday usage, is represented by the term culture. Broadly de-
fined by anthropologists as the way of life in a human society, culture can
be thought of as a set of characteristics or traits that are typical of a social
group. These usually include rituals or ceremonies, customs (established
patterns of behavior), attitudes, and ideas that are passed down from one
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