International Interactions

Empirical and Theoretical Research in International Relations

ISSN: 0305-0629 (Print) 1547-7444 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/gini20

Reevaluating Peacekeeping Effectiveness: Does

Gender Neutrality Inhibit Progress?

Sabrina Karim

To cite this article: Sabrina Karim (2016): Reevaluating Peacekeeping Effectiveness:

Does Gender Neutrality Inhibit Progress?, International Interactions, DOI:
10.1080/03050629.2017.1231113

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050629.2017.1231113

View supplementary material

Accepted author version posted online: 06

Sep 2016.
Published online: 06 Sep 2016.

Submit your article to this journal

Article views: 29

View related articles

View Crossmark data

Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at

http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=gini20

Download by: [Lund University Libraries] Date: 18 October 2016, At: 18:21
INTERNATIONAL INTERACTIONS
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050629.2017.1231113

Reevaluating Peacekeeping Effectiveness: Does Gender

Neutrality Inhibit Progress?
Sabrina Karim
Cornell University

ABSTRACT KEYWORDS
Since the adoption of UNSCR 1325, more female peacekeepers are gender; Liberia;
peacekeeping; UNMIL;
participating in peacekeeping missions than ever before. UNSCR 1325
Nevertheless, the current literature on peacekeeping effectiveness
is largely gender neutral, discounting the unique role female
peacekeepers may play in peacekeeping operations. This article
addresses this missing piece in the literature by assessing how
female peacekeepers and locals view the role of women in peace-
keeping operations. Using interviews and focus groups conducted
with peacekeepers in the UN Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) and origi-
nal surveys conducted in Liberian communities, it finds that there is
an “access gap” that prevents female peacekeepers from fully
contributing to the mission’s operations and therefore prevents
the peacekeeping mission from reaching its full potential. The
findings have broader implications for how to improve peacekeep-
ing missions’ effectiveness moving forward.

Introduction
The unanimous adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR
1325) in 2000 marks the first time the UN has formally recognized the
distinct role women can play in conflict resolution and security provision
and calls for the greater participation of women in the reconstruction of
postconflict countries.1 One area where UNSCR 1325 has had an impact is in
increasing the participation of female peacekeepers globally. With the passing
of UNSCR 1325 and subsequent resolutions, the proportion of women in
peacekeeping has steadily increased. There has been a positive trend in the
numbers of female peacekeepers for both military and police divisions since
2006 and 2009 respectively, and it is becoming rare for missions to not have
any female peacekeepers at all (Karim and Beardsley 2013, 2015,
Forthcoming; Olsson and Gizelis 2015). According to the UN, between
1957 and 1989 a total of only 20 women served as UN peacekeepers, but in

CONTACT Sabrina Karim [email protected] Assistant Professor, Government Department, Cornell

University, 214 White Hall, Ithaca, NY 14853, USA.
Supplemental data for this article can be accessed on the publisher’s website.
1
Since then, there have been six other UN Security Council Resolutions that highlight the importance of the
Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda.
© 2016 Taylor & Francis
2 S. KARIM

2014, women constituted 3% of military personnel and 10% of police per-

sonnel in UN peacekeeping missions.
The importance of increasing the participation of female peacekeepers is
echoed in recent evaluations of peacekeeping operations. In 2015, a High-
Level Independent Panel on UN Peace Operations made a comprehensive
assessment of the state of peacekeeping operations globally, and a major
focus of the review was on the role of women in peacekeeping operations. It
stated: “Recent peacekeeping experience confirms that uniformed female
personnel play a vital role in reaching out and gaining the trust of women
and girls within local communities, understanding and detecting their unique
protection needs and tailoring the responses of peace operations” (United
Nations 2015:67). This quote highlights how female peacekeepers may
uniquely contribute to operational effectiveness of peacekeeping operations.
While the peacekeeping literature finds that a peacekeeping presence leads
to long-term peace (Fortna 2008; Gilligan and Sergenti 2008), it may mitigate
the potential for conflict to spread from one state to the next (Beardsley
2011), and that larger missions may reduce levels of civilian casualties
(Hultman, Kathman, and Shannon 2013), this literature remains largely
gender neutral, suggesting that men’s and women’s contributions to mission
effectiveness and men’s and women’s experiences are the same. However,
because security forces are male-dominated institutions, a gender-neutral
approach more accurately describes the experiences of male peacekeepers.
In explaining mission evolution and effectiveness, many existing studies rely
on the views and narratives of male peacekeepers, often ignoring the specific
and perhaps unique contributions and experiences of female peacekeepers, as
well as locals who may perceive male and female peacekeepers distinctly.
This article fills an important gap in the peacekeeping literature by reeval-
uating peacekeeping effectiveness using a gendered approach. Using qualita-
tive focus groups and interviews with peacekeepers in the UN Mission in
Liberia (UNMIL), in addition to original surveys conducted in Liberia, this
study answers two important questions related to the expanding role of
female peacekeepers in peacekeeping operations. First, do female peace-
keepers perceive themselves as making peacekeeping missions more effec-
tive? Increasing women’s representation in peacekeeping missions means
that women are integrated into traditionally masculine institutions.
Understanding their experience is important for the efficacy of peacekeeping
missions.
Second, do locals perceive female peacekeepers as bringing an added
benefit to peacekeeping missions? Although some attempts have been made
to understand local perceptions of peacekeeping missions, the “new” focus on
gender in peacekeeping operations could affect how locals perceive peace-
keeping missions and the women in them. In general, locals appear to have
mixed feelings about (male) peacekeeping missions, as perceptions are
 INTERNATIONAL INTERACTIONS 3

tempered by local expectations and peacekeeping behavior (Cockburn and

Hubic 2002; Higate and Henry 2009; Pouligny 2006; Pugh 2010). These
studies are also largely “gender neutral,” as they do not assess whether the
sex of the peacekeeper affects perceptions of peacekeeping. Statements by
international policy makers and scholars suggest that female peacekeepers
may assuage some of the negative perceptions of peacekeeping missions. Yet
the study finds that locals have mixed views about the impact of female
peacekeepers. Overall, the findings suggest that the full potential of peace-
keeping mission effectiveness has yet to be achieved, given the “access gap”
between female peacekeepers and locals.
These two questions are particularly important given that the UN’s justification
for integrating women into peacekeeping missions has often rested on arguments
about operational effectiveness. Yet to understand how female peacekeepers make
missions more effective, it is important to not only ask policymakers at the UN
about the effectiveness of female peacekeepers but also to understand the per-
spectives of female peacekeepers and those in the communities they serve. In this
way, this “triangulation” gives a voice to those who have been excluded in
discussions of peacekeeping effectiveness and who play an important role in
ensuring and determining whether peacekeeping missions are effective.

Gender and peacekeeping operations

The women, peace, and security (WPS) agenda has been an integral part of the
UN Department of Peacekeeping (UN DPKO) since the adoption of UNSCR
1325 in October of 2000. It legally mandates peacekeeping operations to
include women in decision-making roles in all aspects of the peacekeeping
and peace-building processes. UNSCR 1325 was the product of a broad coali-
tion of NGOs, social movements, and states that worked together to institu-
tionalize gender equality through UN Resolution(s). Due to UNSCR 1325 and
the subsequent resolutions, gender is now mentioned in almost every mandate
authorizing peacekeeping missions (Karim and Beardsley 2013).
UN peacekeeping operations have implemented UNSCR 1325 by increas-
ing the proportion of women in peacekeeping missions. In addition to
pushing for additional female personnel, one of the more noticeable innova-
tions with regard to women and peacekeeping has been the deployment of
all-female peacekeeping units. In 2007, India deployed 105 Indian police-
women to the UN Mission in Liberia (UNMIL), becoming the first country
in the world to deploy an all-female unit to a peacekeeping mission. All-
female formed police units (FPUs) have deployed to UNMIL since 2007, and
they have inspired all-female FPUs from Bangladesh to deploy to Haiti and
the DRC.2 Some scholarly work has focused on the all-female formed police
2
For a closer look on all-female units, see Pruitt (2016).
4 S. KARIM

units, suggesting that they are useful for addressing gendered problems such
as sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) (Pruitt 2016). The recent inno-
vations to peacekeeping with regard to gender suggest that a thorough
exploration of the role of women in peacekeeping missions is necessary in
order to parcel out the potential positive effects on host communities and
potential negative effects for female peacekeepers.
There has been a burgeoning body of scholarly work on gender and
peacekeeping due to these reforms. The research on gender and
peacekeeping includes understanding how gender reforms in peacekeeping
—increasing women’s representation in peacekeeping missions and gender
mainstreaming—have changed over time (Higate and Henry 2009; Kronsell
2012; Mazurana, Raven-Roberts, and Parpart 2005; Olsson 2009; Olsson and
Gizelis 2015; Olsson and Tryggestad 2001). These studies focus on the factors
that influence gender reforms and on how the reforms have affected peace-
keeping missions, whether through “gendered spaces” (Higate and Henry
2009) or through changes in operations (Karim and Beardsley 2013, 2015;
Kronsell 2012; Olsson 2009; Olsson and Gizelis 2015; Olsson and Tryggestad
2001), or on sexual explotiaton and abuse (Karim and Beardsley 2016). What
is missing from these works is a perspective of peacekeeping mission
effectiveness from two important actors: female peacekeepers themselves
and the local population.

The added benefit from incorporating female peacekeepers into missions

One of the main ways that female entry into peacekeeping has been justified
is that women serve a unique purpose in missions and may help make
peacekeeping operations more effective (Egnell 2014). Policymakers and
scholars alike have suggested that female peacekeepers make a unique con-
tribution to peacekeeping missions. These contributions are all positive, as
women may (1) make the peacekeeping missions more approachable for the
host population; (2) help mitigate rape (and other gender-based violence) in
the host country; and (3) help promote gender equality in the host country.
The UN explicitly states that:
The increased recruitment of women is critical for: empowering women in the host
community; addressing specific needs of female ex-combatants during the process
of demobilizing and reintegration into civilian life; helping make the peacekeeping
force approachable to women in the community; interviewing survivors of gender-
based violence; mentoring female cadets at police and military academies; and
interacting with women in societies where women are prohibited from speaking to
men.3

3
See “Women and Peacekeeping,” http://www.un.org/en/peacekeeping/issues/women/womeninpk.shtml
(December 20, 2015).
 INTERNATIONAL INTERACTIONS 5

The UN argues that

The presence of women peacekeepers can also: help to reduce conflict and con-
frontation; improve access and support for local women; provide role models for
women in the community; provide a greater sense of security to local populations,
including women and children; and broaden the skill set available within a peace-
keeping mission.4

Policymakers have argued that “women peacekeepers ensure a more com-

passionate or empathetic response to victimized women and children, espe-
cially those that have been sexually assaulted, as it is often claimed that it is
‘easier’ for a raped woman to talk to another woman about her assault”
(Jennings 2011:3). Female peacekeepers will enhance protection as “PKOs
with more women peacekeepers are better able to protect citizens, especially
women and children, because women peacekeepers bring a greater awareness
of and sensitivity to their particular needs and challenges, and because
women peacekeepers are less intimidating or provocative than men peace-
keepers” (Jennings 2011:3). And female peacekeepers will provide inspiration
as “women peacekeepers help contribute to more equitable gender relations
within the local society by serving as role models or mentors for local women
and girls” (Jennings 2011:3).5
Scholars have echoed policymakers in suggesting that women bring these
particular advantages to peacekeeping operations (DeGroot 2001; Mazurana
2003).6 Bridges and Horsfall (2009) argue that increasing the representation
of women will help combat sexual misconduct perpetrated by some male
soldiers and will engender trust and improve the reputation of peacekeepers
among local populations. Mazurana (2003:70) suggests that female peace-
keepers may “alter the perception and willingness to engage with peace-
keepers on the part of the elements of the local population, most notably
local women.” Other scholars have suggested that peacekeeping missions,
particularly through female peacekeepers, can be vehicles for promoting
gender equality in the host country, particularly by inspiring them to join
their local security forces (Karim and Beardsley Forthcoming; Kronsell 2012;
Olsson 2009; Olsson and Truggestad 2001).
Policymakers and scholars have particular beliefs about the effectiveness of
female peacekeepers, especially in the areas of protection and gender equality.
According to policymakers and some scholars, female peacekeepers may
bring added value to peacekeeping missions, making them better and more
4
See United Nations. (n.d.). Women in Peacekeeping. Available at http://www.un.org/en/peacekeeping/issues/
women/womeninpk.shtml. (Accessed December 20, 2015)
5
See also the High-Level Independent Panel on Peace Operations 2015. A/70/95–S/2015/446. Available at http://
peaceoperationsreview.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/08/HIPPO_Report_1_June_2015.pdf, pg. 67. (Accessed
December 10, 2015)
6
There is set of literature that criticizes the need to evaluate female peacekeepers or justify their integration (Henry
2012; Higate 2007; Higate and Henry 2004, 2009; Jennings 2008, 2011; Karim and Beardsley Forthcoming; Simic
2009, 2010).
6 S. KARIM

effective than current male-dominated missions.7 If female peacekeepers’

perceptions of themselves and their roles in peacekeeping missions align
with policymakers’ perceptions of them, then we should expect that female
peacekeepers perceive the role of women in peacekeeping missions to at least be
partially focused on building trust with the local population, preventing rape in
the host country, and helping to promote gender equality in the host country.
This belief in “self-efficacy” on the part of female peacekeepers may be a
necessary condition for female peacekeepers to achieve these outcomes—
increase trust in the mission, reduce violence, and promote gender equality.
Psychologists have long suggested that “self-efficacy” is important for parti-
cular, goal-oriented action (Bandura 1982). If female peacekeepers do not
believe that they bring these added advantages to peacekeeping, then they
may not accomplish the goals stated by the policymakers, but if their beliefs
about their roles align, then female peacekeepers may actually bring the
added advantages suggested by the policymakers and scholars, thereby
increasing overall peacekeeping mission effective.

Barriers for female peacekeepers

While female peacekeepers may bring added benefits to peacekeeping mis-
sions, there are certain barriers that exist that may prevent them from
achieving their full potential. These barriers stem from the fact that the
institution in which women are being integrated into—peacekeeping opera-
tions—is “masculine” in nature because it is composed of mainly male
personnel from militaries and police and dominated by a masculine culture
(Cohn 2013; Enloe 1990).8 Given that female peacekeepers are entering into a
traditionally masculine institution, understanding their experience is impor-
tant for the efficacy of peacekeeping missions. If women have a negative
experience in the mission, they may not be effective in their job, but if their
experience is positive, they may be able to bring an additional layer of
operative success to peacekeeping missions.
There are at least two major challenges related to male dominance that
female peacekeepers face in peacekeeping missions. First, female peace-
keepers may be prevented from participating in the wide range of peace-
keeping jobs. The roles that men and women play in different institutions are
affected by perceptions of gender roles. Despite advancements in women’s
7
It is important to note that there are no specific expectations about male peacekeepers. Policymakers have not
had to “justify” the presence of male peacekeepers in the same way. Thus, we should not expect that male
peacekeepers bring an added benefit in the way that female peacekeepers may bring an added benefit. Their
presence should not lead to gendered differences in perceptions about effectiveness, protection from gender-
based violence, or empowerment. Because peacekeeping operations are male dominated, expectation about
male peacekeepers are thus akin to expectations about the peacekeeping mission as a whole. I thank an
anonymous reviewer for pointing this out.
8
According to Cohn (2013), in general, men create and run most institutions, including security institutions, and
thereby in the process of structuring them, privilege masculine needs and assets.
 INTERNATIONAL INTERACTIONS 7

participation in the labor force and entry into traditionally masculine institu-
tions, women’s roles in them are often still relegated to feminine tasks
because of the way these institutions are set up. Carreiras (2006) argues
that in security institutions, rigid gender norms about women’s versus
men’s appropriate roles in society often lead to a gendered division of
labor. Peacekeeping missions may be no different, as they are composed of
military and police personnel.
Additionally, women may be prevented from interacting with local com-
munities, as venturing into communities may be perceived as too dangerous
for women. This may be due to a gendered protection norm—women may be
perceived as in need of protection despite the fact that they are soldiers and
police officers (Karim and Beardsley 2013, 2015, Forthcoming). The gen-
dered protection norm stems from gendered dichotomies. Enloe (1990:12)
states that in a world that is dangerous, men are expected to “become the
protectors of this world,” and “suppress their own fears, brace themselves
and step forward to defend the weak, women and children,” while women are
expected to “turn gratefully and expectantly to their fathers, husbands, real or
surrogate.” The soldier is supposed to fight for mothers, wives, and daughters
and defend them from the horror of war. As such, the dichotomy makes
protection from violence a task for men and assumes that women are
programmed for a caring and nurturing role and cannot therefore summon
the aggressive impulses necessary for effective security provision (DeGroot
2001). This means that women must be the ones protected. If gender
dichotomies about women subsist in peacekeeping operations, we should
expect that female peacekeepers express that they are unable to performs a
wide variety of tasks, particularly those that involve them going into the field
and interacting with locals.
As noted earlier, there has been an increase in the proportion of women in
peacekeeping operations, particularly in policing. However, female peace-
keepers tend to deploy to the safest missions, not necessarily ones where they
may be most needed—such as where sexual and gender-based violence rates
are higher (Karim and Beardsley 2013, 2015, Forthcoming). This means that
female peacekeepers may be deployed to missions that are most amenable to
women and thus may not face the multitude of barriers mentioned. That
peacekeeping missions are composed of military and police personnel, never-
theless, suggests that all peacekeeping missions may suffer from male dom-
inance to some degree, thereby jeopardizing women’s full participation.

Local perceptions of (female) peacekeepers

As mentioned in a previous section, much of the justification for reforms to
include women in peacekeeping operations rests on improving the effective-
ness of the mission. In particular, female peacekeepers (as opposed to male
8 S. KARIM

peacekeepers) may improve trust in the peacekeeping mission, help reduce

rape in the host country, and they may help promote gender equality in the
host country. The extent to which women are able to accomplish these
objectives depends on their self-efficacy, their ability to perform well in the
missions (have limited barriers to full participation), in addition to whether
or not locals perceive female peacekeepers as executing these added benefits.
Given the vast amount of literature that suggests that peacekeeping mis-
sions help prevent conflict recurrence and violence (Hultman et al. 2013),
contain conflict (Beardsley 2011; Beardsley and Gleditsch 2015), and could
reduce human rights violations (Murdie and Davis 2010), it is striking that
very little research evaluates peacekeeping success by asking those on the
ground about their experience with the peacekeeping mission. None of these
studies asks locals about whether they perceive peacekeeping missions in a
positive light; rather, they have focused on outcomes. But, outcomes and
perceptions do not necessarily correlate,9 suggesting that a key constituency
is missing from discussions about peacekeeping effectiveness.
There is some literature that asks locals about their experiences with
peacekeeping missions. Pouligny (2006:96) devotes an entire manuscript to
understanding peacekeeping “from below,” stating that, “as a peacekeeper,
taking the people you deal with seriously—whether it be a commander,
militiamen, political leader, simple peasant, or shanty dweller—requires
understanding how these individuals perceive you.” She provides local inter-
pretations of peace operations, generally finding mixed views on peacekeep-
ing efficacy.10 She suggests that perceptions of peacekeeping missions change
over time and are based on whether interactions help or hurt the local
population.11 Similarly, Higate and Henry (2009) find that individuals per-
ceive missions as providing both secure and insecure spaces. Moreover,
Cockburn and Hubic (2002) report that in Bosnia, women appreciated the
security provided by peacekeepers but were frustrated by their lack of local
understanding. Finally, Pugh (2010) argues that locals have high expectation
of peacekeepers, and missions are often unable to meet them. He also
suggests that locals often believe that there is an asymmetry in wealth
between peacekeepers and locals (such as in the wage gap for locals who
work for the mission versus actual UN staff), which may cause resentment.
Proponents of increasing women’s representation have argued that
female peacekeepers may alleviate some of the concerns listed by those
interviewed in the works of Pouligny (2006), Higate and Henry (2009),

9
For example, although there has been minimal conflict in Haiti since 2004, Haitians do not hold a positive opinion
about peacekeepers (Pouligny 2006:102).
10
The purpose of her manuscript is not to “explain,” but to “understand,” so she is not concerned about peace-
keeping efficacy traditionally understood.
11
For example, the Nepali contingent was blamed for spreading cholera in Haiti in 2010. See also Beber et al.
(Forthcoming).
 INTERNATIONAL INTERACTIONS 9

Cockburn and Hubic (2002), Pugh (2010), and others. Mazurana (2003:64)
proposes that women add legitimacy to the peacekeeping missions, stating
that, “their presence [female peacekeepers] positively affects aspects of local
populations’ interactions and perceptions towards peacekeeping opera-
tions.” Female peacekeepers may be perceived as less intimidating than
male peacekeepers and more attuned to prevention efforts when it comes
to sexual violence. Female peacekeepers may be viewed as more likely to
help people, which addresses some concerns by individuals interviewed by
Pouligny (2006), and may be more likely to provide “gendered” protection,
which may alleviate some concerns by those in Higate and Henry (2009),
Cockburn and Hubic (2002) and Pugh (2010).12 In this way, it is possible
that the benefits from women’s participation in peacekeeping may override
some of the negative perceptions generated in male-dominated peacekeep-
ing missions.13 If locals view peacekeeping missions positively due to the
presence of female peacekeepers, we should expect that contact with female
peacekeepers, compared to contact with male peacekeepers, will lead them to
perceive female peacekeepers as better than male peacekeepers and lead them
to believe that the security situation has improved, particularly as it pertains
to rape. Additionally, as mentioned, individuals may believe that it is
acceptable for local women to join the military/police force.

Empirical analysis: The effectiveness of female peacekeepers

according to female peacekeepers
If female peacekeepers’ perceptions of themselves and their roles in peace-
keeping missions align with policymakers’ perceptions of them, then we
should expect that female peacekeepers perceive the role of women in
peacekeeping missions to at least be partially focused on building trust
with the local population, preventing rape, and helping to promote gender
equality in the host country. But if there are gendered barriers in peace-
keeping missions, we should expect that female peacekeepers express their
inability to perform a wide variety of tasks, particularly those that involve
going into the field and interacting with locals.

12
Because peacekeeping mission are male dominated, the existing literature by Cockburn and Hubic (2002), Higate
and Henry (2009), Pouligny (2006), and Pugh (2010) demonstrate how locals feel about male peacekeepers (the
status quo).
13
One concern is that peacekeepers’ perceptions of themselves may be driven by local perceptions. However, self-
perception is unlikely to be informed by local opinions, as peacekeepers take their orders from policymakers.
Thus, we should expect a correlation between policymaker expectations and peacekeepers (as stated previously).
But peacekeepers do not have a way to gauge their standing in the public, as they do not conduct opinion polls
or surveys. Thus, perceptions by locals are purely based on their actions, which are determined by policymakers,
and policy makers suggest that female peacekeepers should be improving trust, SGBV, and inspiring local
women. I thank an anonymous reviewer for this point.
10 S. KARIM

Research design
To understand the experiences of women in missions, UNMIL serves as a
case study because the mission is known for its prioritization of increasing
the representation of female peacekeepers in the mission. In UNMIL, women
made up about 6% of military observers, 2% of troops, 18% of the police, and
34% of the civilian staff.14 With the exception of troops, UNMIL had a higher
than average proportion of women in personnel areas. Additionally, the
UNMIL mission was the first mission to receive an all-female-formed police
unit from India. As such, the UN considers the mission as an exemplary case
of integrating women into a mission. The Liberian case, thus, provides useful
insight, as future peacekeeping operations are likely to look more like the
Liberian case.
The views from female peacekeepers stem mostly from semistructured
interviews, focus group discussions with women in UNMIL, and participant
observation at UN headquarters during May and June of 2012.15 Interviews
and focus groups were conducted with both military and police personnel.
Interviews occurred with military female and male peacekeepers in
Monrovia, Buchanan, and Gbarnga, between May 2012 and June 2012.16
Focus groups included as few as four participants or as many as 20. In all
cases, participants understood that their answers were confidential and that
their answers would not be identifiable. Tables 1 and 2 represent the focus
groups and interviews conducted. The questions ranged from asking parti-
cipants about why they decided to join the military/police, why they decided
to participate in the peacekeeping operations, what role they played in the
mission, and problems in the mission.17

Table 1. Focus Group Characteristics.

Country of Origin Number of People/Sex Type of Peacekeeper
Jordan 4 females UNMIL Military
Nigeria 30 females (2 focus groups) UNMIL Military
Philippines 9 females UNMIL Military
Bangladesh 6 females UNMIL Military
India 13 females UNMIL FPU
Ghana 1 female (mix focus group) UNPOL
Kenya 2 females (mix focus group) UNPOL
Pakistan 1 female (mixed focus group) UNPOL
Sweden 12 females UNPOL
Turkey 1 female (mixed focus group) UNPOL
Zimbabwe 4 females UNPOL

14
These are 2012 numbers.
15
Some of the interviews with male peacekeepers were conducted more informally due to the specificity of the
request letter from UN DPKO. For a more comprehensive analysis of the interviews, focus groups, and survey of
female peacekeepers, see Karim and Beardsley (Forthcoming).
16
Additionally, it should be noted that when possible, interviews with men were also conducted informally and
unofficially.
17
For a full description of questions, see the online appendix.
 INTERNATIONAL INTERACTIONS 11

Table 2. Interview Characteristics.

Country of Origin Number of People/Sex Type of Peacekeeper
Denmark 1 female UNMIL Military
Nigeria 1 female UNMIL Military
Ghana 6 females and 6 males UNMIL Military
Bosnia 1 female UNPOL
Nepal 1 female UNMIL FPU
Norway 2 females UNPOL
Switzerland 1 female UNPOL
Uganda 1 female UNPOL
India 2 females UNMIL FPU
United States 1 woman, 4 men UNPOL, UNMIL Military
Gambia 1 man UNMIL Military
Peru 2 men UNMIL Military

Results: Women’s roles in the mission

At a first glance, the evidence from the interviews and focus groups of female
peacekeepers in UNMIL suggests that their perceptions of their roles align with
the views of policymakers and scholars. In the conversations, almost every
female peacekeeper seemed to believe that women play an important and
unique role in mission. They thought that female peacekeepers increase the
level of trust in communities; help provide protection, especially from rape; and
they believe that their presence legitimizes local women’s role in security.
With respect to trust, female peacekeepers believed that they make better
community liaisons. A Bosnian female UNPOL officer, for example, said that
when it came to interacting with the community, female police officers are
better suited for the job. She said:

Community police concept is actually favorable for females more than males.
Females are more soft and open; they can get things done smoothly. They under-
stand better, and they are better at getting along with the community members;
they are more open.

The Bosnian woman’s sentiment about community policing echoes nearly

all the women’s views about their role in the peacekeeping mission. That is,
nearly unanimously, female peacekeepers thought that they could commu-
nicate well with locals, especially local women, and most women stated that
this was the best part of their job.
Many female peacekeepers thought that they play an active role in improv-
ing the physical security of women in the local population. One anecdote
from a Ugandan female UNPOL officer illustrates how the presence of
women may enhance law enforcement responsiveness to rape at the com-
munity level. When participating in a joint patrol with UNPOL and the
Liberian National Police (LNP), the patrol stopped at one of the police
stations, where a Liberian female wanted to make a statement about the
fact that she had been raped. The male LNP officer refused to take the
12 S. KARIM

complaint because he said the rape case was outdated. The Ugandan UNPOL
officer was able to calm her down and compel the LNP officer to take her
case. Later, when interviewing her about the experience, she explained:
They [LNP male officer] didn’t want to enter the case. [They asked] why didn’t she
come at the time she was supposed to? So I tried to advise them to enter the case
and I advised the lady to go for treatment. I did follow up on the case. They did
arrest the man. It was sent to WCPU [Women and Children Protection Unit]. I
went there the following morning, I went to the WCPU, to ask them. I asked the
person in charge of WCPU to go to the person that entered the report so that they
could locate the woman and they got enough information about the lady.

The Ugandan female peacekeeper followed up on the case the next day
and a week later. While it is the job of any police officer to follow up on
cases, the female UNPOL officer responded that she checked up on the case
because, “women are suffering this way, the sexual harassment; maybe I
could help.” This means that she considered one of her roles, as a female,
to directly help females in the community suffering from gender-based
violence.
The example is corroborated by other instances where female peacekeepers
have taken steps to protect civilians. For example, at the institutional level,
female peacekeepers were instrumental in the creation of the Women and
Children’s Protection Unit and the Gender Unit in the LNP. They have also
helped write a sexual harassment policy for the LNP and provided input for
the National Rape Law, among other activities.
Additionally, most women respondents felt that their presence helps
inspire and encourage local women. This was especially true for the all-
female Indian formed police unit (FPU). The female FPU unit commander
proclaimed that her contingent has had the most effect in influencing
Liberian women:
In case of any problems, we are the ones they [Liberians] approach first, instead of
police; the local population approach us first, the girls come first here, even they
[Liberian girls] want to join the police force. Five years ago, out of 20 police-
women, one was female; the application has tripled because of the female FPU
presence. So, the next generation of Liberians, they have a feeling that females can
do the jobs that men can do, so you will see more females standing on the street
with uniforms; they are controlling the traffic, they are getting training in the
academy, and the percentage has increased in five years.

These views were not limited to the all-female FPU. Views about the
important influence that women peacekeepers have on the local population
also came from females within military contingents. One Nigerian woman
said:
We encourage Liberian women; that they see one of us with a rifle, then they
also feel the courage, and we encourage them to join the army too. [The
 INTERNATIONAL INTERACTIONS 13

mission] gives other countries the knowledge that Nigerian women can do what
they can do. [We] show other countries that Nigerian women can do what men
can do.

Women in UNPOL also thought that they positively influence local

women due to their presence. One Ghanaian officer said, “I don’t know the
culture here yet much, but I think women in uniform generally serve as role
models to other women. I don’t think it is different in Liberia.” A Turkish
female concurred, “When they see us, they [Liberian women] feel that they
can be the same.”
Male peacekeepers also thought that women play an important and unique
role in improving the operational effectiveness of peacekeeping missions. A
man from the Ghanaian military contingent said:
When we are visiting the orphanages, we have many kids. If you look at their age
range, it’s 6 months to 18 years. So, those who fall under 8 years, there are many.
You see, naturally, mothers are caring. So, when you are going to orphanage, it’s
better to have some kind of refreshment with them so we go with many of our
female officers. When they go, they give them that kind of motherly touch because,
you know, they are orphans. When we are also going to prisons, you know, we
have also female prisoners. And when we go, we do counseling. We give them
items but also counsel them. We respect the sensitivities of women by having
women go. If you go as man, there are certain things the women hide. We even
learned that when you are searching a woman, a woman should do that. It’s good
that a woman does that when it comes to a woman. It’s very gender sensitive. It’s
part of our training, as far as security is concerned.

Similar to policymaker statements, in general, these comments suggest

that female peacekeepers do see their role as unique in the mission. They
see themselves as better liaisons with the community. Female peace-
keepers may also advocate for awareness about rape and provide practical
assistance, as described by the male peacekeeper. They also believe that
they lead by example because if local see them, it may help legitimize
roles for women locally, thereby promoting gender equality in the host
country.
In order for these women to fully realize their potential contribution, they
need to have considerable leeway to engage with local civilians. However,
women may face significant barriers that limit their ability to fully carry out
basic peacekeeping duties and these additional roles that they perceive as
unique to women.

Results: Barriers to women’s participation

Although female peacekeepers believe that they bring an added benefit to
missions, gender dichotomies exist in peacekeeping missions. Thus, we
should expect that female peacekeepers express that they are unable to
14 S. KARIM

perform a wider variety of tasks, particularly those that involve going into the
field. Based on the evidence, women expressed that many barriers prevent
them from fully reaching their potential as peacekeepers. One of the main
ways that individuals suggested that they are not treated as equals to men was
through their actual roles in the mission and the limitations placed on their
roles. In the military, most women are either nurses, doctors, or work in
administration. The police are more diversified, but many women work in
“gendered” divisions such as advising special units for sexual and gender-
based crime or crimes against children.
Gendered roles are even salient in the all-female formed police unit. While
the mandate of this unit is to serve as backup in case of riot situations and to
provide protection, they have also engaged in a number of community-
related activities such as teaching classes at a local school on topics such as
dancing and cooking. They also opened their medical clinic to Liberians.
Despite their mandate, the media and UN have played up the all-female
FPU’s community work and not its role in security provision.18 The implica-
tion is that women are naturally inclined to lead community-oriented pro-
jects. And as such, women are celebrated for doing “women’s work” in the
mission. However, as a result, the FPU, which is mandated to provide
protection, is not actually evaluated or commended for the job of providing
protection. The female commander of the Indian FPU recognized this pro-
blem. She notes that the mandate of the FPU is to provide security, but that
the unit is not evaluated based on this mandate. She notes that women
provide security and work operations just like men:

The focus of success for the Indian FPU has been on their community initiatives,
not the actual work, but the main point is that we play the role in reverse. We are
the ones that provide security and the logistics are done by men; it’s an example
that this can work—that women can partake in operations.

In the interviews and focus groups, one major problem experienced by

women across the board, but especially in the military contingents, was the
fact that they did not have an opportunity to leave their base and interact
with locals. Accessing local communities is particularly important to the roles
mentioned by female peacekeepers because inspiring local women and pro-
viding physical protection requires that local Liberians (especially local
Liberian women) see and interact with female peacekeepers. If female peace-
keepers are not allowed outside of their compound, they are unable to have
an effect on the local population in the ways suggested previously.
The restrictions for military women included not being able to leave the
base, not having a vehicle, and being required to travel with men. Some
women reported that they left the base once or twice during their 6-month or
18
For a discussion, see Henry (2012) and Pruitt (2016).
 INTERNATIONAL INTERACTIONS 15

1-year deployment, and this was when the contingent participated in group
community-outreach programs. Many women wanted to interact more with
the local population but did not have the chance to do so because of the
restrictions. One Filipino woman said, “We meet very few women peace-
keepers and we never get to leave.” Another woman from the Jordanian
contingent expressed her frustration:

The biggest problem is the restriction on women. We don’t see anything here
because we cannot leave [the base]. [We want] just an exchange in culture and
thought. We came here to know people from other countries, not just about us.

One Bangladeshi woman said:

If authority permits, then we can do things for women. [Permission must come]
from the UN, then governments must agree, then it will come to us. Who decides
the CIMIC [Civil Military Coordination] activities is from force headquarters.
There are so many things to do for women, but we cannot do anything.

A woman from the Nigerian contingent even said she felt like she was in a
cage when asked about extending her stay in the mission: “We want to go
home now, [we have] no freedom, we are in the cage. We don’t make
friends.”
Restrictions on leaving the base do apply to both men and women.
However, none of the male peacekeepers interviewed voiced concern about
the restrictions as a key impediment to their ability to serve as peacekeepers.
In order to understand the impact that female peacekeepers have on
missions, it is important to understand how they perceive their own roles
in the mission. Doing so allows for a better standard to gauge how their
integration has affected the mission because their voices highlight both their
expectations about their roles and the limitations that they encounter in
trying to fulfill them. Here, similar to the suggestions made by policymakers,
we find that female peacekeepers think that they make a unique contribution
to the mission. However, they also mention significant barriers in achieving
these roles due to gendered roles and restrictions on their mobility. This
means that while policymakers and female peacekeepers believe that they
make a unique contribution to missions, there are significant barriers for
female peacekeepers that prevent them from realizing these contributions. If
female peacekeepers are unable to reach their full potential due to a gap in
access (to locals), then it is highly unlikely that peacekeeping missions are
reaching their full potential in terms of being effective in conflict resolution
and security provision.
16 S. KARIM

The effectiveness of female peacekeepers according to Liberians

Turning to the perceptions of locals, if locals view peacekeeping missions
positively due to the presence of female peacekeepers, we should expect that
contact with female peacekeepers, compared to contact with male peace-
keepers, will lead to positive perceptions of female peacekeepers, perceptions
of improved security especially with regards to rape, and the belief that
women should join military and police forces.

Research design
In order to assess whether locals hold positive views of female peace-
keepers, a survey was conducted in 2015 in Monrovia’s two, main ex-
combatant communities: Peace Island and West Point.19 Both commu-
nities have been and are continually threatened by the possibility of large-
scale eviction by the government, and they both rely heavily on informal
means of dispute resolution. The surveys were conducted in these com-
munities because they represent communities in which the baseline of
trust for the peacekeeping mission is likely to be low. It is precisely in
these types of communities where perceptions of peacekeeping missions
may be negative due to mismatched expectations and perceived asymmetry
between locals and peacekeepers (Cockburn and Hubic 2002; Higate and
Henry 2009; Poligny 2006; Pugh 2010). In this way, the study is an
example of a “hard case.”20
The survey design uses a representative cross-sectional random cluster
survey of 1,280 respondents. Enumerators used a random walk technique
to select households in the communities and then randomly selected indivi-
duals above the age of 18 in each household to interview. The independent
variable is contact with female peacekeepers. 21 Contact with female peace-
keepers means that locals had a conversation with a female peacekeeper.
Individuals were first asked whether they had conversation with a peace-
keeper and subsequently asked whether the peacekeeper was female.22 In
total, 19% of the sample had a conversation with a peacekeeper, 11% had a
conversation with a male peacekeeper, and 8% had a conversation with a
female peacekeeper. This may be compared to a representative sample of the
entire city of Monrovia, where 21% had contact with a peacekeeper (and 15%
of those that had contact did so with a female peacekeeper).23 One
19
For full details, see Karim (2016).
20
In such cases, we should expect results to be null.
21
The online appendix shows the balance between those that had contact with female peacekeepers versus
contact with male peacekeepers on a number of observable characteristics.
22
At this time, the study cannot account for multiple interactions. Additionally, there may be instances when
individuals had contact with both male and female peacekeepers. This is left to future areas of study.
23
Representative survey of Monrovia was conducted in 2012. See Beber et al. (Forthcoming).
 INTERNATIONAL INTERACTIONS 17

observation from these contact rates is that peacekeeping engagement with

ex-combatant communities is low, suggesting that even though peacekeepers
may go to the most difficult missions (Fortna 2008; Gilligan and Sergenti
2008), when it comes to the state-building aspect, they may not be spending
much time in the most difficult communities.
There are three survey questions that serve as the dependent variable.24
First, the survey asks whether female peacekeepers are perceived as more
effective than male peacekeepers. Specifically, it asks, “Do you think that
female peacekeepers are better than male peacekeepers?”25 Second, contact
with female peacekeepers may make locals feel safer, especially with regards
to rape. The survey asks: “Do you think that rape is a problem in Liberia?”
Finally, contact with female peacekeepers may make locals perceive local
women in a more empowered way, particularly when it comes to joining the
domestic security forces. To get at this, the survey asks, “Do you think that
women should join the AFL/LNP?”26
Several control variables are included in the logit models, including a
dichotomous control for those who did not have any contact with peace-
keepers, victims of violence currently and during the war, age, sex, participa-
tion in an armed group, native of the capital district (Montserrado), contact
with a female police officer, contact with the Liberian Armed Forces, and
individuals’ general perception of the peacekeeping mission.27 The following
models do not include community fixed effects as West Point and Peace
Island balance. The online appendix includes models with community fixed
effects as well as split samples for each community.

Results: Local perceptions on female peacekeeper effectiveness

The first set of results demonstrates that on average, locals perceive female
peacekeepers to be more effective than male peacekeepers. Holding all else
equal, contact with a female peacekeeper may increase the probability of an
individual answering that they believe female peacekeepers to be better than
male peacekeepers by as much as 13%, from a 14% likelihood (8%–24%) to a
27% (15%–43%) likelihood to agree.28 Table 3 provides the statistical
results.29
24
The “I don’t know” responses are dropped from the analysis. However, a number of people answered “I do not
know” to the questions. This analysis is accounted for in the online appendix.
25
In the sample, 22 thought that female peacekeepers are better than male ones.
26
In the sample, 77% thought that women should join the AFL, and 93% thought that women should join the
police.
27
Tests were done using variables that balanced and did not balance and the results are consistent. Balance tests
are included in the online appendix.
28
The numbers in the parenthesis include the 95% confidence intervals for the predicted probabilities.
29
It should be noted that most of this effect is driven by respondents from Peace Island (See the online appendix).
Nevertheless, when splitting the sample based on community, the direction of the variable is still positive among
West Point respondents.
18 S. KARIM

Table 3. Coefficient Table for Local Perceptions.

Dependent Variable
Do you think that female Do you think Do you think Do you think
peacekeepers are better that rape is a that women that women
than male problem in should join the should join
peacekeepers? Liberia? AFL? the LNP?
Constant –2.96*** (0.48) 2.28*** (0.75) 1.90*** (0.38) 3.13*** (0.65)
Contact with Female 0.78** (0.38) 0.93 (0.71) 0.53* (0.30) –0.40 (0.54)
Peacekeeper
No Contact with 0.49* (0.29) 0.50 (0.42) 1.38*** (0.22) 0.02 (0.39)
Peacekeeper
Female 0.46** (0.18) 0.60* (0.33) –0.19 (0.16) 0.06 (0.26)
Age 0.00 (0.01) 0.03* (0.01) –0.02*** (0.01) 0.01 (0.01)
Victim of Crime 0.58*** (0.17) –0.28 (0.31) –0.46*** (0.15) –0.71*** (0.25)
Experienced Violence in –0.15 (0.17) –0.03** (0.01) 0.00 (0.01) –0.01 (0.01)
War
Better off with UNMIL 0.71*** (0.22) 0.13 (0.39) –0.83*** (0.21) –0.68* (0.37)
Armed Group Member –0.01 (0.01) 0.01 (0.05) –0.02* (0.01) 0.01 (0.03)
Contact with Female Police 0.21 (0.16) –1.91*** (0.38) –0.48*** (0.15) –0.77*** (0.24)
Born in Monrovia 0.07 (0.17) 0.80** (0.36) 0.14 (0.16) 0.38 (0.27)
Contact with AFL 0.16 (0.17) 0.70** (0.35) 0.57*** (0.17) 1.07*** (0.29)
Observations 967 1,228 1,187 1,235
Log Likelihood –489.08 –180.97 –569.15 –275.88
Akaike Inf. Crit. 1,002.17 385.95 1,162.30 575.75
Note. *p < .1; **p < .05; ***p < .01.

Table 4. Distribution of Female Respondents. (Do you think female peacekeepers are better than
male peacekeepers?)
Do you think that female peacekeepers are better Contact with Female Contact with Male
than male peacekeepers? Peacekeeper Peacekeeper TOTAL
Yes 0 (0%) 4 (6%) 4
No 5 (33.3%) 47 (75%) 52
I don’t know 10 (66.7%) 12 (2%) 22
TOTAL 15 63 78

The results should be treated with some caution as none of the female
respondents who had contact with female peacekeepers thought that female
peacekeepers are better than male peacekeepers. Table 4 provides the break-
down of the distribution of the results for female respondents. From the table,
we note that only 15 women in the sample of 1,280 had contact with female
peacekeepers (compared to 85 men who had contact with female peacekeepers).
Furthermore, in Table 5 (male respondents only), we see that most of the results
from Table 1 are being driven by men in the sample, as they are more likely to
have contact with female peacekeepers.30 Thus, the evidence here corroborates
the quotes from female peacekeepers, suggesting that there are real access
barriers when it comes to interacting with locals, particularly women. If female
peacekeepers are unable to interact with local women, then they are unable to
30
This is also reflected in the men only sample coefficient table in the online appendix.
 INTERNATIONAL INTERACTIONS 19

Table 5. Distribution of Male Respondents. (Do you think female peacekeepers are better than
male peacekeepers?)
Do you think that female peacekeepers are better Contact with Female Contact with Male
than male peacekeepers? Peacekeeper Peacekeeper TOTAL
Yes 23 (27%) 14 (17%) 27
No 51 (60%) 57 (70%) 108
I don’t know 11 (13%) 10 (12%) 21
TOTAL 85 81 156

help them in the ways suggested by policymakers. This “access gap” may
impede progress on peacekeeping effectiveness.
Moving to the next expectation, contact with female peacekeepers does not lead
to perceptions that the security situation with regards to rape has much improved.
The coefficient in Table 3 is in the wrong direction, as we should expect a negative
correlation. We can unpack this question further by examining preferences for
rape response. Another survey question asks, “Who do you think can best protect
you from being raped?” It offered responses such as police, community leaders,
and peacekeepers disaggregated by sex. Only 4% of the sample thought that female
peacekeepers could protect them from rape, and only 6% of the sample thought
that male peacekeepers could protect them from rape. One reason for the low
confidence in peacekeepers in general could be that they, themselves, are perpe-
trators of rape and violence (Beber, Gilligan, Guardado Rodríguez, and Karim
Forthcoming; Karim and Beardsley 2016; Nordås and Rustad 2013).
Figure 1 shows the percentages of the male and female actors that locals
perceive could protect them from rape. Although female peacekeepers and policy-
makers believe that female peacekeepers play a unique protection role when it
comes to rape, most locals still prefer men and prefer domestic actors to deal with
such crimes over international ones. This may be due to the fact that rape is a
sensitive issue in society, and societal norms dictate that locals handle the issue.
Finally, Table 3 shows that there is a positive and significant relationship
between those who have contact with female peacekeepers and beliefs about
women joining the military. At the same time, however, there is a negative
relationship between contact with female peacekeepers and the belief that
women should join the police. Among female respondents only, the relationship
between contact with female peacekeepers and women’s participation in the
military and police is negative (significant for police but not for military), suggest-
ing that contact with female peacekeepers reduced the likelihood of holding the
opinion that women should join the military and police force.31 To supplement
this contradictory finding, the survey also asked individuals if they would like to
join the military and police, and if they said yes, they were also asked why they
would like to join. Only eight respondents (3%) directly said they were inspired by

31
See the online appendix.
20 S. KARIM

0.8
Female
Male

“Who do you think can best protect

0.6
you from being raped?”
0.4
0.2
0.0

Peacekeepers Police Community Leader

Figure 1. Perceptions of protection from rape provided by different actors.

female peacekeepers. Thus, the overall evidence suggests that female peacekeepers
may have a limited influence in directly inspiring local women to join the police
and military.
These results should be interpreted with some caution, as they only apply to
the “hard case” or those living in ex-combatant communities that are likely to
have negative perceptions of the peacekeeping mission. Using a more represen-
tative sample by Beber et al. (Forthcoming), there may be cause for some
optimism.32 The Beber et al. (Forthcoming) survey asks whether individuals
had social interactions with peacekeepers (and the sex of the peacekeeper with
whom they had the interaction), and it asks one question related to security: “Has
the presence of UNMIL increased your own personal security?” This question is
similar to the question in the West Point and Peace Island survey about whether
the security situation with regards to rape has improved. Results from Table 6
indicate that contact with a female peacekeeper leads to enhanced perceptions of
personal security.33 This means that on average female peacekeepers may con-
tribute to the security situation but that this overall contribution could be
improved if female peacekeepers are able to spend more time in difficult settings
such as ex-combatant communities.

Discussion and conclusion

The study has sought to answer two questions: (1) Do female peacekeepers
perceive themselves as making peacekeeping missions more effective?, and
(2) Do locals perceive female peacekeepers as bringing an added benefit to
32
For details of this survey, see Beber et al. (Forthcoming).
33
The variable is significant in a pooled sample as well.
 INTERNATIONAL INTERACTIONS 21

Table 6. Representative Survey of Monrovia.

Dependent Variable:
Has the presence of UNMIL increased OWN personal security?
Model 1 Model 2 Model 3
Constant 1.85*** (0.52) 3.17*** (0.79) 1.10 (0.51)
Contact with Female Peacekeeper 1.32** (0.62) 2.08*** (0.61)
Contact with Male Peacekeeper –1.33** (0.63) 0.75*** (0.18)
No contact with peacekeeper –0.75*** (0.18) –2.08*** (0.61)
Age 0.01 (0.01) 0.01 (0.01) 0.01 (0.01)
Savings –0.74*** (0.15) –0.74*** (0.15) –0.74*** (0.15)
Female –0.21 (0.16) –0.21 (0.16) –0.21 (0.16)
War Trauma –0.52*** (0.17) –0.52*** (0.17) –0.52*** (0.17)
Muslim 0.40 (0.30) 0.40 (0.30) 0.40 (0.30)
High Cognitive Ability –0.08 (0.17) –0.08 (0.14) –0.08 (0.14)
Observations 1,333 1,333 1,333
Log Likelihood –679.28 –679.28 –679.28
Akaike Inf. Crit. 1,452.56 1,452.56 1,452.56
Note: Model includes community level fixed effects with 38 communities.
*p < .1; **p < .05; ***p < .01.

peacekeeping missions? These questions are particularly important given

that the justification by policymakers and some scholars for integrating
women into peacekeeping missions has often rested on arguments about
operational effectiveness. The evidence here shows that female peace-
keepers also believe that they bring an added benefit to missions. This is
particularly important given that self-efficacy is essential for achieving
goals. If female peacekeepers believe that they play a unique role in the
peacekeeping operations, as the results from the interviews and focus
groups indicate, then they may be carrying out programs that increase
trust, mitigate rape, and promote gender equality in the host country.
These added benefits may help alleviate some of the negative perceptions
locals hold of peacekeeping missions in general. Consequently, as more
women are integrated into peacekeeping missions, it may make peace-
keeping missions more effective with respect to security.
The positive results, however, are tempered by evidence of an “access gap.”
While female peacekeepers believe they make the mission more successful,
they are inhibited from reaching their full potential. Conversations with
female peacekeepers indicate that gendered barriers exist that impede their
full participation in the mission, implying that peacekeeping missions are not
as much of a success story for women as suggested by policymakers. Rigid
gender norms about the roles women play inhibit the degree to which
women participate in the wide range of roles in the missions, especially
when it comes to being able to leave the base and interact with locals.
These restrictions erode leeway to engage local civilians, particularly women.
The barriers are particularly disconcerting and paradoxical given that in
order for peacekeepers to increase trust, reduce rape, and promote gender
22 S. KARIM

equality, they have to spend time in the field—particularly in difficult set-

tings. Most female peacekeepers are not participating in community activ-
ities, and the peacekeeping environment may sometimes be hostile to
women. Given the barriers, it may be too much to expect that locals perceive
female peacekeepers as bringing an added contribution to peacekeeping
missions because female peacekeepers are unable to fully engage in the type
of community outreach that is needed to enhance perceptions of the peace-
keeping mission. As such, there is an “access gap” that prevents peacekeeping
operations from fully realizing their potential.
The “access gap” voiced by female peacekeepers is corroborated by the
survey data in Peace Island and West Point. Peacekeepers, including female
peacekeepers, are hardly active in these two communities. It is possible that
peacekeepers are more active in other communities, but given that these two
communities house ex-combatants and individuals least likely to have trust
in the peacekeeping missions, it is precisely these communities that may need
more (female) peacekeeping presence.
The low participation rate by female peacekeepers in the communities may
be the reason why there are few significant results in the survey data. On
average, contact with female peacekeepers led to individuals perceiving
female peacekeepers as better than male peacekeepers. But this effect was
primarily driven by men because they have more contact with female peace-
keepers. It is possible that part of the “access gap” when it comes to women
interacting with other women may be due to traditional gender roles in
society where men are more likely to be leaders and thus interact with
foreigners in the community. If this is the case, more work should be done
on how reforms that integrate women into the security forces affect the
perceptions and behavior of men, not just women. Nevertheless, part of the
problem stems from the barriers that female peacekeepers face with respect
to being unable to interact with local women.
At the ex-combatant community level, there was no effect between contact
with female peacekeepers and perceiving that rape is less of a problem. This
may again be due to the “access gap,” but it may also be due to locals’ views
about rape as a domestic issue. Locals may prefer that domestic actors handle
rape, as demonstrated by Figure 1. Domestic actors who understand the local
context and speak the local language may be much better suited to respond
to security concerns such as rape, compared to international missions (or
women in them), as foreigners rarely share the same experiences as locals,
making solidarity between women of different cultures, races, ethnicities,
classes, religions, and countries illusive (Autesserre 2014; Mohanty; Russo,
and Torres 1991). This is not bad news for peacekeeping missions. In fact, it
suggests that domestic security sector reforms may help pave the way for
peacekeeping transition (Karim 2016).
 INTERNATIONAL INTERACTIONS 23

There is some indication that female peacekeepers may enhance percep-

tions of security among the broader population, beyond ex-combatant
communities. Contact with peacekeepers is higher at the city level than
in ex-combatant communities, and when respondents in Monrovia had
contact with female peacekeepers, as opposed to male peacekeepers, they
were more likely to perceive their own security as having improved. Thus,
it is possible that if female peacekeepers experienced fewer barriers to
interacting with locals and spent more time in the communities that
need them the most, perceptions of security in ex-combatant communities
may improve as well.
Finally, there were mixed results about whether female peacekeepers
inspire local women to join the security forces. The survey results indicate
that contact with female peacekeepers may correlate with views that women
should join the military but not the police force. It is unclear why there is an
institutional difference, as female peacekeepers serve in both the military and
police force.34 When asking just female respondents, the relationship was
negative for both organizations. And when asked why women would join the
military or police force, only a handful responded that they were inspired by
female peacekeepers. This suggests that the role of female peacekeepers, when
it comes to inspiring women in ex-combatant communities, is minimal,
contrary to the perceptions of policymakers and female peacekeepers.
Despite the barriers female peacekeepers face and despite the mixed
feelings toward female peacekeepers among survey respondents, the enthu-
siasm voiced by female peacekeepers should not be overlooked. Female
peacekeepers have engaged in numerous activities in Liberia that have helped
build trust, mitigate rape, and promote gender equality. In UNMIL, female
peacekeepers helped establish the Women and Children’s Protection Unit
and Gender Unit in the Liberian National Police. They also helped establish a
national rape law, the National Action Plan on UNSC 1325, among other
activities. Thus, while female peacekeepers have not much changed locals’
perceptions in communities with minimal trust, they have contributed to
institutional changes that improve the overall mission effectiveness.
While there are certainly positive elements to peacekeeping, as it currently
stands, as a highly male-dominated institution, the evidence here suggests that
the “access gap” inhibits peacekeeping missions from reaching their full poten-
tial because female peacekeepers who could bring added benefits to missions are
largely prevented from doing so. Thus, to ensure future mission effectiveness, it
is important to not only focus on women’s participation in peacekeeping mis-
sions, as suggested by UNSCR 1325, but also on the quality of their participation.
When the “access gap” is eliminated, peacekeeping operations may better
respond to the needs of the local population and be more effective in security.

34
Perceptions of the police versus military are an interesting new and future area of study.
24 S. KARIM

Acknowledgments
An online appendix with supplementary tables and replication data are available at http://
www.sabrinamkarim.com/.
I would like to thank the enumerators from the Center for Applied Research and Training
(CART), especially Kou Gbaintor-Johnson and Joshua Riggins. I would like to thank Rufus
Zerlee and Nelly Cooper for giving us permission to work in the communities. I would like to
thank Kyle Beardsley, who has been my coauthor on the book project and other papers on
related topics. I would like to thank Bernd Beber, Michael Gilligan, and Jenny Guardado for
being able to use their sampling method and materials. I would also like to thank Ismene
Gizelis for helping to acquire funding for the survey in West Point and Peace Island. IRB for
the West Point and Peace Island survey was conducted through Essex University.

Funding
Support for this research was provided by British Research Council.

References
Autesserre, Séverine. (2014) Peaceland: Conflict Resolution and the Everyday Politics of
International Intervention. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Bandura, Albert. (1982) Self-Efficacy Mechanism in Human Agency. American Psychologist
37(2):122–147.
Beardsley, Kyle. (2011) Peacekeeping and the Contagion of Armed Conflict. The Journal of
Politics 73(4):1051–1064.
Beardsley, Kyle, and Kristian Skrede Gleditsch. (2015) Peacekeeping as Conflict Containment.
International Studies Review 17(1):67–89.
Beber, Bernd, Michael Gilligan, Jenny Guardado Rodríguez, Sabrina Karim. (Forthcoming)
Peacekeeping, International Norms, and Transactional Sex in Monrovia. International
Organization.
Bridges, Donna, and Debbie Horsfall. (2009) Increasing Operational Effectiveness in UN
Peacekeeping. Armed Forces & Society 36(1):120–130.
Carreiras, Helena. (2006) Gender and the Military: Women in the Armed Forces of Western
Democracies. New York: Routledge.
Cockburn, Cynthia, and Meliha Hubic. (2002) Gender in the Peacekeeping Military: A View
from Bosnian Women’s Organizations. In The Postwar Moment: Militaries, Masculinities,
and International Peacekeeping, edited by Cynthia Cockburn and Dubravka Zarkov.
London: Lawrence and Wishard, pp. 103–121.
Cohn, Carol, ed. (2013) Women and Wars. Malden, MA: Polity.
DeGroot, Gerard J. (2001) A Few Good Women: Gender Stereotypes, the Military and
Peacekeeping. International Peacekeeping 8(2):23–38.
Egnell, Robert. (2014) Gender, Military Effectiveness, and Organizational Change: The Swedish
Model. New York: Palgrave MacMillan.
Enloe, Cynthia H. (1990) Bananas, Beaches and Bases: Making Feminist Sense of International
Politics. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Fortna, Virginia Page. (2008) Does Peacekeeping Work?: Shaping Belligerents’ Choices after
Civil War. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Gilligan, Michael J., and Ernest J. Sergenti. (2008) Do UN Interventions Cause Peace? Using
Matching to Improve Causal Inference. Quarterly Journal of Political Science 3(2):89–122.
 INTERNATIONAL INTERACTIONS 25

Henry, Marsha. (2012) Peacexploitation? Interrogating Labor Hierarchies and Global

Sisterhood Among Indian and Uruguayan Female Peacekeepers. Globalizations 9(1):15–33.
Higate, Paul. (2007) Peacekeepers, Masculinities, and Sexual Exploitation. Men and
Masculinities 10(1):99–119.
Higate, Paul, and Marsha Henry. (2004) Engendering (In)security in Peace Support
Operations. Security Dialogue 35(4):481–498.
Higate, Paul, and Marsha Henry. (2009) Insecure Spaces: Peacekeeping, Power, and
Performance in Haiti, Kosovo, and Liberia, London: Zed Books.
Hultman, Lisa, Jacob Kathman, and Megan Shannon. (2013) United Nations Peacekeeping
and Civilian Protection in Civil War. American Journal of Political Science 57(4):875–891.
Jennings, Kathleen. (2008) Protecting Whom? Approaches to Sexual Exploitation and Abuse in
UN Peacekeeping Operations. Oslo: Fafo.
Jennings, Kathleen. (2011) Women’s Participation in UN Peacekeeping Operations: Agents of
Change or Stranded Symbols? Oslo: NOREF.
Karim, Sabrina. (2016) Evaluating the Changing of the Guards: Survey Evidence from Liberia
on Security Sector Female Ratio Balancing Reforms. Working Paper, Emory University.
Karim, Sabrina, and Kyle Beardsley. (2013) Female Peacekeepers and Gender Balancing:
Token Gestures or Informed Policymaking? International Interactions 39(4):461–488.
Karim, Sabrina, and Kyle Beardsley. (2015) Ladies Last: Peacekeeping and Gendered
Protection. In A Systematic Understanding of Gender, Peace, and Security: Implementing
UNSC 1325, edited by Ismene Gizelis and Louise Olsson. Oxford: Routledge.
Karim, Sabrina, and Kyle Beardsley. (2016) Explaining Sexual Exploitation and Abuse in
Peacekeeping Missions: The Role of Female Peacekeepers and Gender Equality in
Contributing Countries. Journal of Peace Research 53(1):100–115.
Karim, Sabrina, and Kyle Beardsley. (Forthcoming) Equal Opportunity Peacekeeping. Oxford
University Press.
Kronsell, Annica. (2012) Gender, Sex and the Postnational Defense: Militarism and
Peacekeeping. New York: Oxford University Press.
Mazurana, Dyan. (2003) Do Women Matter in Peacekeeping? Women in Police, Military and
Civilian Peacekeeping. Canadian Woman Studies 22(2). Available at http://pi.library.yorku.
ca/ojs/index.php/cws/article/view/6488.
Mazurana, Dyan, Angela Raven-Roberts, and Jane Parpart (eds.). (2005) Gender, Conflict, and
Peacekeeping. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.
Mohanty, Chandra Talpade, Ann Russo, and Lourdes Torres. (1991) Third World Women
and the Politics of Feminism. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Murdie, Amanda, and David R. Davis. (2010) Problematic Potential: The Human Rights
Consequences of Peacekeeping Interventions in Civil Wars. Human Rights Quarterly 32
(1):49–72.
Nordås, Ragnhild, and Siri C. A. Rustad. (2013) Sexual Exploitation and Abuse by
Peacekeepers: Understanding Variation. International Interactions 39(4):511–534.
Olsson, Louise. (2009) Gender Equality and United Nations Peace Operations in Timor Leste.
Leiden, The Netherlands: Martinus Nijhoff.
Olsson, Louise, and Theodora-Ismene Gizelis, eds. (2015) Gender, Peace and Security:
Implementing UNSCR 1325. New York: Routledge.
Olsson, Louise, and Torrun L. Truggestad, eds. (2001) Women and International
Peacekeeping. London: Frank Cass.
Pouligny, Beatrice. (2006) Peace Operations Seen from Below: U.N. Missions and Local People.
Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian Press Inc.
Pruitt, Lesley J. (2016) The Women in Blue Helmets: Gender, Policing, and the UN’s First All-
Female Peacekeeping Unit. Oakland: University of California Press.
26 S. KARIM

Pugh, M. (2010). Accountability and Credibility: Assessing Host Population Perceptions and
Expectations. In Beyond the “New Horizon”: Proceedings of the UN Peacekeeping Future
Challenges Seminar, edited by Cedric de Coning, Andreas Øjen Stensland, and Thierry
Tardy. Oslo: Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, pp. 56–65.
Simic, Olivera. (2009) Who Should Be a Peacekeeper? Peace Review 21(3):395–402.
Simic, Olivera. (2010) Does the Presence of Women Really Matter? Towards Combating Male
Sexual Violence in Peacekeeping Operations. International Peacekeeping 17(2):188–199.
United Nations. (2015) Comprehensive Review of the Whole Question of Peacekeeping
Operations in All Their Aspects. General Assembly Security Council, A/70/95–S/2015/
446. Available at http://www.un.org/sg/pdf/HIPPO_Report_1_June_2015.pdf. (Accessed
December 10, 2015)