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POLITICS, RELIGION AND
SOCIETY IN ENGLAND
1679-1742

GEOFFREY HOLMES

THE HAMBLEDON PRESS

LONDON AND RONCEVER TE
Published by the Hambledon Press, 1986

35 Gloucester Avenue, London NWl 7AX (U.K.)

309 Greenbrier Avenue, Ronceverte

West Virginia 24970 (U.S.A.)

ISBN O 907628 75 3 (cased)

ISBN O 907628 76 1 (paper)

© Geoffrey Holmes 1986

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

Holmes, Geoffrey, 1928-

politics, religion and society in England,
1672-1742.
1. Great Britain - History - 1660-1714
2. Great Britain - History - George I-II 1714-1760
I. Title
942.06 DA435

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Holmes, Geoffrey S., 1928-

Politics, religion, and society in England, 1679-1742

Includes index.
1. Great Britain - Politics and government -1660-1714 -
Addresses, essays, lectures. 2. Great Britain - Politics and
government - 1714-1760 - Addresses, essays, lectures.
3. England - Church history - 17th century - Addresses,
essays, lectures. 4. England - Church history - 18th
century - Addresses, essays, lectures. 5. England -
Social conditions - 18th century - Addresses, essays,
lectures. 1. Title.
DA435.H615 1986 941.07 85-30571

Printed in Great Britain by WBC Print Ltd, Bristol

 CONTENTS

List of Illustrations vii

Introduction ix
Acknowledgments xviii
PART!
1 The Electorate and the National Will in the First
Age of Party 1
"' 2 The Attack on 'The Influence of the Crown', 1702-16 35
3 The Fall of Harley in 1708 Reconsidered 57
(with W.A. Speck)
4 The Hamilton Affair of 1711-12: A Crisis in
Anglo-Scottish Relations 83
5 Trade, the Scots and the Parliamentary Crisis of 1713 109
(with Clyve Jones)
6 Harley, St. John and the Death of the Tory Party 139
7 Sir Robert Walpole 163

PART II
8 Religion and Party in Late Stuart England 181
• 9 The Sacheverell Riots: The Church and the Crowd
in Early-Eighteenth-Century London 217
10 The Achievement of Stability: The Social Context
of Politics from the 1680s to the Age of Walpole 249
(with Colloquy, ed. by H. T. Dickinson)
11 Gregory King and the Social Structure of
Pre-Industrial England 281
12 The Professions and Social Change in England, 1680-1730 309
Index 351
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Queen Anne Frontispiece

1 Thomas, 1st earl and 1st marquess of Wharton 34

2 Queen Anne in Parliament, c. 1710 after 141
3 Robert Harley, earl of Oxford, as Lord High
Treasurer, c. 1714 before 142
4 Sir Robert Walpole, K.G., as First Lord of the 161
,,
Treasury
5 The sacking of Daniel Burgess's Presbyterian
meeting-house and the burning of its contents
in Lincoln's Inn Fields during the Sacheverell
riots of 1710 209
6 Dr Francis Atterbury, dean of Carlisle and Christ
Church and bishop of Rochester 216
7 Sir Thomas Parker, Lord Chief Justice of the
Queen's Bench, 1710 280

PERMISSIONS

The illustrations are reproduced by the kind permission of the following:

The National Portrait Gallery, London (Frontispiece, 1, 3, 4, 6); The
House of Lords Record Office (2); The Ashmolean Museum, Oxford (7).
 t
FOR BILL SPECK
 INTRODUCTION·

The articles, essays and lectures brought together here, along with one
pamphlet, were written and published over the course of twenty years
between 1962 and 1982. Warts and all, they are reproduced without
major amendment, although I have taken the opportunity, occasionally,
to update some bibliographical and archival information, where this
could be done with minimal disturbance of the typeface. I have also
altered cross-references in the notes which would otherwise have been
meaningless, and changed a handful of other unhelpful references. A
short postscript has been added to paper 6, to clear up an ambiguity
which has long troubled me. A few manuscript collections referred to
ii:i the notes are now no longer in the locations where I originally con-
sulted them. By far the most important migration has been that of the
Blenheim MSS, cited extensively in Paper 9 and used to document
important points elsewhere. They are now in the British Library, em-
bodied in the Additional Manuscripts ( 61101-61710). The Marlborough-
Godolphin Correspondence, a substantial component of the Blenheim
archive, has been edited by Henry L. Snyder (3 vols, Oxford, 1975).
The Nicolson diaries, which I consulted in manuscript at Tullie House,
Carlisle, and cite in that form, have been published as The London
Diaries of William Nicolson, Bishop of Carlisle, 1702-1718, ed. Clyve
Jones and Geoffrey Holmes (Oxford, 1985).
The twelve pieces selected for this volume reflect, on the one hand,
a continuing interest in the political life of England under the later
Stuarts and early Hanoverians, which was originally focused mainly on
Anne's reign but which in time extended to the whole of 'the first age
of Party', from the Exclusion Crisis of 1679-81 through to the period
of Walpole's administration; and, on the other hand, a developing,
parallel concern with both the religious climate and the social order of
the country over this same period, for their own sake as well as for their
importance in conditioning political activity.
The book falls logically into two parts, equal in length. The seven
papers in Part I (which are arranged chronologically) are concerned ex-
clusively with fPolitics or politicians?\Part II, however, though contain-
ing a substantial ·poht1cal overspill, has other priorities. In paper 8, for
 X Politics, Religion and Society in England, 1679- 2
instance, I consider how the religious loyalties and animosities which
had been the cause of so much division in Early Stuart, Civil War and
Republican England - especiall alle iance to the Established Church
~u.~ °'> of England, devotion to th. Puritan ideal and the( passionate of roi:§
tw- <,_,.,__,__,_
anti-Popery - remained almost as great a source of 1ension_and political
.f--t- 1 ""-, disturbance for thirty years, at least, after the 1688 Revolution as they
had been between the Restoration and the fall of James II; and this,
despite the illegalising of Catholic monarchy by the Bill of Rights in
1689 and the institutionalising of Protestant Dissent by a Toleration
Act in the same year_ Years of friction between Anglicans and non-
coformists and between High Churchmen and Low Churchmen, as well
as between Tories and Whigs, inevitably created an atmosphere that
became dangerously overcharged. Since it was rendered even more un-
stable by persisting fears for the security of the Protestant Succession,
it could hardly fail ultimately to cause a spectacular political explosion.
This explosion duly occurred in the winter of 1709-10, after a High
Anglican clergyman, Dr Henry Sacheverell, had laid andITi!Jliefusey
Its shock waves rocked Parliament and undermined a strong and able
government. But they also disturbed the normally inert substratum of
the English political nation, provoking in the process the second worst
London riots of the 18th century; and these effects are examined in
detail in a separate study (9), in which, among other things, a social
profile of the London 'crowd' in 1710 is constructed.
A prominent subject of debate for almost twenty years has been the
growth o~ political stabilit2_ in early-18th-century Britain.!D And while
historians may still not entirely agree as to why this took place, nor in-
deed as to how far it went, or how lasting it proved, few have seriously
challenged the importance of continuing religious conflict in perpetuat-
ing the chronic instability which had beset the 17th-century political
system and constitution. Likewise, few have failed to recognize the
tranquillising effect on politics after circa 1720 when religion became -
partly as a result of deliberate ministerial policy - a matter of lower
parliamentary and electoral priority. The isolated eruption of the old
fears and antagonisms which occurred thereafter - as in 1736 - only
served to emphasise the political acumen of Walpole's normal Church

1. Geoffrey Holmes, The Trial of Doctor Sacheverell (1973). Unless otherwise stated,
London is the place of publication of all books cited in the footnotes to this Introduction.

2. The debate was initiated in Professor Sir John Plumb's l.965 Ford Lectures, published as
The Growth of Political Stability in England, 1675.J 725 (1967).
 Introduction xi
policy, which was that quieta non movenda. 3 In the present volume,
besides an essay on Walpole, there are two contributions to the debate
on stability. The first paper discusses a major destabilising force in
the situation, the influence in the years between 1679 and 1722, during
which 17 General Elections were held, of an energetic electorate which
was as volatile in composition as it was in conduct; and this discussion
concludes by offering some explanation of when and why a body
which, in its rough and ready way, had succeeded for more than half
a century in broadly reflecting the National Will through the represent-
atives it sent to Westminster, fell captive to a relatively small clique of
Whig ruling families, who had managed by the 1720s to monopolize the
influence of the Crown. The second contribution to the debate (10), by
examining the social context of politics between the 1680s and the
Walpole era, attempts( a revisio_ri)of accepted orthodoxy concerning the
relationship between political stability and social stability in this I~//f!u,,sh1"t
period{_!>artyzeal ]unquestionably caused rifts withii:t every social group, i.,ft'~
from dukes down to the humbler small farmers and artisans; and with-
.out doubt, too, thousands of heavily-taxed country gentlemen genuine-
ly felt their status threatened by the boost which almost twenty years
of war gave after 1689 to certain (mostly Whiggish) business and pro-
fessional interests, and above all to the 'monied men' of the City of
London. None the less, it is argued that over the same period most non-
political and non-religious developments were workin directl counter
to those fissiparous pressures: a emographic and economic tren~ ~,ft:JL;f{i'.IV\
for instance, together with rising livmg standards and rapidly improving d eo.use
employment opportunities imparted (for all appearances to the con- 5~""~1-1,,-.,,
trary) an underlying stability to English society which helped to

3. Walpole, like most of his Cabinet colleagues in the 1720s and 1730s, was well aware that
the powerful anti-clericalism still prevalent among many Whigs, the organized pressure of
Dissent for further relief, and the unabated concern of the Tories for the interests of the
Established Church, remained potentially disruptive forces: which makes his temporary
aberration in supporting the Mortmain and Tithes bills in 17 36 all the more puzzling. See
I Norman Sykes;)Edmund Gibson, Bishop of London, 1669-1748 (Oxford, 1926);~
Hunt, Two Early Political Associations: The Quakers and the Dissenting Deputies in the
Age of sir Robert Walpole (Oxford, 1961); Linda Colley. Jn Defiance of Oligarchy: the
Tory Party, 1714-60 (Cambridge, 1982), chs. 4, 8; Stephen Taylor, 'Sir Robert Walpole,
the Church of England, and the Quakers Tithe Bill of 1736', Historical Journal. 28, 1985.
The example of England's largest county suggests, nevertheless, that by the 1730s the
iron hand of government patronage in the velvet glove of conciliation had wrought a remark-
able change in the political attitudes of the parish clergy. In the 1734 shire election the
pqisons of Yorkshire abandoned their traditional Tory allegiance in droves, and by 1742
barely qiore than a quarter of the 346 who polled voted for the candidate of the 'Church
Party'. J.P. Quinn, et al., 'Yorkshiremen go to the polls: County contests in the early
eighteenth century',Northern History 21, 1985, p. 173.
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 xii Politics, Religion and Society in_England, 1679-1742
confine the fury of party conflict within bounds that were - or in time
became - acceptable and respectable. 4 Hence the decline of popular
radicalism for decades after 1688 and, at the other end of the spectrum,
the minimal involvement of politically proscribed members of the
English social elite in the conspiracies and rebellions of the years from
1683 to 1722, with the partial exception of the Revolution of 1688.
Two of the distinguishing features of late Stuart and early Hanover-
ian English society which did most to ensure that the achievement of
social stability both antedated and assisted the restoration of stability ({j)
f(et1,,i{J 1 to the political system and the constitution, were the flexibility of th -

w., t.i "-'I

ix social structure and the degree o upward mobility which that struct-
d ure, and the social conventions of the day, permitted. Both features
were the exception rather than the rule in contemporary Europe. Both
are touched on in paper 10, and linked with other trends of the day,
such as the significant growth of towns and the superimposition of
urban on rural or 'county' values in the century before the Industrial
Revolution. But each figures much more prominently in the two closing
studies in this collection. Many of the assumptions made for so long
z-~ about the 18th century social structure were deeply influenced by the
f-ttt[<1_{(fi)[static view pf it taken in 169-6by the pioneer statistician, Gregory King.
0
1-.,.. i-e_o\
"" The celebrated social table, inserted by King into the 'Natural and
~ ,7 ~-cXc
Political Observations' which he wrote in that year, ostensibly
\/1€AN'·
subjecting the England of 1688 to what we should now call 'quantitat-
ive analysis', exercised until recently a mesmeric effect on historians;
and the discovery by Professor Mathias that King's only l 8th-century
counterpart, ~( 1760), was also under his spel:fVmade
exorcism no easier for us. Paper 11, by seeking to demonstrate that
Gregory King's 'Scheme of the income and expense of the several
families of England ... for the year 1688' was largely coincidental to his
main purpose in writing his Observations, and that his estimates alike
for the size of social groups and for their average annual income and

4. It may be that a further factor was the strengthening of traditional bonds of deference at a
time when the aristocracy was rebuilding its social and political, as well as its economic
dominance. This is an important theme of recent work by John Cannon, Aristocratic
Century: the Peerage of Eighteenth Century England (Cambridge, 1984), and J.C.D.
Clark, English Society, 1688-1832 (Cambridge, 1985). On the other hand, the limitations
of 'deference' in the preservation right through to 1742 of a non-radical but vigorous
tradition of popular politics, are revealed by H.T. Dickinson in a masterly essay, 'Popular
Politics in the Age of Walpole', in Jeremy Black, ed., Britain in the Age of Walpole (1984).

(J} Peter Mathias, 'The Social Structure in the Eighteenth Century: A Calculation by Joseph
Massie', Economic History Review, 10, 1957.
 Introduction xiii
expenditure were based on highly dubious evidence as well as shaky
methodological foundations (in sharp contrast to some of his rightly-
praised demographic calculations), support the conclusion that King's Krj5 Jr;..Lz,
value to social, P.conomic or political historians is strictly [nnitecll - l /A'v--Ku'l)
6

-Furthermore, by setting some of King's more widely-used social ·

statistics against other figures and estimates for the 17th and 18th
centuries, which have stemmed from the independent work of modem
scholars, it suggests a model for a pre-industrial social structure which
was susceptible to organic change and receptive to the operation of
mobile elements within it.
The traditional rungs of the ladder of rural society up which many
ambitious and successful families had clambered to social prominence,
or at least 'gentility', in the 16th and early 17th centuries ( tenant
farmer or freeholder - substantial yeoman - parish 'gentleman' -
squire- and sometimes higher) do seem to have grown more difficult of
access and more slippery between 1660 and 1750. 7 Yet this was com-
pensated for by the fact tha(other avenues of mobility grew wide~and yv,,,),'~) "">
attracted an increasing volume of upward traffic. Such was clearly the tk Y(',dn.,
case with the trade and industry avenues, especially after the 'Commer- •f ~Tes> 1-lld :
cial Revolution' began to gather momentum from the late 1660s on-
wards. 8 But even more enticing were the social opportunities presen-
ted by the remarkable expansion and diversification of the English
professions from around 1680 onwards. The final contribution to this
volume (12) examines this phenomenon over the following half-century,
analyzing some of its causes and effects, and stressing two aspects, in
particular: on the one hand, the important part played by formal

6. In an illuminating article Colin Brooks has since explained that it was an integral part of
the social and political philo'sophy of King and of other political arithmeticians, that 'the
social order had to be stabilized, if not "frozen"'. C. Brooks, 'Projecting, Political Arith-
metic and the Act of 1695',English Historical Review, 97, 1982.

7. The evidence is not, however, overwhelmingly one-sided, as the case of Lincolnshire shows;
and the opportunities denied in some areas may still have been present in others, where
taxation, for example, was less burdensome and a different type of farming prevalent. E.A.
Holderness, 'The English Land Market in the Eighteenth Century: The Case of Lincoln-
shire', Economic History Review, 27, 1974; cf. J.V. Beckett, 'The Pattern of Landowner-
ship in England and Wales, 1660-1880',Econ. Hist. Rev., 37, 1984; C.G.A. Clay,Economic
Expansion and Social Change: England 1500-1700 (Cambridge, 1984), vol. I, pp. 92-101,
158-64.

8. See, for instance, Richard Grassby, 'Social Mobility and Business Enterprise in Seventeenth-
Century England', in D.R. Pennington and Keith Thomas, eds., Puritans and Revolution-
aries (1978); Marie B. Rowlands, Masters and Men in the West Midland Metalware Trades
before the Industrial Revolution (Manchester, 1975); also below, p. 266.
xiv Politics, Religion and Society in England, 1679-1742
apprenticeship in the rise of the professions, especially in the develop-
ment of the legal and medical professions, and the significance of that
for young men of talent and good fortune from relatively disadvantaged
backgrounds; and on the other hand, the exceptionally favourable
climate for advancement in some professions 9 created by a quarter of a
century ( 1689-1713) that was dominated by warfare. 10
Politics in the years from 1679 and 1742 have intrigued modem
historians, and will doubtless continue to do so, not merely because of
their vigour but because of the many dimensions they present for
investigation. Inevitably a number of very important facets are not
explored in the papers which follow. Prominent absentees, some of
which have attracted notable attention since most of my early work on
politics was published in the 1960s, include the politics of the press, of
the city of London and its clubs, and of Jacobitism. 11 Nor is there any
hint here of the struggles in the provincial corporations either in the
1680s or thereafter. 12 Nevertheless readers of this miscellany should
acquire some insight into the working of late 17th and early 18th
century politics at very different levels: from tlj.e high politic:s)_ofcourts
and ministerial power struggles (3, 6) and the propaganda and pro-
selytising( politics of the pulpits\and of their Anglican and dissenting
occupants 18, 9) to the~rass-roots politics of the constituencies (1) and
the low politics of the streets (9). Even when focusing on the par-

9. The armed services, the bureaucracy, and those branches of teaching involved in mathe-
matical and technical instruction.

10. Cf. my Augustan England: Professions, State and Society, 1680-1730 (1983), some of
whose arguments and illustrations are, of course, anticipated in the 1979 Raleigh Lcture
with which the present collection closes.

11. See, inter alia, J .A. Downie, Robert Harley and the Press: Propagandaand public opinion
in the age of Swift and Defoe (Cambridge, 1979); Michael Harris, 'Print and Politics in the
Age of Walpole', in Jeremy Black, ed., Britain in the Age of Walpole (1984); Gary S. De
Krey, A Fractured Society: The Politics of London in the First Age of Party, 1688-1715
(Oxford, 1985); H. Horwitz, ed., 'Minutes of a Whig Club, 1714-1717', in H. Horwitz,
W.A. Speck and W.A. Gray, eds., London Politics, 1713-17 (London Record Soc. Publica-
tions, vol. 17, 1981); I.G. Doolittle, 'Walpole's City Elections Act (1725)', and Nicholas
Rogers, 'The City Elections Act (1 725) reconsidered', English Historical Review, 97, 1982
and 100, 1985; Bruce Lenman, The Jacobite Risings in Britain, 1689-1746 (1980); D.
Szechi, Jacobitism and Tory Politics, 1710-14 (Edinburgh, 1984); Eveline Cruickshanks,
Political Untouchables: the Tories and the '45 (1979), chs. 1 and 2.

12. See R.G. Pickavance, 'The English Boroughs and the King's Government: A Study of the
Tory Reaction, 1681-5', Univ. of Oxford D. Phil. thesis, 1976; John Miller, 'The Crown and
the Borough Charters in the Reign of Charles II', English Historical Review,. 100, 1985;
Judith J. Hurwich, '"A Fanatick Town": the Political Influence of Dissenters in Coventry,
1660-1720',Midland History, 4, 1977.
 Introduction xv
liamentary arena the perspective is not artificially narrow. It is doubtful
whether the House of Lords has ever been more directly influential over
the course of political events and fortunes than in the years between
the defeat of the second Exclusion Bill in 1680 and the rise of Walpole
to power in the early 1720s. The Upper House is put under the micro-
scope here in two essays (4, 5) which illustrate how important the
balance of forces in the Lords could be to the prospects, and in some
cicumstances the very survival, even of a seemingly well-entrenched
administration like the last Tory ministry of Queen Anne ( 1710-14 ). 13
And the same two studies - one of them written in conjunction with
Clyve Jones - also reflect my interest in the serious political teething
troubles of the Union of England and Scotland, established in 1707,
and in the way the world of Westminster was forced to adapt itself
thereafter to the replacement of the separate Parliaments of England
and Scotland by the united Parliament of Great Britain.
Another revealing perspective on Westminster politics is the view
J from the back benche0 of the House of Commons. Such a view, even
\Vhen taken, as it is here (2), over a period - from 1702 to 1716 -
when the rivalry and struggle for supremacy between Whigs and Tories
was at its most intense, reminds us that many M.P.s had other pre-
occupations and that there were times when these became major
priorities. A tradition of 'Country' suspicion of the Court, and the
associated conviction that it was the duty of independent members of
Parliament to act, when it seemed necessary to do so, to preserve the
purity of the constitution from taint, had taken root in Restoration
Parliaments some years before the formation of the Whig and Tory
parties during the Exclusion Crisis. The persistence of this Country
tradition after the 1688 Revolution and the Revolution settlement,
and the bipartisan coalitions which this produced from time to time
against the Crown (notably in William III's reign) or against the
aggrandisement of ministerial influence in the Crown's name, has been
illuminated by a number of recent writings 14 . And it is in this context

13. For discussion of the problems and methods involved in the government's management of
the House of Lords in these years, see my British Politics in the Age of Anne (1967), pp.
382-403 passim, and Clyve Jones, "'The Scheme Lords, the Necessitous Lords and the
Scots Lords": the Earl of Oxford's management and the "Party of the Crown" in the
House of Lords, 1711-14', in idem, ed., Party and Management in Parliament, 1660-1784
(Leicester, 1984).

14. J.A. Downie, 'The Commission of Public Accounts and the Formation of the Country
Party', English Historical Reivew, 91, 1976; Colin Brooks, 'The Country Persuasion and
Politicai" Responsibility in England in the 1690s', Parliaments, Estates and Representation,
4, 1984; David Hayton, 'The "Country" interest and the party system', in Clyve Jones,
xvi Politics, Religion and Society in England, 1679-1742
that the study I made twenty years ago of one of the most important
and persistent of Country campaigns - that designed to limit drastic-
ally the number of government office-holders allowed by law to sit in
the Commons - should now be set.
A prime mover in the emergence of a 'New Country' interest in the
Lower House in the early years of William III was Robert Harley,
elected M.P. for Tregony in April 1689. Although elected as a Revolu-
tion Whig, Harley went on to become, first, the kingpin of the Country
opposition to William and his Whig Junto ministers in the later 1690s,
and then under Anne, when he served the Court for all but two of the
Queen's twelve years, the acknowledged rallying point for the moderate
wing of the Tories and finally head of the Queen's last ministry from
1710 to 1714. Harley, created earl of Oxford in 1711, was in many
ways the most significant figure and certainly the shrewdest mani-
pulator in politics in the first twenty-five years after the Glorious
Revolution, and it was, of course, Robert Walpole who took over that
mantle, wearing it a good deal more flamboyantly, over the next
twenty-five years. The former was as determined an opponent of party
government - or, at least, of government by party extremists - as the
latter was an exultant advocate of it, a fitting chief architect of the
long Whig oligarchy after 1714. It is altogether appropriate, therefore,
that both these political master-craftsmen should figure prominently in
the gallery of personalities assembled in this volume Walpole is the
subject of a study in his own right, briefly assessing his achievements
and appraising his methods (7). Harley's presence is more pervasive,
especially in Part I; but in particular he is brought into'the spotlight at
the two most critical junctures of his career, in 1708 and 1714 (3, 6).
On both occasions, Harley's distinctive concept of the proper relation-
ship between the Crown, the parties and the administration under the
post-Revolution constitution was put to a searing test. Each time,
the immediate future of the two political parties and the whole com-
plexion of the government hinged on the outcome of his relations with
the Queen and with his chief rivals in the power struggle at Court:
Earl Godolphin and the duke of Marlborough in 1707-8, and Henry St
John, Lord Bolingbroke, from 1711 to 1714. On the other hand, as I

ed., op. cit. In 'Whigs and Tories dim their glories: English political parties under the first
two Georges', his essay in John Cannon, ed., The Whig Ascendancy: Coiloquies on
Hanoverian England (1981), William Speck argues that "'Court" and "Country" had be-
come more meaningful terms [than Whig and Tory] to describe the realities of English
politics by 1742'. For reservations expressed about his case, see the 'Colloquy' on this
essay, ed. Geoffrey Holmes, ibid. pp. 71-5; Linda Colley, Jn Defiance of Oligarchy, pp.
90-101.
 Introduction xvii
argued in 1969 (6) and as has since been conclusively proved (see 259-60
below), Oxford's success down to the autumn of 1713 in beating off
the challenge of Bolingbroke and of his full-blooded, exclusive brand of
Toryism, and the long rearguard action he fought then until his fall,
only a few days before Queen Anne's death, did not in themselves con-
demn the Tory party to the lasting inferiority it was to suffer under the
first two Georges. For that, the ineptitude, misjudgments and mis-
fortunes of the Tories themselves after August 1714, and the combina-
tion of ruthlessness and luck with which the Whigs exploited them,
were mainly responsible 15 •

15. For a brief elaboration of this point, see my review article 'Eighteenth-Century Toryism',
Historical Journal, 26, 1982, pp. 755-60.
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The contents of this volume first appeared in the following publica-

tions: (1) The Electorate and the National Will in the First Age of
Party (privately published, Lancaster, 1976, an expanded version of an
inaugural lecture delivered at Lancaster University, 1975); (2) Bulletin
of the Institute of Historical Research, 39, 1966; (3) English Historical
Review, 80, 1965; (4) English Historical Review, 77, 1962; (5) Parlia-
mentary History, 1, 1982; (6) G. Holmes, ed., Britain after the Glorious
Revolution 1689-1714 (1969); (7) H. van Thal, ed., The Prime Ministers,
vol. I, 1974; (8) Religion and Party in Late Stuart England (Historical
Association, Pamph. G86, 1975); (9) Past and Present, 72, 1976; (10) J.
Cannon, ed., The Whig Ascendancy: Colloquies on Hanoverian England
(1981 ); (11) Transactions Royal Historical Society, 27, 1977; (12) The
Professions and Social Change in England, 1680-1730 (1981), British
Academy Raleigh Lecture, 1979.
For permission to reprint matter originally published by them, the
Hambledon Press and I are indebted to Messrs Macmillan, Allen and
Unwin and Edward Arnold; to the British Academy, the Royal
Historical Society, the Historical Association, and the Institute of
Historical Research, University of London; and to The English Historical
Review, Past and Present and Parliamentary History. Professor Bill
Speck and Mr Clyve Jones have most generously agreed to the inclusion
in this collection of two pieces of which they were, respectively, joint
authors with me; and Professor Harry Dickinson to the re-publication
of the 'Colloquy' which accompanied paper 10 at the latter's first in-
carnation. Alasdair Hawkyard's assistance with the index is gratefully
acknowledged.

November 1985 G.S.H.

PART ONE
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