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Busy Hands
This page intentionally left blank
BUSY HANDS
Images of the Family
in the Northern Civil War Effort

PATRICIA L. RICHARD

FORDHAM UNIVERSITY PRESS

New York • 2003
 Copyright © 2003 by Fordham University Press

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in

a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means—electronic,
mechanical, photocopy, recording, or any other—except for brief quotations
in printed reviews, without the prior permission of the publisher.

The North’s Civil War, No. 26

ISSN 1089-8719

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Richard, Patricia L.
Busy hands : images of the family in the northern Civil War effort /
Patricia L. Richard.
p. cm. — (The North’s Civil War, ISSN 1089-8719 ; no. 26)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-8232-2300-0 (alk. paper)
1. United States—History—Civil War, 1861–1865—Women. 2. Middle
class women—Northeastern States—History—19th century. 3. Working
class women—Northeastern States—History—19th century. 4. Charities—
Northeastern States—History—19th century. 5. Family—Northeastern
States—History—19th century. 6. Sex role—Northeastern States—
History—19th century. 7. United States—History—Civil War, 1861–1865—
Social aspects. 8. United States—History—Civil War, 1861–1865—Moral
and ethical aspects. 9. United States. Army—Military life—History—19th
century. 10. Corruption—History—19th century. I. Title. II. Series.
E628.R53 2003
973.7’082—dc22 2003014968

Printed in the United States of America

07 06 05 04 03 5 4 3 2 1
First edition
CONTENTS

Acknowledgments vii

Abbreviations ix

Introduction 1

1. The Moral Source: The Family During the Civil War 13

2. Corruption Abounds: Reactions to the Soldier’s Life 40

3. “In a Most Tangible Form”: Northern Women Respond

to the Nurturing Needs of the Civil War Soldier 87

4. “Listen Ladies One and All”: Soldiers Search for the

Comforts of Home Through Correspondence Ads 138

5. The Communal Contract: Northern Women Care for

the Union Family Through Aid Societies 176

6. “The Kind Attentions of Woman”: Female Nurses

Bring Home to the Hospital 222

7. The Soldiers’ Home and the Journey Homeward 288

Bibliography 307

Index 325
This page intentionally left blank
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

For as long as I can remember, history has intrigued me. Listening to

my father recount the morning of December 7, 1941, when the
Japanese attacked his ship the USS Tennessee as it sat in Pearl
Harbor, has always fascinated me. His stories and my mother’s have
inspired me to learn more about untold stories of the past. Through
my studies at Marquette, I have been able to bring my passion for
history to fruition. I thank James Marten for his unwavering support
and inspiration and for providing guidance at crucial times in the
development of this project. He endured much bantering from me
with humor and should know that I respect his scholarship and
advice and that I appreciate his compassion. He truly deserves the
title of “the adviser who cares.” I am also indebted to Dr. Paul
Cimbala at Fordham University. He realized the importance of the
Northern war effort and made it his goal to bring this history to light.
I am grateful that my women are part of his Civil War series.
The professors who accepted the obligations of serving on my
board also deserve recognition. I am indebted to Carla Hay for read-
ing the dissertation and providing scholarly insight and suggestions.
Professors Steven Avella, Lance Grahn, and Heather Hathaway at
Marquette and James Drake at Metropolitan State College also read
the manuscript in its entirety and gave incisive criticism.
Numerous archivists helped me in my search for women’s war
work. I thank in particular the archivists at the American Antiquarian
Society (Worcester, Massachusetts), the Chicago Historical Society,
Duke University, Illinois State Historical Library, Indiana Historical
Society Library, Library of Congress, Massachusetts Historical
Society, New York Public Library, New York Historical Society, Ohio
Historical Society, Pennsylvania State Archives, United States
Military History Institute, Bentley Historical Library (University of
Michigan), Western Reserve Historical Society (Cleveland), and
Wisconsin State Historical Society.
viii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I also thank friends and fellow historians who have encouraged,

prodded, and supported me from the beginning. Karen Kehoe’s
tenacity and work ethic were especially inspirational. She acted as a
sounding board, a historical reference, and style consultant. I cannot
thank her enough for her friendship and wisdom. Terry Cain and Kim
Gray offered loving support and were confident that I could finish.
My parents, George and Thelma Richard, have always served as
models of hard work and moral fortitude. They have encouraged and
supported my scholarship, provided financial support, and became a
moving service at least a dozen times during this process. I have no
doubt that I could not have accomplished my goals without their
understanding and assistance. And my heartfelt thanks goes to my
husband, Cliff Simmons. He has shared a love for history and story-
telling that has inspired me to complete this project and pushed me
to dream.
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ABBREVIATIONS

NWSC Northwestern Sanitary Commission

USCC United States Christian Commission
USCT United States Colored Troops
USSC United States Sanitary Commission
WCRA Women’s Central Relief Association
YMCA Young Men’s Christian Association
This page intentionally left blank
INTRODUCTION

When Elvira Aplin wrote to her son George in May 1862, she began
a correspondence filled with maternal advice that would guide
George during his service in the Union army. Through “moral-sua-
sion,” she hoped to “instill” in him a “sense of duty” to God and to his
country by awakening his conscience and gently directing his con-
duct. Although she felt sorry that his “lot was hard” and wished she
had the “power to ameliorate” his condition, she, like hundreds of
thousands of other women across the North during the Civil War,
realized that all she could do was “to commend” George to Him who
was able to keep him “safe through all the trying scenes through
which [he] may be called to pass.” Even though she defined her
“ameliorating power” as limited and encouraged him to turn to a
greater power than herself, she did not leave her son exclusively in
the hands of God. On the contrary, she gave him a Bible, which she
assured him was “the best companion you can possibly have,” and
urged him to “peruse the pages often and try to become familiar with
its teachings.” Nor did her instruction stop there. She continued to
warn him that “a soldier is surrounded by everything that has a ten-
dency to make him forget God,” and, she emphasized, “those who do
not make His word their study and guide will lose much of their
morality.” As one last effort to influence him, she added a postscript
in which she advised him to “be obedient to your superiors in office,
kind and respectful to all of the rest,” and to do “all the good you can
without harm to yourself.”1
Elvira’s exchange with her son represents the prominent role of
the family in nineteenth-century American society and the way
women responded to their families’ needs during the Civil War.
Indeed, both Victorian men and women felt the dominance of the
domestic circle in their personal lives. Women, as the moral arbiters
of the home and as the moral counselors of their husbands, com-
manded critical social authority as they affected the public sphere
2 BUSY HANDS

through the education and socialization of their children. They used

the household as a means to justify their power and as a base from
which to extend their influence beyond the protective shelter of their
firesides. Men depended on the home as the realm of love, kindness,
and morality, and as the source of emotional and spiritual rejuvena-
tion. They relied on the ennobling forces of female society because
an environment without such influences was considered uncivilized
and doomed to corruption. The home wielded tremendous influence
because people believed that it protected the virtuous woman from
outside degradation, provided a haven where the tainted man could
regain his morality, and represented for all a sense of continuity and
security in a rapidly changing world.2
This volume focuses on middle-class women’s contributions to
the Northern Civil War effort and on how women like Elvira Aplin
utilized their power as moral agents to shape the way men survived
the ravages of war. It also considers domestic imagery found in
working-class and African American women’s war work. It argues
that military life exposed men to corruption in the form of prosti-
tution, gambling, profanity, and drink, thus threatening their post-
war civilian fitness and ultimately the commonweal of the
republic. Women used images of the family and domestic life in
their war relief efforts to counter the corruption and to regenerate
the soldiers. Men responded to this stirring of their conscience
because it fit into their schemas of communal responsibilities and
gender relations.
The volume looks at how Northern white and African American
women from the middle and working classes affected the prosecu-
tion of the war through a system of aid societies based on personal
contacts. It examines how the war caused shifts in the gender system,
wherein women expanded their sphere, utilizing their roles as moral
agents to justify their bold behavior, but stayed within it as they used
the traditional method of moral suasion to influence the soldiers for
whom they cared. The soldiers in the camps and hospitals appreciat-
ed the women specifically because of their femininity. They yearned
for female companionship and the feminine culture that made
domestic life distinctive from the military world. Women responded
with homemade goods and with letters filled with “sweet home-chat”
and moral and spiritual guidance.3
 INTRODUCTION 3

Concentration on women’s efforts reveals a new perspective of

domestic influence on the war. Domestic imagery can be seen in the
kinds of goods women sent, in the way nurses arranged their wards,
in the wholesome activities women promoted in hospitals and encour-
aged in camps, and in the way they constructed their societies.4
Women felt compelled to work for the cause, but they responded
on an intimate level. They meant to help the soldiers survive the cor-
ruption in the camps, and moral suasion was their greatest weapon.
Most mothers believed, or at least hoped, that their sons would carry
with them the moral lessons of childhood, which they had so loving-
ly instilled. But these same mothers also realized that the world out-
side of the home posed many problems for the unwary, naive soul.
Not surprisingly, the all-male environment of the camps loomed
menacingly for pious mothers. Void of the softening influences of the
female and rife with immoral activities, the soldier’s lifestyle struck
loved ones with fear. They were anxious about what these degrading
influences would do to their male relatives, who now were unable to
return home for spiritual renewal. The soldiers themselves con-
firmed the women’s worst fears. A Michigan soldier wrote that “the
army is the worst place in the world to learn bad habbits [sic] of all
kinds.” Several men of his regiment were “nice respectable men who
belonged to the Church of God” when they enlisted. “But now . . .
they are ruined men.”5
Chapter 1 looks at the role of the family in nineteenth-century
America and explores the nature of Victorian manhood and woman-
hood in order to establish a paradigm by which to measure the
behavior of both the “boys in blue” and the women engaged in war
work. Although most historians call into question, as Leonard notes,
“the actuality of ‘separate spheres’ ” and the rigidity of men’s and
women’s gender roles, it is important to lay out the ideal to get a
sense of parameters. Women may not have lived strictly by the ten-
ants of True Womanhood, but the model applied to the reality of
their lives on some level.6
Chapter 2 examines the foundation of women’s anxiety. It shows
the extent of the immorality within the camps and of both the public
and the personal concern for solutions. National leaders theorized
that if the corruption went unchecked, the immoral conditions could
ruin the soldiers more seriously than battle. The public responded to
4 BUSY HANDS

the demoralization of the troops by creating a national commission

preoccupied with sanitation. Relatives of the soldiers, on the other
hand, relied on tried-and-true methods of motherly care.
Chapter 3 describes how women battled the corruption with let-
ters and goods laced with domestic imagery not only to remind the
men that they fought to preserve their homes, but also to show them
that those homes had not forgotten them.
Chapter 4 focuses on correspondence ads from the Chicago
Tribune and the New York Herald, which reveal the importance of the
family to soldiers’ morale and how the soldiers yearned for the compa-
ny of Northern women and the feminine culture that went with that
company. This correspondence phenomenon is instructive because it
reveals soldiers’ familial dispositions; becoming a husband and father
was the next step in manhood for a middle-class Victorian. And
women’s participation in the “craze” not only reveals a more aggressive
middle-class woman than the model of the “true woman,” but also
shows women’s willingness to use correspondence for patriotic means.
The communal contract between the men and women of the towns
shaped the structure and work of the soldiers’ aid societies, as exam-
ined in chapter 5. Men fulfilled their duty to the town by enlisting as
soldiers, and women completed their part of the contract by support-
ing the troops with supplies and letters. Before the war, the success of
women’s benevolence societies was based on a “village mentality.”
During the war, however, the government restructured this system
and replaced it with an efficient but cold bureaucracy in the form of
the United States Sanitary Commission (USSC). The women thus felt
disconnected from their goods and responded by withholding their
supplies. For them, familial and communal ties took precedence over
USSC structural goals. They believed that sending their supplies
through a community representative or an agency that promised per-
sonal attentiveness kept familial affections alive between the home
and the camp and best served the needs of their soldiers.7
Chapter 6 suggests that female nurses bonded with the soldiers
like no other members of the community and for this reason had
enormous influence on their patients’ physical, spiritual, and moral
recovery. They were surrogate mothers, and the patients were their
“boys.” They tried to re-create a familial setting on their wards
through decorations, social activities, and emotional and spiritual
 INTRODUCTION 5

support of the men. Because these lady nurses suffered similar pri-
vations as the soldiers and exposed themselves to the same diseases,
the two felt a closeness and a respect for each other that eclipsed
most other camp-to-home relationships. These familial-based rela-
tionships with their patients sometimes put the women nurses in
conflict with medical and military professionals regarding who exact-
ly was in charge. The clash was necessary, however, if women were to
tap the power of their femininity. Because women were distinctively
linked to the home, their efforts placed a moral stamp upon the war
and justified the men’s actions.8
Women’s war work is brought full circle in chapter 7 in a discus-
sion of the importance of the Soldiers’ Homes, which were estab-
lished independently by numerous aid societies throughout the
North. The Soldiers’ Home embodied all of the elements of women’s
war relief. Like all of the other forms of benevolence, it was meant
to sustain and comfort the troops. But, most important, it was set up
to protect the soldiers from postwar financial predators. The Home
was the last of the surrogate relatives to assist the soldiers and to help
them homeward so they could arrive with body, soul, and money
intact. The story ends much as it began, with women guiding the sol-
diers to the loving embrace of home.
I have relied on diaries, letters, memoirs of female nurses and san-
itary agents, and the records and correspondence of soldiers’ aid
societies. I also include letters between soldiers and their relatives
(wives to husbands, mothers to sons, and sisters to brothers) to
uncover moral suasion, spiritual guidance, and any advice with
shades of domesticity. Although this study includes the war work of
Northern white and African American women from the middle and
working classes, available sources limit the examination of race and
class. Few letters or diaries of African American women survived the
war, and we are left to find their voices in snippets of newspapers,
pension records, and letters written by African American soldiers,
chaplains, and war correspondents.9 Hints of their war role also exist
in the letters of white, middle-class women.
The inclusion of class further complicates the study because
although pinpointing middle-class values and ideals is easy, as Debby
Applegate argues, categorizing individual women as middle or work-
ing class is a daunting task. People’s incomes change with the whims
6 BUSY HANDS

of the market, and basing a person’s status on income alone is naive.

Instead of using income levels to determine class, this work relies on
a more subtle understanding of ideals. The working classes were
those who sold their labor power, and working-class women main-
tained their own households instead of hiring servants. From here,
though, class lines blur. Income may have affected whether a woman
was paid for her nursing or society work or how much time she could
contribute, but working-class women did not appear to be any more
or less patriotic than their wealthier sisters, or any more or less famil-
ial. It is not clear how much the middle class adhered to the ideals
set forth in etiquette manuals and advice books, but what is clear is
that the middle-class model had little if no competition.
Furthermore, although working-class people may not have lived
according to the middle-class paradigm, the middle classes judged all
others by these standards. According to abolitionists and temperance
workers, all that blacks and the working classes needed to become
more respectable and economically successful were a stable and law-
ful marriage, hard work, temperate behavior, and piety.10
The scope of women’s involvement in the war is also somewhat
elusive. A hodgepodge collection of national, state, and local groups
sponsored female nurses without creating uniform titles, duties, or
pay scale. Consequently, no master list exists to reveal the depth of
women’s nursing work. Basing her research on letters, diaries, and
pension records, Jane Schultz suggests that at least twenty thousand
Northern women labored as nurses and laundresses. She argues that
more women volunteered than these records show, but their stories
are lost because many did not have the time, education, or will to
record their service. Similarly, the arbitrary assigning of titles,
duties, and pay blurs the picture even more. For instance, middle-
class elites worked on the hospital transports run by the USSC and
were known as “lady volunteers.” Most of these women worked vol-
untarily, but not all of them. The most prestigious title of nurse was
given to women who had been handpicked by Dorothea Dix, head
of the Women’s Army Nursing Corps (also known as the Army Corps
of Women Nurses of the United States or the Union Army Woman
Nurses Corps). But in letters home, women who volunteered for
state or local groups also defined themselves as nurses. Matron was
a catchall term reserved for the middle- and working-class white
 INTRODUCTION 7

women who worked as regimental laundresses or nurses or who

were in charge of a hospital ward. The terms cook and laundress,
however, were usually reserved for the poorest whites and African
American women. A title did not always coincide with pay or
responsibilities. Government officials stripped an African American
woman named Annie Keyes of her pension in 1897 when they dis-
covered that her title of hospital matron did not require her to care
for the white or black soldiers at the Armory Square Hospital where
she worked.11
Understanding African American women’s nursing contributions
in terms of domestic imagery is also limited. As Schultz explains, only
two African American women’s memoirs have surfaced—Susie King
Taylor’s and Charlotte Forten’s. Other scholars have written about
Harriet Tubman and Sojourner Truth, but this research does not
include the women’s own views about their work. Likewise, African
American newspapers have revealed other women, such as Lydia
Penny, who nursed African American soldiers, but nineteenth-centu-
ry newspapers in general spoke of women in brief and convoluted
language for propriety’s sake, and African American newspapers
were no exception.12
It is also difficult to get a clear picture of the number of women
involved in the aid societies because reliable membership rolls were
not kept or were destroyed. Defining what constitutes participation
is also difficult because the society managers considered any amount
of work useful. Women who worked once or twice a month helped
the cause, but they may not have been members, so their names do
not appear on the membership rolls, and their involvement is thus
lost to the historian. Charles J. Stille claims that in the official histo-
ry of the USSC, however, “more than seven thousand” aid societies
were associated with the commission. Dr. Henry Bellows, president
of the USSC, believed the number was closer to ten thousand.
Because neither of these statistics includes the independent societies
that refused to join the USSC or those solely affiliated with the
United States Christian Commission (USCC), the numbers were
probably higher. Still, there is a way to get at an estimated number of
participants. The typical aid society consisted of a corps of officers
that included a president, six vice presidents, a treasurer, a recording
secretary, and a correspondence secretary. Most societies also had a
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