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Women’s Places:
Illustration credits vi
Contributors vii
Introduction ix
2 Creating ‘The New Room’; the Hall sisters of West Wickham and Richard 22
Norman Shaw
Trevor Keeble
3 Elsie de Wolfe and her female clients, 1905–15: gender, class and the 44
professional interior decorator
Penny Sparke
7 A house of her own; Dora Gordine and Dorich House (1936) 118
Brenda Martin
Index 163
Illustration credits
The authors and the publishers would like to thank the following individuals and
institutions for giving permission to reproduce illustrations. We have made every
effort to contact copyright holders, but if any errors have been made we would
be happy to correct them at a later printing.
Aaron, P./Esto
Adam, P.
Architectural Press
Beinecke Library, Yale University
British Architect
Bromley Borough Council
Canadian Center for Architecture, Montreal
Carlu, J. et al.
Centraal Museum, Utrecht
de Wolfe, E. The House in Good Taste, New York: The Century Company,
1913
de Wolfe, E. After All, New York: Harper & Brothers, 1935
English Heritage
Frank den Oudsten
Friedman, A.T.
Ginain, L.
Greenaway, K. Under the Window, 1879
Irvine, A.
Larkin Brothers
Library of Congress, Washington DC
Murry, J.S.
National Monuments Record Centre
National Portrait Gallery, London
Perret, A.
RIBA
Royal School of Art Needlework
Spielman, M. and Layard, G., Kate Greenaway (London: Adam and Charles
Black, 1905)
Victoria and Albert Museum
Contributors
cultural past and demonstrate that, within patriarchy, the fact that women had
been edited out of the picture, was just another example of male domination.
Back in 1973 Doris Cole wrote her influential book From Tipi to Skyscraper in
which she clearly demonstrated that women had played, and continued to play, a
central role within the male-dominated world of architecture.1 It established an
important tradition which others were to follow. Four years later Susan Torre
picked up the baton and edited a book of essays entitled Women in American
Architecture: A Historic and Contemporary Perspective.2 In the same year
Gwendolyn Wright published her essay entitled ‘On the Fringe of the Profession:
Women in American Architecture’ in an edited volume.3 Dorothy M.Anderson’s
Women, Design and the Cambridge School followed in 1980, focusing attention
on a group of female architects working in a particular context while Ellen Perry
Berkeley and Mathilda McQuaid’s edited book of essays entitled Architecture: A
Place for Women appeared at the end of the decade.4 Lynne Walker moved the
emphasis to the other side of the Atlantic in her essay, also published in 1989,
‘Women Architects’ which dealt with female British architects working in the
late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.5 Some years later another British
publication—edited by K.Ruedi, S.Wigglesworth and D.McCorquodale Desiring
Practices: Architecture, Gender and the Interdisciplinary—developed these
ideas in their discussions of some of the ways in which women contributed to the
practice of architecture.6 Gradually studies of individual women working in
architecture began to surface, especially in the USA, and monographs appeared
on individuals, such as Julia Morgan, the architect of Hearst Castle in California,
who had made significant contributions to the built environment. Texts such as
these sought to raise women’s achievements to the level of their male
counterparts and to show how a number of women—albeit inevitably a smaller
number than men—had been effective and influential architects. The list
gradually expanded and the work of women in areas such as garden design—
Ellen Shipman among them—began to be documented thereby broadening the
narrow emphasis on the built structure. The 1990s saw a huge expansion of yet
more studies which focused on the subject of women and architecture, many of
them concerned to show that women had worked as architects but that their work
had not been documented.
That architecture, rather than industrial design, craft or interior design, was the
first area of material culture to track down its female protagonists was a result of
the fact that it was an overridingly masculine, and even more importantly,
professionalised, field in which women felt they had to prove themselves and
show that they had participated and could continue to participate. Inside the
domestic sphere—the physical arena of interior decoration and the hand-made
and the industrially manufactured object—the traditional links with feminine
culture were stronger and it took longer for women to want to celebrate their
involvements with these activities. It was believed, in the early years of the
women’s movement, less was to be achieved by claiming creative achievements
in a sphere in which women were already accepted. Gradually, however, these
xi
arenas too came to be retrieved from their ‘hidden from history’ status. Isabelle
Anscombe’s A Woman’s Touch: Women in Design from 1860 to the Present Day
was published in 1984 ensuring that women’s achievements inside the house, as
well as outside it, were recognised.7 Later, in 1991, Jill Seddon and Suzette
Worden provided documentation relating to women designers working in Britain
in the inter-war years which added a whole new list of names to those already
reclaimed by Anscombe.8
It is significant that the period covered by Anscombe’s book was that
recognised as the modernist era. It was becoming apparent that the majority of
women who were being reclaimed, both in architecture and design, could, for the
most part, be inserted into the modernist paradigm, or at least added to the edges
of it. What this meant was that while new names were emerging, their work was
being analysed and judged by the same criteria that were used to describe and
position the work of those contributors to the modernist canon. Thus, when the
work of individuals such as Eileen Gray, Lilly Reich, Charlotte Perriand, and more
recently Ray Eames, was reclaimed, it was clear that their contribution was
recognised because it extended the modernist canon.9 The same can be said, to
some extent, of many of the female designers and craftswomen whose names
began to be familiar—among them Marion Dorn and Susie Cooper—whose
work can be seen as modernist, although at the decorative end of the spectrum.10
Interestingly, the addition of women interior decorators to the list of female
achievers, along with a number of other female practitioners in a range of other
design fields, had to wait until 2000 for publication in Pat Kirkham’s Women
Designers in the USA, 1900–2000, so far removed are the ethos and the aesthetic
of their work from the modernist ideal.11
While the ‘hidden from history’ approach represented a crucial stage in the
addition of a number of named women to the context of architecture and design,
it was, however, only a first step. The tendency was to add them to the ‘great and
the good’ and their work to the modernist canon, rather than let it pose new,
more difficult questions which demanded new answers. Gradually, however, a
number of key texts took scholarship in this area into a number of new directions.
All of them have provided important foundations for Women’s Places.
Within architectural history Dolores Hayden’s The Grand Domestic
Revolution: A History of Feminist Designs for American Homes, Neighborhoods
and Cities of 1981 and Gwendolyn Wright’s Moralism and the Modern Home
took the emphasis away from architectural modernism and placed it on women
and their relationship with domesticity.12 Stemming from their feminist beliefs,
both historians sought to consider women’s interventions in architecture less as
contributions to the canon than as activities undertaken on their own terms. A
new approach was instigated which was aligned to contemporary female
historians’ growing interest in the concept of the ‘separate spheres’. Their
motivation was to find a level of women’s contribution which took place within
the private, non-paid arena of the home rather than in the masculine sphere of the
professionalised workplace. Hayden’s female architects were simultaneously
xii
both producers and consumers and, as a result, crossed the public/private divide.
Wright’s interests repositioned women’s interventions in architecture in the
private sphere and established new meanings for them.
The impact of these texts was to move the emphasis away from the ‘hidden
from history’ approach and to open the door for women to interact with
architecture as non-professionals and non-modernists. It was a shift which, in
many ways, found more fertile ground in design history than in architectural
history as, in the former, the consumer, the amateur, the everyday, and the anti-
modernist were more fully developed. This was helped by design’s ‘newcomer’
status when viewed alongside architecture, as well as by its clear alliance with
popular culture. The close liaison that developed between cultural studies and
design history in the first half of the 1980s moved the latter discipline away from
the modernist paradigm and encouraged historians to think of designed artefacts
in new ways. Books such as Rozsika Parker’s The Subversive Stitch: Embroidery
and the Making of the Feminine provided innovative accounts of the relationship
between women and material culture, in this instance with goods embroidered at
home for the domestic sphere, taking a diametrically opposed approach to the
‘hidden from history’ texts.13 It opened the field for other accounts of feminine
material culture which was not modernist in emphasis. Other studies to have
extended this tradition include the area of sewing as well as studies such as
Cheryl Buckley’s Potters and Paintresses: Women Designers in the Pottery
Industry 1870–1990 which takes as its object of study the women in the English
pottery industry who were lowly paid workers involved in adding decoration to
pre-existing ceramic forms, the antipathy of modernist practice.14
By the mid-1980s it was clear that women’s relationships with architecture
and design were both complex and varied and that a deep analysis of the design
process and the resulting work could lead to a paradigm shift in the way in which
those material forms had hitherto been studied. Not only was it deemed
necessary to let alternative aesthetic preferences emerge, it was also considered
important to focus on the role of amateur producers and consumers. The
contribution of cultural studies was particularly influential in the power it
bestowed on the consumer/user. This was especially visible in design historical
work in which women who were defined as housewives, shoppers, hostesses and
a number of other domestic, unpaid roles, came to the fore. A number of essays
in Judy Attfield and Pat Kirkham’s edited book A View from the Interior—
among them Attfield’s ‘Inside Pram Town: A case study of Harlow house interiors,
1951–1961—bore witness to this new direction providing evidence of female
consumers’ responses to the environments they inhabited.15
This approach influenced work on the interior in which the notion of ‘identity’
came to be uppermost. The shift from an interest in the agency of the producer to
that of the consumer took longer to influence architectural history but was
fundamental to Alice T.Friedman’s 1998 study of the influence of female clients
on a number of iconic modernist buildings. Her book, Women and the Making of
the Modern House, was tellingly subtitled, A Social and Architectural History.16
xiii
The book employed the categories of gender and consumption to show that the
selected women were not passive clients, that their preferences were not
necessarily in accord with those of the modernist architects with which they
worked, and that the clientconsumer was as much as producer as the architect.
Friedman’s problematisation of stereotypical views of gender, taste and
consumption was an important breakthrough for architectural history in this
context and has inspired work in this present volume.
The 1990s saw many books published in the fields of both architectural and
design history and theory which took all these themes forward and built upon
them. In the former the emphasis moved from the built structure to the concepts
of space and place which provided rich offerings and new perspectives. Beatriz
Colomina’s readings of space led the way and she added the concept of sexuality
to that of gender.17 The shift from architecture to space opened the door for a
much broader definition which included the effects of the media. Thus, a
continuum was created in architectural discourse which moved from the city to
the interior to the window to the represented image and the world created by the
mass media. The analyses that emerged positioned the concept of ‘meaning’
rather than production as the prime focus under the influence, once again, of
cultural studies. The concept of gender, defined in terms of the complex
meanings generated by the separation of, and ambiguities between, the separate
spheres, remained central to these analyses although now in a more integrated
way.
Within architectural theory the notion of ‘place’ became as preeminent as
space in the 1990s, the city in particular taking on a key significance in
discussions about modernity and postmodernity Inspired by the masculine
concept of the ‘flâneur’ in early modernism, architectural and social historians
sought to locate the ‘feminine’ in the modern cityscape. In her study of 1991—
The Sphinx in the City: Urban Life, the Control of Disorder, and Women—
Elizabeth Wilson equated women with the concept of ‘disorder’ showing how
notions of gender and sexuality have played a role in the formation of the spaces
of modern city life.18
A plethora of other approaches took the debate about gender, architecture and
design into new incarnations in the years leading up to 2000. Penny Sparke’s
text of 1995, for example, As Long as It’s Pink: The Sexual Politics of Taste set
out to show how modernism had displaced women who became linked with the
‘bad taste’ that was believed, by modernist protagonists, to reside within the
world of consumption and commerce and how ‘feminine culture’ provided,
throughout the twentieth century, an alternative set of taste values which, in spite
of their centrality to everyday life, were constantly being marginalised by ‘high
culture’.19 A number of other publications, among them Not at Home: The
Suppression of Domesticity in Modern Art and Culture, edited by Christopher
Reed, followed a similar line of argument showing how fundamental the
ideology of the separate spheres had been to twentieth-century cultural life.20
Victoria de Grazia and Ellen Furlough’s The Sex of Things: Gender and
xiv
architect/designer, she was both ignored in her own lifetime and has not yet been
adequately appraised subsequently. As Walker explains, ‘Eileen Gray’s strong
and systematic mind…has been overlooked and recast.’ Instead, she has been
‘feminised’, i.e., considered, primarily, as an architect of instinct and emotion’
rather than one of logic and order. Thus, while her work has been added to the
modernist canon, its intrinsic worth has not been fully recognised. Walker goes
on to explain that, while we have moved beyond the use of exclusively
modernist interpretations of her work and can now provide a more nuanced
account of it which considers gender and sexuality, we have to acknowledge
that, in the inter-war years, modernism provided an important platform on which
women such as Gray could express themselves.
Chapter 6 on the subject of Marie Dormoy introduces a new role for a woman
in this context, i.e., that of an ‘architectural witness’. Dormoy is an enigmatic
figure but her role as a writer and critic on architecture undoubtedly played a role
in the larger picture of Parisian architecture of the 1920s and 1930s. Her strong
links with Auguste Perret were especially significant. Hinchcliffe emphasises the
important role that social contacts played in her personal and professional life
and the fact that her life and work ‘provide insights into the social practice of
architecture in the early twentieth century’, i.e., activities which are further away
from the actual practice of architectural design itself but which nonetheless
impinge upon it. This contextualisation of architectural design is a key theme of
the work, demonstrating that while women may not have always been centre-
stage, they were very frequently in the wings, playing a role which influenced
the final outcome.
Returning to Britain, the last two chapters in the volume both pose questions
on which discussion is possible but for which no answers can be reached.
Martin’s question is whether or not the Russian emigrée sculptor, Dora Gordine,
designed Dorich House on Kingston Hill, which was built in 1936. The chapter’s
significance lies less in an answer to the question than in the way it discusses
architectural design as a process in which several people, in addition to abstract
contextual forces, play a part. As was the case with Princess Louise and Kate
Greenaway, Gordine’s artistic self-definition demanded that she participated in
the design of the environment in which she lived and worked and evidence is
supplied here to show what aesthetic decisions she probably made. Martin
focuses on the biography of Gordine in order to show the derivations of many of
her artistic ideas which found their way into architectural solutions. She also
provides a telling contrast between the architectural design for Gordine’s planned
studio in Hampstead, where the sculptor’s ideas came into conflict with those of
the modernist architect, Godfrey Samuel, who was commissioned to undertake
the project, and that of Dorich House where no architect was employed and
Gordine had a much freer hand.
The debate as to whether Maxwell Fry, the architect, or Elizabeth Denby the
self-styled ‘housing consultant’ should have been credited for, and given
‘ownership’ of, the design of a number of British housing projects of the 1930s,
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