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Aspiring Saints
Pretense of Holiness, Inquisition,

and Gender in the Republic of Venice,

–

Anne Jacobson Schutte

The Johns Hopkins University Press

Baltimore and London
This book has been brought to publication with the generous
assistance of the Gladys Krieble Delmas Foundation.

© 2001 The Johns Hopkins University Press

All rights reserved. Published 2001
Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper
9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

The Johns Hopkins University Press

2715 North Charles Street
Baltimore, Maryland 21218-4363
www.press.jhu.edu

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Schutte, Anne Jacobson.

Aspiring saints : pretense of holiness, inquisition, and gender in the
Republic of Venice, 1618–1750 / Anne Jacobson Schutte.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-8018-6548-4 (alk. paper)
1. Inquisition—Italy—Venice. 2. Visionaries—Italy—Venice—History—
17th century. 3. Holiness—Catholic Church—History of doctrines—17th
century. 4. Discernment of spirits—History of doctrines—17th century.
5. Women in the Catholic Church—History—17th century. 6. Visionaries—
Italy—Venice—History—18th century. 7. Holiness—Catholic Church—
History of doctrines—18th century. 8. Discernment of spirits—History of
doctrines—18th century. 9. Women in the Catholic Church—History—
18th century. I. Title.
BX1723 .S38 2001
272′.2′094531—dc21 00-009314

A catalog record for this book is available from the British Library.

Title page illustration: “L’estatica di Monte San Savino.” Lithograph, author’s

collection (gift from Gabriella Zarri).
 Contents

List of Illustrations vii

Preface ix

[] Twelve True Stories? 

[] The Roman Inquisition in Venice 
[] “Little Women” and Discernment of Spirits 
[] From Study to Courtroom 
[] Refashioning “True” Holiness 
[] Sorceresses,Witches, and Inquisitors 
[] Healers of the Soul 
[] Healers of the Body 
[] Rings and Other Things 
[] Time and Space 
[] Gender and Sex 
[] Pretense? 

Abbreviations 
Notes 
Bibliography 
Index 
Illustrations

Venetian contrade 
Cecilia Ferrazzi’s trial record, title page 
Abjuration of Marietta Bon Erizzo 
Habit of Observant Dominican friar 
Bust of Andrea Vescovi, church of Santa Maria del
Giglio, Venice 
Portrait of Angela Maria Pasqualigo 
 Preface

On returning from vacation in early September , Rem-

bert George Weakland, archbishop of Milwaukee, found on his desk new
evidence of a continuing problem. A parishioner in her early forties who
called herself the Little Eucharistic Lamb was inundating him with let-
ters. As he told Paul Wilkes, whose profile of him appeared in the New
Yorker, “She claims that she’s possessed and that only I can exorcise her.
She’s having visions, revelations, she’s a saint, doing penance for others.
Problem is, she has a few priests believing her. I’ve got to get a panel of
three or four psychologists together and have them interview her. It’s
turning into a cult. This has to stop.”¹ Soon thereafter, having somehow
obtained Weakland’s private telephone number, the Little Eucharistic
Lamb called to inform him that in the film Dick Tracy she had discerned
evidence of a plot to assassinate the pope, masterminded by a character
called Eighty-eight Keys—uncannily, the archbishop’s nickname in sem-
inary. Dressed in bright red,she began to attend his  a.m. Sunday masses.
Because the lead psychologist on the investigation team suspected that
her ostentatious dress might be a predictor of dangerous mood swings,
the archbishop hired two plainclothes female guards to watch her closely
during mass. Soon he doubled the surveillance contingent.²
Who the Little Eucharistic Lamb was, whether the psychologists
managed to interview her, and what became of her Wilkes’s two-part ar-
ticle does not say.How Archbishop Weakland set out to handle her,how-
ever, was fully in accordance with the contemporary Catholic Church’s
approach toward visionaries. The initial presumption is that such people
are mentally ill and must be evaluated by psychologists. Their delusions
must be nipped in the bud before a cult forms around them.If they appear
to pose a physical threat to others, the persons at risk must be protected.
Those called in to help are lay experts: mental health professionals and
security personnel. The possibility that visionaries’ delusions amount to
x Preface

heresy that should be adjudicated in an appropriate ecclesiastical court

does not arise.

Except for his concern that the Little Eucharistic Lamb might
attract followers, Archbishop Weakland’s formulation of this problem and
his approach to solving it bear little resemblance to the ways in which
his predecessors in the early modern era dealt with similar challenges.
This book addresses the phenomenon of visionaries in the Republic of
Venice. Between  and , sixteen people, nine women and seven
men, came to the attention of the ecclesiastical authorities because they
were reporting visions, revelations, and special privileges from heaven (or
contributing to others’ doing so) and attracting interest, as well as sup-
port in some cases, from those around them. All were investigated, and
most were put on trial by the Holy Office of the Inquisition on a charge
of heresy variously termed affettata, falsa, finta, pretesa, or simulata san-
tità—in English, “pretense of holiness.”
I use the term “pretense of holiness” to translate the Italian adjective-
noun pairs just mentioned (and the Latin terms from which they de-
rive). All of them originated in the fifteenth century in the writings of
theologians; eventually, in the early seventeenth century, they entered
the working vocabulary of inquisitors. Finding English equivalents for
them is tricky. The first difficulty arises with the noun santità. In Italian
and all other Romance languages, a single set of words derived from the
Latin sanctus serves a dual purpose that in English requires two: “saint”
and “holiness.” Technically, “saint” in contemporary English means a
dead person officially recognized as extraordinarily holy by the Catholic
Church through canonization. In the Anglophone world today, calling
a living person a “saint” or speaking of his or her “sanctity” would cre-
ate confusion. Hence I have opted to speak of aspiring saints (for vari-
ety, occasionally termed “false saints,” always within quotation marks)
and to render santità as holiness.
Just as difficult to capture accurately in English are the adjectives.The
Italian adjective pretesa denotes “claimed.” Although it can and usually
does convey the pejorative impression that the claim is exaggerated,
boastful,and perhaps illegitimate,it does not automatically connote insin-
cerity. Affettata, falsa, finta, and simulata express a much stronger negative
judgment: “putting on,” “falsely assuming the semblance of,” “project-
ing the false image of,” “pretending to be,” “faking”—or in modern aca-
demic parlance, carefully crafting a “presentation of self.”³ Inquisitorial
 Preface xi

judges employed these tendentious adjectives in order to attribute to per-

sons under investigation or on trial a theological crime for which they
could be convicted: the deliberate intention to perpetrate a fraudulent
impression of holiness.
Few of our sixteen subjects consciously practiced to deceive—at least
not thoroughly and consistently. But to treat them as helpless victims of
injustice and their prosecutors as villains would seriously distort the con-
text in which both groups, and their contemporaries, operated. Inquisi-
tors were highly educated,conscientious men with good reasons for what
they did. Their mission of defending orthodoxy enjoyed wide support
across the social spectrum. In order to do justice to them as well as to
those they prosecuted, I have chosen to use a word derived from their
lexicon: “pretense.”

Unlike the Little Eucharistic Lamb in Milwaukee, the nine women

and seven men on whom this study focuses were subjected to judicial
attention, which means that we can know much more about them than
we do about her.Provided that their main purpose and the ways in which
they were produced are taken into account, Inquisition records are an
extraordinarily valuable source, not only for the theological and judicial
bases of the courts’ operation but also for the beliefs and practices of the
people prosecuted in them. They enable the careful scholar to weave a
thick description of pretense of holiness as experienced by all protago-
nists: those suspected and in most cases formally accused, tried, and found
guilty; their judges; and witnesses called into court because they had
known the suspects/defendants and seen them at work, sometimes over
a long period of time. Pretense of holiness in court was a discourse in
the literal sense of the term.Trial transcripts record quite accurately peo-
ple actually talking about holiness.⁴ Relevant theological and medical
treatises give access to an ongoing written dialogue about differences
between “true” and “false” holiness and ways of determining whether
visionaries’ thoughts and behaviors were “legitimate” and “orthodox”
or “illegitimate” and “heretical.”

Like so many projects, this one developed by sheer chance. On sab-

batical leave in Venice in the fall of , I planned to continue my work
on religion and the press by investigating a group of Venetian printers of
the s who issued philo-Protestant books. Knowing who they were
and what they published, I decided that my first assignment was to go to
xii Preface

the Archivio di Stato and look at their tax records in the hope of begin-
ning to understand their business practices. When I called for a set of
these documents, I got a most unpleasant surprise. Sixteenth-century tax
records, the archivist on duty that day informed me, were very large vol-
umes on very high shelves, dangerous to lift down; the contract of those
who fetched materials exempted them from doing so. If I wished to give
her a few printers’ names, she kindly added, she and her colleagues would
look for printers’ tax records in their spare time and tell me what they
found.
Disinclined to do secondhand research, I realized that my project was
doomed from the start. To calm myself and try to think of a fall-back
plan,I pulled from the shelf in the sala di studio my favorite volume:Index
, the handwritten inventory of material in the series Sant’Ufficio
(Holy Office, that is, Inquisition) completed by Giuseppe Giomo and
Luigi Pasini in . As I leafed through it, I came across the listing of a
familiar case. A book by the Italian novelist Fulvio Tomizza I had read a
few months earlier told the story of two natives of the Bergamo region,
the priest Pietro Morali and the weaver’s daughter Maria Janis, tried by
the Inquisition of Venice in – for pretense of holiness.⁵ “What a
fascinating case,probably a unique one,” I had thought at the time.Within
a few hours that day in the Archivio di Stato, I realized that the case of
Morali and Janis was not one of a kind. In the seventeenth and eight-
eenth centuries, the Venetian Inquisition had convicted several other in-
dividuals and two-person groups on the same charge, categorized by
Giomo and Pasini as affettata, falsa, finta, pretesa, and simulata santità. In the
next few days, I located additional cases under such rubrics as “impos-
ture.” Twelve cases against sixteen people struck me as constituting a sig-
nificant group. Soon I discovered that three scholars had studied individ-
ual “false saints” elsewhere in Italy.⁶ Thus my next assignment found me.

Reading the trial dossiers (two of them lengthy enough to fill card-
board storage boxes six or seven inches high), tracing the prosecuted and
the prosecutors in other sources, examining pertinent contemporaneous
theological and medical works, familiarizing myself with modern stud-
ies of pretense of holiness in other regions on the Italian peninsula as
well as in the Iberian world, and reading around in the scholarly litera-
ture for potentially useful insights naturally took a great deal of time.The
demands of this mostly fascinating “normal science,” however, paled in
comparison with the challenge of deciding how to present my findings.
 Preface xiii

Strongly attracted by such modern masterpieces as Carlo Ginzburg’s The

Cheese and the Worms and Natalie Zemon Davis’s The Return of Martin
Guerre, I initially intended to cast my work in the form of microhistory.⁷
Reconstructing and re-presenting these twelve stories, I thought, would
satisfy my taste for crafting complex, sophisticated narratives about indi-
viduals that would illuminate for readers the larger historical contexts in
which these people operated. Transcribing, editing, and then translating
the inquisitorial autobiography of one of them, Cecilia Ferrazzi, fed my
microhistorical temptation.⁸ Eventually, however, I determined to resist
it. Recounting a single story, I realized, might be a feasible, worthwhile
endeavor.Telling twelve would make it logistically difficult, if not impos-
sible, for me to draw them into a common field. Since I wanted to pre-
sent pretense of holiness as the significant historical phenomenon it un-
doubtedly was, I would have to devise a different, primarily analytical
approach.
From Thucydides on,historians have traditionally claimed—and after
a hiatus that supposedly occurred between about  and , many
have reiterated—that their principal task is to tell “true stories.”⁹ The
adjective “true” connotes “verisimilitude.” Historians aim to represent
past events “accurately” and “plausibly” by maintaining “fidelity to the
historical record,” accessible in “the original sources.” They scrupulously
avoid flights of imagination which would push their accounts over the
precipice into another, implicitly inferior genre, “fiction.” The noun
“stories” (or in recent usage, “tales”) suggests that historians’ main mode
of exposition is and should be “narrative.”¹⁰ Unlike social scientists, his-
torians are primarily committed to the “diachronic” approach, to “ac-
counting for” or “explaining” change over time.To explain how and why
things changed, they may have to opt at some points for an alternative
mode, “analysis”; but following an analytical excursus, the story moves
ahead in narrative form.¹¹
In the preceding statement, placed here not as my personal credo but
as a heuristic point of departure, every word within quotation marks sig-
nals an issue hotly debated since the s by practicing historians and
analysts of historical thinking and writing. Although I have no intention
of addressing all these issues directly, my awareness of them pervades this
book.
In Chapter  I introduce one set of principal characters, those ac-
cused of pretense of holiness, by constructing brief, synthetic versions of
their stories. Next I turn to the operations of the Inquisition in the
xiv Preface

Republic of Venice (Chapter ) and the emergence of pretense of holi-

ness as a theological and juridical category (Chapters –). Then I con-
sider two control groups on opposite ends of the early modern holiness
spectrum: “genuine” holy people on the one hand and those considered
to be in league with or manipulated by the devil (sorceresses and witches)
on the other (Chapters –).
The following chapters provide close analysis of themes that emerge
from the twelve trials. In Chapters  and  I consider the theory and
practice of exorcism and medicine. Physical objects, the accessories to
pursuit of holiness ultimately deemed illegitimate, form the subject of
Chapter . Time and space concern me in Chapter , gender and sex
in Chapter . I conclude in Chapter  by addressing directly the issue
of pretense. To what extent were these aspirants to extraordinary holi-
ness fabricating evidence of being specially favored by God, or at least
seeking to enhance their public images as holy people? To what degree
did their prosecutors’ theological and social presuppositions result in-
evitably in the construction of “false saints”?

Now for a few historiographical observations. When I began work

on this study, Venetian and indeed Italian history in the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries was virtually terra incognita for me. Most Anglo-
phone historians of the early modern period in Italy have focused on the
Renaissance, a term that long ago burst the seams of its original art-
historical and intellectual-historical garment. The era that followed will
be less familiar to most readers of this book. (It does not even have an
adequate or generally accepted name: the designation “baroque Italy” is
just as misleading as “Renaissance Italy,” and “Counter-Reformation
Italy” privileges certain topics while excluding others.) Although I have
not supplied much “general background,” I have done my best to ex-
plain what I had first to discover for myself, so that intelligent readers
will be able to situate my analysis of pretense of holiness within its larger
context.
Psychoanalytic language is by now so embedded in historical think-
ing and discourse that employing it on occasion is difficult to avoid. I
have not tried and do not claim, however, to have probed systematically
the psyches of my subjects so as to uncover “real” motives “masked” by
religious language. Although some psychoanalytic paradigms offer use-
ful heuristic leads, they cannot be transplanted successfully into situations
very different from those in which they were generated.¹² To put it more
 Preface xv

accurately,features of the social,cultural,and economic environment suf-

fice to illuminate, if not to explain fully, the paranormal experiences of
early modern visionaries. In my view, a cigar is usually a cigar.
Gender lies at the center of this book. For me, it is not merely “a use-
ful category of historical analysis” to be employed alongside other, more
traditional historical modes of operation. In the seminal article in which
she coined the phrase, Joan Scott expressed her hope that attention to
gender would transform the practice of history.¹³ It has certainly trans-
formed mine. Here I endeavor to show that socially constructed assump-
tions about male and female nature permeated both theologians’ and in-
quisitors’ conceptions of pretense of holiness and aspiring holy people’s
ways of formulating and executing their projects of moving closer to
God.

Over the many years I have been working on this project, I have re-
ceived assistance from many individuals and institutions. My former col-
leagues in that vibrant intellectual community Lawrence University
(especially William Bremer,Miriam Clapp Duncan,Michael Hittle,Judith
Sarnecki, George Saunders, the late William Schutte, and John Stanley)
followed my work with interest and enthusiasm, as did some of my stu-
dents.The university facilitated my work through a sabbatical leave. Sev-
eral graduate students at the University of Virginia, particularly those
enrolled in my seminar “Saints and Society” (spring ), cheered me
on and furnished occasional reality checks.Louisa Parker Mattozzi,Duane
Osheim, and Susan Karant-Nunn lent a hand in preparing the final ver-
sion of the manuscript. The National Endowment for the Humanities
awarded me two fellowships (the second at the Newberry Library). From
the Gladys Krieble Delmas Foundation,which supports research on Ven-
ice and the Veneto, I received two short-term grants.
In Venice, my second home as well as the focal point of this project,
staff members at the Archivio di Stato, the Archivio IRE (Istituzioni di
Ricovero e di Educazione), the Archivio Storico del Patriarcato di Ve-
nezia, the Biblioteca del Seminario Patriarcale, the Biblioteca Correr, the
Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, and the Biblioteca dell’Istituto Storico
della Fondazione Cini furnished expert assistance.I am particularly grate-
ful to Maria Francesca Tiepolo, former director of the Archivio di Stato,
for authorizing the opening of several sealed testaments, as well as to
archivists Francesca Cavazzana Romanelli, Michela Dal Borgo, Claudia
Salmini, Alessandra Sambo, and Alessandra Schiavon for unlocking the
xvi Preface

secrets of inventories and helping me to solve some paleographical puz-

zles. My compatriot and fellow archive rat Stanley Chojnacki opened my
eyes to the wonderful world of wills. The priests of several churches in
Venice kindly allowed me to consult their parish records.
In Rome, I profited from help at the recently opened Archivio della
Congregazione per la Dottrina della Fede (special thanks to its director,
Msgr. Alejandro Cifres Giménez), the Archivio Segreto Vaticano, and
the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. The directors of the central archives
of the Carmelites of the Ancient Observance, the Discalced Carmelites,
and the Society of Jesus assisted me in tracking down some of the figures
in this study.
A host of parish priests,archivists,and librarians too numerous to name
aided my work on my peregrinations to depositories in other towns and
cities.These include Alfianello and Bassano del Grappa (parish archives),
Bergamo (Archivio Vescovile and Biblioteca Comunale Angelo Mai),
Bologna (Archivio della Provincia Lombarda dell’Ordine Domenicano,
Biblioteca Comunale dell’Archiginnasio, and Biblioteca Universitaria),
Brescia (Archivio di Stato, Archivio Vescovile, and Civica Biblioteca
Queriniana), Chicago (Newberry Library), Faenza (Archivio Vescovile
and Biblioteca Manfrediana), Florence (Archivio Arcivescovile, Archivio
di Stato, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, and Biblioteca Riccardiana),
Milan (Biblioteca Ambrosiana), Padua (Biblioteca Antoniana, Biblioteca
Civica, and Biblioteca Universitaria), Trent (Biblioteca Comunale, Bib-
lioteca dell’Istituto Religioso, Biblioteca dell’Istituto Storico Italo-Ger-
manico), Vicenza (Biblioteca Civica Bertoliana), and Washington, D.C.
(Catholic University of America Library).
Throughout, a number of American and Italian friends and fellow
scholars have generously offered moral support, intellectual guidance, and
hospitality. Several have read my manuscript and made valuable sug-
gestions. To them—Linda Carroll, Andrea Del Col, Michael Knapton,
Edward Muir, Brenda Preyer, Silvana Seidel Menchi, Janet Smith, John
Tedeschi, the late Fulvio Tomizza, Elissa Weaver, Gabriella Zarri, and my
University of Virginia colleagues Mary McKinley and Alison Weber—
I dedicate this book.
Aspiring Saints
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