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An Early Self
Stanford Studies in Jewish History and Culture
ed i ted by Aron Rodrigue and Steven J. Zipperstein
 An Early Self
Jewish Belonging in Romance
Literature, 1499–1627

Susanne Zepp

translated by
Insa Kummer

stan f o rd u n iversit y press

stan f o rd, calif o rn ia
Stanford University Press
Stanford, California
English translation ©2014 by the Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior
University. All rights reserved.
©Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG
Susanne Zepp, Original title: Herkunft und Textkultur: Über jüdische
Erfahrungswelten in romanischen Literaturen 1499–1627, Göttingen, 2010
The translation of this work was funded by Geisteswissenschaften International—
Translation Funding for Work in the Humanities and Social Sciences from Germany,
a joint initiative of the Fritz Thyssen Foundation, the German Federal Foreign
OYce, the collecting society VG WORT, and the Börsenverein des Deutschen
Buchhandels (German Publishers and Booksellers Association).
No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any
means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording, or in any
information storage or retrieval system without the prior written permission of
Stanford University Press.
Printed in the United States of America on acid-free, archival-quality paper
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Zepp, Susanne, author.
[Herkunft und Textkultur. English]
An early self : Jewish belonging in Romance literature, 1499-1627 / Susanne Zepp ;
translated by Insa Kummer.
   pages cm—(Stanford studies in Jewish history and culture)
“Original title: Herkunft und Textkultur : über jüdische Erfahrungswelten in
­romanischen Literaturen 1499-1627.”
Includes bibliographical references and index.
isbn 978-0-8047-8745-1 (cloth : alk. paper)
1. Romance literature—Early modern, 1500–1700—History and criticism. 2. Romance
literature—Jewish authors—History and criticism. 3. Jewish literature—16th century—
History and criticism. 4. Jewish literature—17th century—History and criticism.
5. Judaism and literature. I. Title. II. Series: Stanford studies in Jewish history and
culture.
pn812.z4713 2014
840.09—dc23
isbn 978-0-8047-9314-8 (electronic)
Typeset by Classic Typography in 10.5/14 Galliard
Contents

Acknowledgments vii

Introduction 1
1. Skepticism and Irony: La Celestina (1499) 19
2. An Aesthetics of Love: Leone Ebreo’s
Dialoghi d’amore (1505/1535) 53
3. Inquisition and Conversion: El Lazarillo de Tormes (1554) 73
4. Marranism and Modernity: The Meaning of Form
in Michel de Montaigne’s Essais (1580–1588) 93
5. Sacred Text and Poetic Form: The Poetry of
João Pinto Delgado (1627) 117
Conclusion: Marranic Experience as a Paradigm
of the Modern Age 161

Notes 169
Bibliography 219
Index 255
Acknowledgments

This is an updated English translation of my book that initially ap-

peared in German under the title Herkunft und Textkultur: Über jü-
dische Erfahrungswelten in romanischen Literaturen 1499–1627 (Göt-
tingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2010). In 2011, the book was
awarded the Geisteswissenschaften International prize, which pro-
vides funding for German-English translations of publications in
the humanities and thus aims to contribute to the dissemination of
humanities research from Germany. I wish to thank the Börsenverin
des Deutschen Buchhandels, Fritz Thyssen Stiftung, VG WORT, and
the Federal Foreign OYce for awarding my book this opportunity.
This book grew out of my work at the Simon Dubnow Institute for
Jewish History and Culture at Leipzig University. My greatest thanks
are due to Dan Diner, director of the Simon Dubnow Institute and
professor of modern history at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem,
who generously reviewed the manuscript and helped me understand
the tectonics of early modern Jewish history. Both in method and
scope, this book is the result of all that I’ve learned from him. Thanks
to his achievements, the Simon Dubnow Institute is a true commu-
nity of scholars engaged in the collective task of creating a distinctive
approach to Jewish studies. This book would not have taken shape
without him and my colleagues and friends at the Dubnow Institute.
I’m also very grateful to Joachim Küpper, professor of Romance
and comparative literature at Freie Universität Berlin, who helped
me sharpen my methodological approach. Since I first had the priv-
ilege to work with Joachim as my doctoral advisor while writing on
Jorge Luis Borges, he has consistently pushed me to develop my ideas
viii Acknowledgments

further. Joachim read and reviewed more than one draft of this book
and gave me important insights about my theoretical and historical
presuppositions, for which I am very thankful.
I would like to thank my committee, Claudius Armbruster,
Dan Diner, Hans Ulrich Gumbrecht, Andreas Kablitz, Katharina
Niemeyer, and Barbara Potthast. In particular, I wish to thank
Katharina Niemeyer for supporting the research from the very be-
ginning. I greatly appreciate the help Andreas Kablitz oVered with
regard to the book’s methodological orientation, especially regard-
ing the chapters on Michel de Montaigne and Leone Ebreo. I’m very
thankful to Sepp Gumbrecht for his stimulating comments on this
book in particular and for our discussions regarding the future of
the study of Romance literatures and languages in general; I always
learn a great deal. Barbara Potthast, chair of the Iberian and Latin
American Division of the Universität zu Köln’s History Department,
oVered me valuable insights, as did Claudius Armbruster, director of
the Portuguese-Brazilian Institute at the Universität zu Köln; I thank
them both very much.
I have found an exemplary translator in Insa Kummer. I’m deeply
thankful that she shared her expertise in language, grammar, style, and
culture with me. She is an author’s dream translator in every respect,
and I’m very grateful for her thorough, incisive, and intellectually
stimulating work and support. This book has also benefited greatly
from Christine Gever’s thorough and detail-focused copyediting. She
has helped me to coordinate and think through the various aspects of
this book, for which I’m very thankful.
My research assistant Lucrezia Delphine Guiot meticulously pe-
rused the English translations of the Spanish, French, Italian, and
Portuguese originals of the literary texts and helped me to find an
English Midrash Esther Rabbah in Berlin. I greatly appreciate her
much-needed help. I would also like to thank my colleague and friend
Victoria Prilutzky for allowing me to use her photo of Toledo for the
cover.
As this book spans various disciplines, many colleagues and friends
read and reviewed the manuscript from their diVerent perspectives,
 Acknowledgments ix

in particular, Natasha Gordinsky (University of Haifa), Omar Kamil

(Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen), Elisabeth Gallas (Franz
Rosenzweig Minerva Research Center for German-Jewish Literature
and Cultural History at The Hebrew University of Jerusalem), Arndt
Engelhardt, Petra Klara Gamke-Breitschopf and Nicolas Berg from the
Simon Dubnow Institute, and Dieter Burdorf (Universität Leipzig).
A long conversation at the Wissenschaftskolleg zu Berlin with David
Nirenberg (University of Chicago) helped me to understand the com-
plicated research tradition on Spanish-Jewish history and culture, for
which I am very thankful.
At Freie Universität Berlin, I’m enjoying a vibrant and encour-
aging research environment, for which I owe gratitude to our dean,
Doris Kolesch, and to Freie Universität’s Center for International
Cooperation. I have been lucky to enjoy the friendship and continu-
ing dialogue with Emilia Merino Claros (Universität Wuppertal),
Andrea Weidenfeld (Köln), Natascha Pomino (Universität Zürich),
Carola Hilfrich (The Hebrew University of Jerusalem), and Paola
Traverso (Freie Universität Berlin) for many years. I’m very grateful
for that privilege.
I want to express my deep appreciation to my successive editors in
the Stanford Studies in Jewish History and Culture series at Stanford
University Press, Aron Rodrigue and Steven Zipperstein, and David
Biale and Sarah Abrevaya Stein. And my most sincere thanks also go
to the staV at the press: working with Kate Wahl (publishing director
and editor-in-chief) and production editor Gigi Mark has been a joy.

Finally, as always, to my family and to my partner Arne, I give my

most profound thanks.
Introduction

At the heart of this book is the literary interpretation of five texts

that originated in early modern Europe between 1499 and 1627. In
this process, I examine Romance literatures from a perspective that
closely links the change in genres and the characteristics specific to
literary texts of the time with early sixteenth and seventeenth-century
history. This study considers essential texts of the epoch, the inter-
pretation of which has hitherto focused mainly on the Jewish, “New
Christian,” or Marranic1 aYliation of their authors, whether alleged
or actual: La Celestina; the Dialoghi d’amore by Leone Ebreo; the first
picaresque novel, Lazarillo de Tormes; Michel de Montaigne’s Essais;
and João Pinto Delgado’s poeticizing treatments of biblical texts.
It is the intention of this study to redirect attention away from
the author’s origins and toward an analysis of the texts themselves.
Of particular interest in this context is the varying articulation of
the early modern individual, portrayed in each of the analyzed texts
in a specific way, yet always in interaction with Holy Scripture and
the sphere of the sacred, in an act of artistic production. A partic-
ular role is attributed to the historical-theological backdrop of the
Inquisition, the conversions, and the French Wars of Religion. The
consciousness of autonomous productivity represented diVerently
in each text is understood as a precondition for intellectual con-
sciousness emerging into the modern age. The interpretations sug-
gested here will not supply further arguments for the author’s be-
longing; instead I will show that from a literary studies perspective,
the development of early modern subjective consciousness can—at
2 Introduction

least in significant part—also be explained as a universalization of Jew-

ish experiences.
For the purpose of examining the diversity of early modern Ro-
mance literatures, their Jewish components are useful both as striking
examples and as a point of departure for comparison and contrast.
Many aspects of cultural diversity in Europe are mirrored in the his-
tory of European Jewry, since hardly any other minority had to solve
the question of “identity” as urgently and in as diVerentiated a manner
as the Jews.2 As a history of the transformation of belonging, Europe-
an-Jewish history is able to provide analytical categories that facilitate
the examination of other aYliations and their relations to each other.
In situating the epistemic interest of this study, these introductory
remarks include a historical contextualization as well as a detailed lit-
erature review. Romance studies have engaged with the Jewish con-
tribution to Romance languages and literatures in phases of varying
intensity. While this has mainly meant the study of texts written in
the Judeo-Romance languages, the coexistence of Arabic, Jewish, and
Christian cultures was certainly acknowledged as a historical back-
ground for Romance literatures overall. Spanish literature represented
the most common point of reference for such considerations. In the
first half of the twentieth century, Américo Castro (1885–1972) vehe-
mently emphasized the importance of the respective constellations
in cultural history. In his books España en su historia (1948) and De
la edad conflictiva (1961), Castro had pointed out the influence of the
Iberian Peninsula’s Jewish and Arabic history on the development of
Spanish culture in comparison to the contributions of Visigothic cul-
ture. He analyzed Spain’s post-sixteenth-century decline as follows:
El motive era muy simple: la casi totalidad del pensamiento cientí-
fico y filosófico y de la técnica más afinada había sido tarea de his-
pano-judíos, de la casta hispano-hebrea, integrada antes por judíos
de religíon, y desde 1492 por cristianos nuevos. . . . El retrocesco
cultural de los españoles desde mediados del siglo XVI no se debe a
ninguna Contrareforma, ni a la fobia anticientífica de Felipe II, sino
simplemente al terror a ser tomado por judío. En el capítulo II de la
edición renovada de La realidad histórica de España (1962) hago ver,
 Introduction 3

sin sombra de duda, que la famosa limpieza de sangre del siglo XVI,
el prurito de cristianidad vieja y de genealogía sin mácula judía, son
mera transposición hispano-cristiana de lo que secularmente venía
aconteciendo entre hispano-judíos.3

This passage from Castro’s study shows that he sought a greater ac-
knowledgment of the diversity of fifteenth- and sixteenth-century re-
ligious and cultural configurations; that said, his argument is shaped
overall by the discourses of his time. For instance, it is not free of
essentialist expressions describing allegedly “typical characteristics” of
Christians, Jews, and Muslims, and of conversos and Marranos, thus
hindering Castro’s understanding of matters beyond these essential-
isms in his otherwise often-stimulating analyses.
Castro’s student Stephen Gilman mainly focused on the converted
Jews’ contributions to Spanish culture in his literary scholarship. In
his view, not only were the conversos of central importance for Spanish
government administration and religious reforms, but, most import-
ant, “the converts had given the world” the novel, the main literary
genre of the modern age. Mateo Alemán, Alonso Nuñez de Reinoso,
Jorge de Montemayor, the anonymous author of Lazarillo de Tormes,
Fernando de Rojas, Diego de San Pedro, and Alonso Martínez de
Toledo had created this narrative genre.4
There was, however, considerable opposition to these perspectives
that should be taken into account. In 1957, Spanish medievalist Claudio
Sánchez-Albornoz,5 exiled in Argentina, published his study España, un
enigma histórico, which was conceived—among other things—as a reply
to Américo Castro’s theses. Sánchez-Albornoz summarized his rigorous
rejection of Américo Castro’s conception of history as follows:
The Jewish has contributed to the creation of the Spanish not on the
paths of light, but on dark paths . . . , and it can produce nothing
which distinguishes it against us, for it has left us so much deforma-
tion and misfortune and has damaged our potential for development
as well as our historical credibility.6

Claudio Sánchez-Albornoz’s abrasive polemic against Américo Castro

represents a dispute among historians that has aVected literary studies
4 Introduction

as well. Following the end of the Franco regime and the subsequent
democratization of the 1970s and 1980s, and since the five-­hundred-
year-anniversary celebrations of the epochal year 1492 at the latest,
the study of Hispanic literature has increasingly turned toward anal-
yses of Sephardic and Andalusian-Arabic culture and literature. Juan
Goytisolo played a very significant role in the increased acknowledg-
ment of matters concerning Spanish-Arabic relations. To this day, his
literary, essayist, and journalistic works are aimed at opposing the
denial of Arabic influences by Francoist Spain with an appropriate
appreciation of its Muslim history and thus, as an author and essay-
ist, contributing to a corrective appraisal of the Spanish past.7 Taking
a decidedly pro-Arabic position, however, Goytisolo considers the
Jewish contribution to the development of the Iberian Peninsula’s
culture to be much less important than this study does.
Essential to a scholarly discussion concerning the significance of the
Inquisition and Marranism for historical and philosophical study are
Israël Salvator Révah’s works on Portuguese literature and its connec-
tions with Judaism and Marranism. In their preface to an anthology
dedicated to Révah (2001), Henry Méchoulan and Gérard Nahon
acknowledge the importance of Révah’s scholarly works on Uriel da
Costa, Manuel Fernandes de Villareal, Miguel de Barrios, and Baruch
Spinoza, on the Judeo-Spanish (Ladino) language, and on the pro-
cedures of the Inquisition, and they have attempted to make these
works accessible to future generations of scholars.8 Révah’s studies
on Portuguese crypto-Judaism and Marranism in Amsterdam had al-
ready been compiled and thus made accessible to a new readership by
Carsten Lorenz Wilke and Henry Méchoulan in 1995.9 The works of
Révah’s contemporaries Haim Beinart, Julio Caro Baroja, and António
Domínguez deserve mention at this point as well.
Any survey of interdisciplinary studies must also make mention
of the fact that these questions were in fact articulated at a rela-
tively early point. In 1859, the Leipzig publishing house of Hermann
Mendelssohn published a monograph titled Sephardim—Romanische
Poesien der Juden in Spanien: Ein Beitrag zur Literatur und Geschichte
der spanisch-­portugiesischen Juden (Sephardim—Romance poetry by the
Jews of Spain: A study on the literature and history of the Spanish-­
 Introduction 5

Portuguese Jews), which directed attention toward the importance

of Spanish-Jewish culture for Spanish and European literature. Its
author, Meyer Kayserling, thus opened up a new perspective for the
still-new German-language study of Hispanic literature in several re-
gards. Kayserling’s study combined historical and literary analyses, a
combination that was programmatic for him: “History is as insepara-
ble from literature as literature is from history: a principle that histori-
ans of Jewish history and literature in particular would do well to take
heed of.”10
The nineteenth century also saw the birth of filología hispánica in
Spain. Beginning in the middle of the century, numerous scholarly
works on literature were published; and scarcely ten years before
Meyer Kayserling’s book, Spanish Jewry’s contribution to Spanish
literature was acknowledged for the first time—albeit very briefly—in
the Historia crítica de la literatura española published beginning in
1860 by Madrid’s professor of Spanish literature, José Amador de los
Ríos (1818–1878). He also authored a history of the Iberian Peninsula’s
Jews, Historia política, social y religiosa de los judíos de España y Portugal
(1875/76). Similarly, in his studies on the Sephardic romancero tradi-
tion11 and his cultural studies monographs Origenes del español (1926)
and La España del Cid (1929), Ramón Menéndez Pidal (1869–1968)
paid a great deal of attention to the particularities of the interactions
among Christian, Jewish, and Muslim cultures in medieval Spain.
In post–World War II Germany, several overviews of the study of
Hispanic literatures have been published since the mid-1990s that
have provided the stimulus for further critical engagement with the
productivity of Jewish culture in Spanish literature before and after
1492. Among these, the studies by André Stoll,12 Manfred Tietz,13
Dietrich Briesemeister,14 Albert Gier,15 Eugen Heinen,16 Norbert
Rehrmann and Andreas Koechert,17 and Leo Pollmann18 deserve to be
mentioned. All of them have covered the pertinent thematic context
from diVerent angles and presented an overview. In Spanish-language
Hispanic studies, the relevant works on this topic are those by Iacob
M. Hassán and Ricardo Izquierdo Benito, 19 Felipe Pedraza Jiménez
and Milagros Rodríguez Cáceres, 20 and Ángel Sáenz-Badillos and
Judit Targarona Borras.21
6 Introduction

The year 1492 not only stands for the discovery of a new continent,
it also marks the end of the last Muslim empire on Spanish soil: the
beginning of the year 1492 saw the fall of the Emirate of Granada fol-
lowing the capitulation of Boabdil, last king of the Nasrid dynasty.22
Although the Catholic kings had guaranteed the Muslims and Jews
of Granada protection in the Treaty of Granada, all Jews who did not
convert to Christianity within four months had to leave Spain accord-
ing to the edict issued by the reyes católicos on March 31, 1492. Thus
ended the tradition of Jewish life in Spain that went as far back as late
antiquity, for Jews had already settled in Roman Hispania, mostly in
the southern part of the peninsula. In Tarragona, Tortosa, and Mérida,
burial slabs document Jewish settlements between 100 and 50 BCE.
Following the Jewish revolts under Hadrian and Titus, the destruc-
tion of the Second Temple of Jerusalem in 70 CE, the Bar Kokhba
revolt, the capture of Jerusalem, and the diaspora after 135 CE, many
Jews fled to Sepharad and other regions in the Mediterranean.23 The
first written evidence of Jewish life on the Iberian Peninsula appears
in the canons issued by the Synod of Elvira (ca. 306 CE, near contem-
porary Seville).24
Following Roderic’s defeat by Tariq Ibn Ziyad in 711, the era of Al-
Andalus began. The coexistence of Jews, Muslims, and Christians was
greatly hindered by the rule of the Almoravids (1046–1147) and the
Almohads (1147–1269), as a consequence of which many Jews moved
north to the Christian states of Castile and Aragon, at whose courts
they enjoyed protection as a religious minority. From the eleventh to
the fourteenth century, Spanish-Jewish culture and philosophy flour-
ished. Beginning in the fourteenth century, conversions of Jews to
Christianity increased as a result of growing anti-Judaism in Spain.25
The Ottoman Empire granted freedom of religion to the Sephardim
in the aftermath of the 1492 Spanish Edict of Expulsion, as a result of
which about 200,000 Jews migrated to eastern Mediterranean lands.
Thessaloniki and the entirety of the Balkans became a center of Judeo-
Spanish communities, who maintained their cultural identity and
language.26
The historiography of Spanish Jewry first culminated in the 1848
publication of a work by Elias Hiam Lindo.27 This was followed by
 Introduction 7

a study by José Amador de los Rios;28 and then, in the beginning of

the twentieth century, by a work by Yitzhak F. Baer on the Jews in
Christian Spain, the first part of which was titled Aragón and Navarre,
published in Berlin between 1929 and 1936;29 and a book by Eliyahu
Ashtor;30 as well as several more-recent studies on the history of the
Sephardim.31
The subject of the Spanish Inquisition has been well researched
from a historical perspective and well covered by several general
works from recent decades in particular. The reference texts include
Henry Kamen’s repeatedly revised study,32 the various editions of
Cecil Roth’s seminal book,33 Benzion Netanyahu’s works,34 and John
Edwards’s history of the Inquisition.35 Ángel Alcalá complemented
these general works with his studies on the persecution of intellec-
tuals by the Spanish Inquisition,36 while studies by Charles Amiel37
and Francisco Bethencourt38 have provided vital information on the
Inquisition in Portugal. A German-language study on the Inquisition
was authored by Fritz Heymann.39
The essays authored by Jaime Contreras and Gustav Henningsen40
as well as those by Jean Pierre Dedieu41 represent the basic refer-
ence texts for the methodical analysis of the archival material on the
Inquisition used for this study. The volume Christians, Muslims, and
Jews in Medieval and Early Modern Spain, edited by Mark D. Meyerson
and Edward D. English, compiles essential essays on the subject.42
Luce López Barralt’s study of the influence of Islamic culture on
Spanish literature43 is of relevance for literary studies, since it sheds
light on a continuing desideratum in Hispanic studies for an Arabic
studies perspective. There is no shortage of works on Judeo-Spanish
texts but of analyses examining the productivity of Jewish culture for
Spanish literary history overall.
In 1967, an article by Eugenio Asensio on the “peculiarity” (pecu-
liaridad) of converso literature was published in the Anuario de Estudios
Medievales.44 Ángel Alcalá Galve examined the image of Jews and
conversos in the period between 1474 and 1516.45 The publication of
the anthology Judíos, sefarditas, conversos: La expulsion de 1492 y sus
consecuencias, edited by Alcalá Galve, led to increased interest in the
questions raised there. Twenty years ago, Eliyahu Ashtor had already
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