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i
Beyond Origins
ii
iii
Beyond Origins
Rethinking Founding in a Time
of Constitutional Democracy
Angélica Maria Bernal
1
iv
1
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.
Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press
198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America.
© Oxford University Press 2017
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in
a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted
by law, by license, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reproduction
rights organization. Inquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the
above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above.
You must not circulate this work in any other form
and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Maria Bernal, Angélica, author.
Title: Beyond origins : rethinking founding in a time of
constitutional democracy / Angélica Maria Bernal.
Description: New York, NY : Oxford University Press, 2017. |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2016052394| ISBN 9780190494223 (hardcover : alk. paper) |
ISBN 9780190685638 (epub)
Subjects: LCSH: Constitutional history. | Democracy. | Comparative government.
Classification: LCC JF51 .R427 2017 | DDC 321.8—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2016052394
9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Printed by Sheridan Books, Inc., United States of America
v
For Toby, Bodhi, and Sirinan
vi
vi
CONTENTS
Acknowledgments ix
Introduction 1
PART ONE: Foundings and Foundationalism
1. Foundational Invocations: Democratic Politics and the Problem of
Original Authority 25
2. A Good and Perfect Beginning: Plato’s Laws and the Problem
of the Lawgiver and the People 52
3. A Tale of Two Democratic Foundings: The United States, Haiti,
and the Problem of Democratic Self-Constitution 75
PART TWO: Founding Beyond Origins
4. Foundings, Origins, and Repetition: Livy’s Roman Foundings
Reconsidered 107
5. The Promise and Perils of Presidential Refounding
in Latin America 132
6. The Regenerative Founding: Jefferson, the French Revolution, and
Democratic Self-Constitution 159
7. Another Birth of Freedom: Méndez and the Constituent Power
of the Excluded 193
Conclusion 223
Notes 235
Index 267
vi
ix
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This book bears the trace of the myriad acts of support and kindness of
many people. Writing a first book is always a challenge, but the distinctive
ones that my family and I have faced the past few years, made it at times
seem like this book might be an impossible feat. It is with the pleasure of
a finished product that I now express my gratitude for everyone who made
this possible.
I want to begin by thanking my dissertation committee: Seyla Benhabib,
Bruce Ackerman, and Paulina Ochoa Espejo. Seyla was an unparalleled
advisor and mentor, allowing me the freedom to explore a canonical subject
in an idiosyncratic way and helping to challenge and shape its early ideas.
I am grateful to her for continued support, warmth, and commitment to
my success. Bruce Ackerman’s constitutional theory and his work on the
US Founding were an influence and foil for this project, and I sincerely
appreciate his generosity of time and spirit in engaging with my ideas and
my early interpretations and critiques of his work. Paulina Ochoa Espejo
has been a model interlocutor and friend. Her brilliant work on popular
sovereignty has been deeply influential on my own. I am grateful for her
sharp insights, careful readings of this work at most every stage, and for
her unwavering belief in the project and in me as a scholar. When putting
words to paper felt most difficult, it was her constant input and supportive
words that were most crucial in helping me to turn this project into a viable
book manuscript.
This book might not have been possible if not for the nurturing grounds
in which it took root at the University of Massachusetts Amherst. I have
greatly benefitted from the distinctive intellectual environment created in
our department encouraging inter and intra-disciplinary work. As a junior
scholar, I am especially grateful for the intellectual support and input on the
book manuscript from our senior political theorists: Nick Xenos, Roberto
Alejandro, and Barbara Cruikshank. Thanks also to Barbara Cruikshank for
x
organizing a book workshop where I received feedback on the manuscript,
and for her unwavering support over the years. Jesse Rhodes and my
former colleague Ivan Ascher provided helpful input on early chapters of
this manuscript for which I am grateful.
Conversations and careful feedback from many colleagues and friends
proved crucial in the development and improvement of this book. I
want to thank those who commented on chapters at different stages
of the process: Elizabeth Beaumont, Cristina Beltran, Kate Gordy, Neil
Roberts, Daniel Kapust, John McCormick, Thomas Donahue, Leigh
Jenco, Maxwell Cameron, Paul Apostolidis, Jose Angel Hernandez,
Jaime Rafael Vintimilla, and Teresa Ramsby. In particular, I am indebted
to Elizabeth Beaumont for her insights and to three anonymous review-
ers who went above and beyond in providing prodding critiques and
helpful suggestions on how to best improve the book’s arguments. I am
grateful to Jason Frank, Diego von Vacano, Christopher Meckstroth,
and George Ciccariello-Maher for conversations and input that helped
to direct me in new directions and sources, and to Ange-Marie Hancock
and Antonio Vazquez-Arroyo for their encouragement and support.
Various chapters were improved by the comments from audiences
at conference meetings of the Western Political Science Association,
the American Political Science Association, and the Latin American
Studies Association, alongside several workshops. Special thanks to The
American Founding Group at the University of Georgia—Paul Carlsen,
Keith Dougherty David Gelman, Jason Villarreal, and Robert Cooper—
for their careful reading of one of the book’s chapters. And to my col-
leagues Sonia Alvarez, Barbara Cruikshank, and Jillian Schwedler for
the opportunity to present chapters of this book in their “On Protest”
seminar, and to seminar participants for their input.
My profound thanks to my research assistant Benjamin Leiter for his
tireless efforts in helping me to put together this book manuscript. To Elva
Orozco Mendoza, Martha Balaguera, Eric Sippert and Beki Atkins for their
additional research assistance, and many other of our outstanding grad-
uate students including Alix Olson, Gabriel Mares, Amanda Giorgio, Ana
Maria Ospina, and Andres Fabian Henao Castro for their input on chapters.
I am immensely grateful to my editor Angela Chnapko for her enthusiasm
for this project from the very beginning and for her guidance throughout
the process. An early version of Chapter 5 appeared as “The Meaning and
Perils of Presidential Refounding in Latin America” Constellations 21, no. 4
(December 2014): 440–456. I want to acknowledge the editors and publish-
ers for giving me permission to reprint it in revised form, as well as three
anonymous reviewers for their critical responses and suggestions.
[x] Acknowledgments
xi
The completion of this book was made possible thanks to a great
deal of institutional support. The UMass Amherst Center for Research
on Families and the Lilly Fellowship provided me with crucial research
leave, and the Center for Latin American, Caribbean, and Latin@
Studies (CLACLS) with both the opportunity to present an early chap-
ter and a supportive community. My thanks to Brenda Bushouse, Jen
Lundquist, Eve Weinbaum, Jane Fountain, and my former chair Brian
Schaffner for their advocacy in addressing my work-life balance and
providing me with much needed support for the completion of the
book manuscript.
Many wonderful friends have contributed with their own insights,
loving support, and friendship. I want to thank Nandini Deo, Tim
Loftus, Gahodery Cambry, Khurram Hussain, Betsy Paluck, Tom and
Julie Pepinsky, Dan and Katie Galvin, Irene and Caroline Gates, and
my compadres Patricia Ferrer-Medina and Harry Franqui-Rivera. Here
in the Pioneer Valley, thanks to Rod Anderson, Sonia Alvarez, Agustin
Lao-Montes, Meg and Jesse Rhodes, Jake Jenny Kate and Jill Marble,
Jen and Jotham Stavely, Amel Ahmed, MJ Peterson, Dean Robinson,
Diana Demers-Slovin, and Lisa Pickron. My round of thanks would be
incomplete without fully acknowledging and thanking Mari Castañeda
for her support and mentorship. Her deep commitment to the mentor-
ing of other Latina scholars is an inspiration and I am grateful to you,
hermana, for helping me to make it through this project and the past
few years.
My deepest debts are perhaps to our families. To my parents Alvaro and
Vicky Bernal, I cannot sufficiently express how fortunate I feel to be your
daughter. Thank you for all the many sacrifices you have made over the
years, for your unwavering support and encouragement of my intellectual
pursuits, and for your many selfless deeds of caring, love, and optimism. I
am grateful to my brothers Andres Bernal and Al Bernal, and to their fam-
ilies, in particular to my sister-in-law Jennifer Bernal. Finally, I want to
thank my in-laws Wes and Yupa Barnes for lovingly coming on this journey
with us and for your support of all that we do.
My greatest thanks go to the three people to whom I dedicate this book.
To my son, Bodhi, my inspiration and motivation. Since you were born,
you have worked harder than anyone I know to achieve things that most
of us take for granted. Thank you for the joy and pride you have brought
to our lives and for being my greatest teacher. To my partner, Toby Barnes,
words here are insufficient to express my gratitude. When faced with our
son’s unexpected diagnosis, he selflessly took on an overwhelming amount
of responsibilities and held up the home front, providing me with much
Acknowledgments [ xi ]
xi
needed time and peace of mind so that I could write this book. Thank you
for all your hard work, for filling our home with so much laughter and
beautiful art, and for being an amazing father and husband. Lastly, to our
daughter Sirinan Maria, who was born as this book was nearing comple-
tion, you are our little family’s refounding and my constant reminder to
always hope.
[ xii ] Acknowledgments
xi
Beyond Origins
xvi
1
Introduction
F oundings have long captured the political imagination, yet rarely do
we stop and ask: “What is a founding?” Perhaps we don’t ask because
the answer to this question seems rather simple: a founding is the birth of
a nation, an original moment of creation after which a regime and its peo-
ple are said to exist. And there would be plenty of evidence to support this
answer. To answer this question we might tap into our national imagery
and civic stories of founding: images of Founding Fathers, who after a per-
iod of struggle with a common enemy break free to create a new political
community in the hallowed act of drafting a constitution. We might also
find that the physical structures surrounding us confirm this view. Walking
down a street, we might notice a government building imprinted with the
word “founded” and a year. All this evidence would support the view that
a founding is a singular place and event of origin, authoritatively fixed in
historical space and time.
The common view of founding that informs politics and constitutional
law bolsters this definition.1 Founding, this view tells us, is the origi-
nal event at which a constitution is drafted and a democracy attains legal
identity and political authority. It is an authoritative moment that fixes
something supreme in the life of a constitutional democracy: its higher
law and a defining set of political commitments, principles, rights, and
values that anchor its continued life. From henceforth, the community is
no longer a colony, an outpost, or a random amalgamation of individuals.
In this decisive event, this founding, a political community takes its first
breath of life. Founding then is not just any moment of innovation but a
constitutional democracy’s most definitive and superlative one. It attains
the foundations for politics by establishing the rules of the game, grounding
2
political authority and legitimacy, and forging a political “we” that binds
and unifies a people for generations to come.
This view of founding, present in many constitutional democracies, is
beloved by politicians and citizens alike. It is at the heart of what it means
to be a good citizen and member of the nation, with a collective sense of
identity and linked fate. It inserts citizens into a shared political lineage as
the progeny of common forefathers and unifies them across time to a shared
political project. As a point of political origins, it provides answers to funda-
mental questions about where we come from and, in times of crisis, where we
must return. It defines an extraordinary moment of beginning that consti-
tutes the state and its people, and that binds them together in a fundamental
compact ensuring the everyday stability and workings of democracy.
But for all its ubiquity, this view is deeply problematic. By projecting
founding to be a singular, superlative moment of origins, the picture of
foundational change we have gotten is a limited and limiting one. It tells us
that founding action is a thing of the past, not the present or future. That
those who come after Founding Fathers can only stand on the shoulders
of giants. That to change the political world we have been born into, we
must stand on those shoulders because we can only augment what others
have built, with the tools of others. That, in other words, a political order
is a house built by others, Founders and Framers, of which we are but its
tenants and residents, not its builders. It is also a distorting picture. Most
troubling, it renders flat contingency and power struggle in the making
of political orders, and masks the disagreements, conflicts, injustices, vio-
lences, and exclusions present in the original founding events of constitu-
tional democracies.
This book offers an alternative vision of founding. It is a vision of found-
ing that privileges contestation over unity, incompleteness over con-
solidation, creative unsettlement over perpetual binding, and ongoing
foundation building over singular beginnings. It begins by questioning and
challenging the common view as inappropriate for contemporary constitu-
tional democracies. In its place, the book introduces a new vision: founding
beyond origins. By examining contexts where appeals to a unifying, celebra-
tory origin are neither possible nor desirable—from early imperial Rome
and revolutionary Haiti and France, to mid-20th-century racially segre-
gated California, and early-21st-century Latin America—the book con-
structs this vision, one that prods us to reconsider foundings on different
terms: as a contestable and ongoing dimension of political life. To flesh out
the book’s argument and this vision, let me begin by turning to the roots of
the problem, the conception of founding that dominates in constitutional
democracies.
[2] Introduction
3
THE AUTHORITATIVE BEGINNING
Studies in the history of political thought have traditionally centered on
the analysis of concepts such as authority, legitimacy, rights, power, and
liberty but not on founding as a political concept.2 This analytical omission
can perhaps be explained by the peculiar place that foundings have occu-
pied in Western thought, both as a ubiquitous and yet ambiguous presence,
something between myth, legend, and history.
When we invoke the notion of a “founding,” what generally comes to
mind are stories of the great or terrifying deeds of a legendary Legislator
or Founding Father. In classical accounts, these stories turn on a superhu-
man, near divine, or supremely wise lawgiver or founder, an exceptional
figure whose extraordinary deeds establish a new polity and give it its laws.
In the age of revolution, myth and legend have been replaced by the event.
As an event, heroic figures still populate a founding, but it is now brought
down to earth as something that exists and whose facticity is affirmed by
the historical record. Unlike Romulus or Lycurgus, we can confirm that
the US, French, Haitian, and other revolutionaries across the Americas did
exist as actual flesh-and-blood individuals and that their actions did take
place, though we may have varying and conflicting interpretations of those
actions.
Despite these differences between classical and modern conceptions of
founding, the line between myth and history is time and again blurred to
similar effects. While founding as the historical event may be open to more
critical inquiry, it remains, like in classical accounts, mythologized in con-
stitutional democracies. This mythologized view, briefly described above, is
one I term the authoritative beginning.
While rarely acknowledged or systematically investigated, the authori-
tative beginning has become the dominant conception of founding in con-
stitutional democracies. It is an ever-present feature of everyday politics as
statesmen, citizens, constitution makers, and new social movements wage
many a political battle through appeals to shared origins, Founding Fathers,
and foundational principles and values. Implicit in these foundational invo-
cations are a series of assumptions about what a founding is and what it is
supposed to do: first, that founding is a singular, superlative moment of ori-
gin and creation that establishes the foundations of democracy (laws, insti-
tutions, rights, legitimacy, authority); second, that it is point of consensus,
agreement, and civic unity; and third, that it is the source of universally
binding commitments, beyond and above ordinary politics.
At the root of what makes this view so problematic is its political foun-
dationalism. This political foundationalism can best be understood by
Introduction [3]
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