12mm

THEORIES OF
INTERNATIONAL
RELATIONS

THEORIES OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

M.A. (POLITICAL SCIENCE)
SEMESTER-I
PS-C 102

FOR LIMITED CIRCULATION

DEPARTMENT OF DISTANCE AND CONTINUING EDUCATION DEPARTMENT OF DISTANCE AND CONTINUING EDUCATION
CAMPUS OF OPEN LEARNING, SCHOOL OF OPEN LEARNING CAMPUS OF OPEN LEARNING, SCHOOL OF OPEN LEARNING
UNIVERSITY OF DELHI UNIVERSITY OF DELHI
20CUS01277
Theories of International Relations

(For Limited Circulation)

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 Theories of International Relations

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Theories of International Relations

SYLLABUS
Theories of International Relations
Syllabus Mapping

Unit I: Introduction Lesson 1: Evolution of the Discipline

a. Evolution of the Discipline (Pages 3-17)
b. The Great Debates Lesson 2: The Great Debates
(Pages 19-34)

Unit II: Realism: Its Variants and Complements

a. Structural Realism Lesson 3: Structural Realism
b. Indian Tradition: Kautilya's Realpolitik (Pages 37-58)
c. Neo-Realism and the Chinese Tradition Lesson 4: Indian Tradition:
d. Neo-Liberal Institutionalism Kautilya’s Realpolitik
e. The English School (Pages 59-70)
Lesson 5: Neo-Realism and the
Chinese Tradition
(Pages 71-82)
Lesson 6: Neo-Liberal Institutionalism
and the English School
(Pages 83-107)

Unit III: Alternative Approaches in IR

a. Critical Theory Lesson 7: Alternative Theories: Critical
b. Constructivism Theory and Constructivism
c. Post-Modernism (Pages 111-128)
d. Feminism Lesson 8: Post-Modernism and
e. Neo-Marxism Post-Structuralism
f. Post Colonialism (Pages 129-147)
Lesson 9: Neo-Marxism
(Pages 149-160)
Lesson 10: Feminism
(Pages 161-172)
Lesson 11: Postcolonialism
(Pages 173-182)

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 Theories of International Relations

Unit IV: Non-Western Perspectives in International Relations

a. State Lesson 12: State
b. Ethics in IR ( Pages 185-204)
Lesson 13: Ethics in
International Relations
( Pages 205-227)

Unit V: Future Directions in International Relations Theory

a. Problematic of 'International' Lesson 14: The Problematic of
b. The End of IR theory ‘International’
(Pages 231-252)
Lesson 15: The End of IR Theory
(Pages 253-267)

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Theories of International Relations

CONTENTS

Unit I: Introduction

Lesson 1 Evolution of the Discipline 3-17

Lesson 2 The Great Debates 19-34

Unit II: Realism: Its Variants and Complements

Lesson 3 Structural Realism 37-58

Lesson 4 Indian Tradition: Kautilya’s Realpolitik 59-70

Lesson 5 Neo-Realism and the Chinese Tradition 71-82

Lesson 6 Neo-Liberal Institutionalism and

The English School 83-107

Unit III: Alternative Approaches in IR

Lesson 7 Alternative Theories: Critical Theory and Constructivism 111-128

Lesson 8 Post-Modernism And Post-Structuralism 129-147

Lesson 9 Neo-Marxism 149-160

Lesson 10 Feminism 161-172

Lesson 11 Postcolonialism 173-182

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 Theories of International Relations

Unit IV: Non-Western Perspectives in International Relations

Lesson 12 State 185-204

Lesson 13 Ethics in International Relations 205-227

Unit V: Future Directions in International Relations Theory

Lesson 14 The Problematic of ‘International’ 231-252

Lesson 15 The End of IR Theory 253-267

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UNIT I: INTRODUCTION

LESSON 1 EVOLUTION OF THE DISCIPLINE

LESSON 2 THE GREAT DEBATES

Evolution of the Discipline

LESSON 1 NOTES

EVOLUTION OF THE DISCIPLINE

Surabhi Bhagat
Research Scholar, Department of Political Science,
Teaches at Satyawati College, University of Delhi
Structure
1.0 Introduction
1.1 Objectives
1.2 What is International Relations?
1.3 Key Elements of IR
1.4 History of International Relations
1.5 Evolution of International Relations
1.6 Scope of International Relations
1.7 Summary
1.8 Key Words
1.9 Answers to Check Your Progress Questions
1.10 Self-Assessment Questions and Exercises
1.11 Further Readings

1.0 INTRODUCTION

The evolution of international relations is a compelling narrative of humanity’s journey

through a complex and ever-changing global landscape. This field of study, which
seeks to understand the interactions and dynamics between states, international
organisations, and non-state actors on the world stage, is not only a reflection of the
evolution of human society but also a critical lens through which we can analyse the
past, present, and future of our interconnected world.
International relations as a discipline has evolved in response to the profound
transformations in global politics, economics, and culture. It traces its roots to ancient
civilizations where early treaties, alliances, and conflicts shaped the course of history.
However, it truly came into its own during the tumultuous 20th century, marked by two Self-Instructional
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 Theories of International Relations

NOTES devastating world wars and the emergence of the United Nations, as scholars grappled
with the complexities of an increasingly interdependent world.
The discipline’s evolution mirrors the shifting power dynamics and ideologies
that have characterised the modern era. From classical realism and liberalism to
contemporary theories of globalisation and transnationalism, international relations has
continually adapted to capture the nuances of global interactions. Moreover, it has
expanded to encompass an array of issues, from security and diplomacy to trade,
human rights, and environmental concerns. In this lesson, you will learn about the
pivotal moments, influential thinkers, and paradigm shifts that have shaped IR.

1.1 OBJECTIVES

After going through this lesson, you will be able to:

 Explain the concept of International Relations (IR) and its significance in the
contemporary world
 Analyse the concepts of international law, norms, and ethics as essential
components of IR
 Evaluate the historical origins of international relations, from ancient empires to
the modern nation-state system
 Examine the influence of major global events in the evolution of IR
 Discuss the scope and boundaries of IR as a field of study, including its sub-
disciplines like security studies, international political economy, and global
governance

1.2 WHAT IS INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS?

The study of International Relations or as we use the nomenclature of IR, has been a
topic of fascination and debate among scholars for centuries. A number of different
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definitions are employed according to one’s understanding. For some, IR is the
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Evolution of the Discipline

diplomatic-strategic relations among nations and the major areas of study focus on NOTES
issues like war and peace, conflict and cooperation among others things. For others,
IR is the political, social and economic cross-border transactions of all kinds and their
area of study are the operations of non-state actors or trade negotiations of different
international bodies (Brown, 2005). Yet another new group of scholars focus on the
study of globalisation and its implications on the global order like the global business
corporations, communications, global security, financial systems, among other things.
All these definitions are distinct and different from each other, but there is a resemblance
i.e. all these study the relations among nation-states.
International Relations can be studied and understood both as a ‘condition’ and
a ‘discipline’. IR as a condition focuses on facts and the actual working of the international
system through foreign policy, diplomacy, cooperation or war. Whereas, IR as a
discipline, sees the international order as a systematic and scientific tool of study.
According to Quincy Wright, ‘IR should focus on the study of all relations- political,
diplomatic, trade, academic among sovereign states which constitute the subject matter
on international relations. The scope of IR should include study of varied types of
groups-nations, states, governments, people, regions, alliances, confederations,
international organisations, even industrial organisations, cultural organisations, religious
organisations, etc., which are involved in the conduct of these relations’. Fredrick H.
Hartman defines International Relations as ‘a field of study which focuses upon the
processes by which states adjust their national interest to those of other states’.
According to Hans J. Morgenthau, ‘international politics, like all politics, is a struggle
for power. Therefore, power is the means through which nations promote their national
interest’.
Indeed, international relations have witnessed significant growth and development
during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The increasing interdependence among
nation-states and the complex web of political, economic and social interactions have
made the study of international relations a crucial field of knowledge. During this period,
the world saw the rise of the nation-state as the primary unit of international relations.
A nation-state is a sovereign political entity that consists of a defined territory, a unified
population sharing common characteristics such as language or culture and a centralized
government. The nation-state became the dominant form of political organisation,
replacing empires, city-states and other forms of governance.
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NOTES
1.3 KEY ELEMENTS OF IR

According to the widely accepted and conventional understanding of the discipline, IR

is the study of relations of the state. The type of relations that the state’s share can be
diplomatic, military and strategic. This type of state-centric approach and understanding
is widely shared amongst diplomats, historians and most of the scholars of the discipline
(Brown, 2005). The basic unit of study is the state and not the nation. It is so because
it is the possession of statehood and not nationhood that is the central for studying the
discipline.
The state forms an important element to study IR because states possess a
distinct feature i.e. sovereignty. Sovereignty has its root in the idea of legal autonomy.
The reason why sovereign states are sovereign is because no higher authority has the
authority to command them. However, in practice, some states may possess the ability
to influence the behaviour of other states. This influence or the ability is possible because
of power and not authority.
The conventional understanding of the discipline focuses on the fact that the
relations between states are that of anarchy. Anarchy, in this context, means absence
of a formal system of governance or absence of any higher authority and does not
mean chaos or lawlessness. In this system of anarchy with no higher authority, the
responsibility of decision making in principle lies with the state. As a result, the most
lucrative options that the states are left with is diplomacy and strategy.
Diplomacy is an important tool as it enables states to interact, bargain and seek
collaboration with other states. This can happen through official channels like embassies
and international organisations. The goals of diplomatic endeavours are to advance
national interests, settle disputes and form alliances. On the other hand, strategy is
another important tool that states have in the anarchic system in order to protect their
interests and accomplish their goals. Security issues, economic interests and other
policy objectives must be carefully considered while developing and implementing
state plans. To accomplish desired results, this may entail striking a balance of power,
forging alliances or cooperating.
It is vital to understand that the absence of a formal global authority i.e. in an
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Evolution of the Discipline

decentralised and self-enforcing, states continue to abide by some international law NOTES
conventions, rules and principles. The self-help nature of the international system
supports the idea that diplomacy and strategy are essential instruments for states in
order to navigate and operate successfully when there is no formal global authority.
Instead of trying to influence the behaviour of government to act in favour of
their interests, the states being the primary actor are responsible to look after their
own national interest. In order to pursue their interests, states need to use and maximise
whatever resources are available within their borders. In this self-help system, states
need to maximise their means. Security is the top priority for governments because it is
a self-help system, and diplomacy i.e. the use of influence, takes place in a setting
where the use of force is, at the very least, a possibility.

Check Your Progress

1. What are some major areas of study in International Relations (IR)?
2. Define anarchy in the context of international relations.
3. What is the primary goal of diplomacy in international relations?

1.4 HISTORY OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

According to the leading texts, the founding-fathers of IR are considered to be

Thucydides, Machiavelli and Immanuel Kant. The term International was first used
by Jeremy Bentham in the second half of the nineteenth century. For him, ‘international’
meant a branch of law which focused on law of nations, which was later called as
International Law. IR as a new disciplinary had its origin in 1919. IR as a global
discipline has indeed been facilitated by the transnational circulation of key ideas like
commonwealth, empire, sovereignty and especially the competing ideas of international.
These ideas have allowed scholars from different backgrounds to engage in a broader
conversation and explore various aspects of international politics, contributing to a
more comprehensive understanding of the complexities of the global system.
The world’s first chair on International Relations was established in 1919 at the
University College in Wales (United Kingdom). It was a notable event for the discipline Self-Instructional
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 Theories of International Relations

NOTES of International Politics or International Relations because throughout the globe, IR

was now recognised as a separate field of study and a fully developed branch of
university learning programme, with its own body of literature and a group of specialised
teachers. At that time, International Relations was part of history. Since then, a scientific
analysis of politics has taken the role of the descriptive diplomatic historical aspect of
the study. International Politics is sometimes used interchangeably to International
Relations to reflect the analytical nature of the study.
Though these two terms are sometimes used synonymously, these are two distinct
terms or areas or content of study and hold different meanings. According to Hans J.
Morgenthau the core of international relations is international politics’. But according
to him, international relations is a broad area of study with a much wider scope and
encompasses political, economic, cultural and social relations. Whereas, international
politics as mentioned in his book, Politics Among Nations is about struggle for power.
While International Relations encompasses a broader scope, including all types of
relationships between sovereign states and beyond, international politics specifically
focuses on the political dynamics and interactions among states. According to Brown
and Ainley (Brown, 2005), international relations are not actually political and according
to traditional understanding, the politics in international politics is about government
and authority and as such there is no higher authority while studying relations among
states.

Check Your Progress

4. Who are considered the founding fathers of International Relations (IR)?
5. When was the term ‘International’ first used in the context of International
Law?

1.5 EVOLUTION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Framing the emergence of International Relations in its global context by using the
metaphor of ‘multiple births’ in order to have an inclusive and global approach to the
discipline provides several ways to understand and situate the discipline, its evolutionary
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Evolution of the Discipline

nature, its interdisciplinary character and we gain a nuanced understanding of the NOTES
discipline’s diverse origins (Thakur, 2021). First, several studies in recent years have
highlighted the interconnectedness between imperialism and International Relations.
These studies have shed light on the ways in which imperialism has shaped the field of
IR and influenced international politics. Studies have examined how imperial powers,
particularly European colonial empires, influenced the establishment of international
norms, institutions, and practices. Imperial expansion, conquest, and colonisation played
a significant role in shaping the geopolitical landscape and power dynamics that continue
to influence IR today. Post-colonial scholars have made important contributions to the
study of IR by critically examining the legacy of imperialism. These perspectives have
drawn attention to the uneven power relations and structural inequalities that persist in
the international system, challenging conventional IR theories and approaches.
Second, the study of International Relations is almost always attached to Political
Science. IR is treated as a sub-discipline of Political Science and is studied as a part of
it. It is so because the definition of International Relations in relation to Political Science
is based on the assumption of the territorial nation-state as the primary unit of analysis.
Historically, the notion of the nation has not always been tied to territoriality. The
understanding of the nation was more fluid, and communities could identify themselves
as part of a nation without necessarily being tied to a particular territory or state structure.
Moreover, there are instances where the concept of the nation extends beyond the
territorial boundaries of a state. However, in recent years, scholars within IR have
increasingly recognized the need to go beyond the state-centric perspective. To better
understand the complexities of global politics, contemporary IR scholarship has
expanded to encompass multiple levels of analysis, including global, regional, sub-
state and individual levels. This shift reflects a recognition that the nation-state is not
the sole unit of analysis and that studying international relations requires a more inclusive
approach that goes beyond the boundaries of political science and the traditional state-
centric framework. While IR has historically been closely associated with Political
Science and the study of the state, there is a growing acknowledgment of the need to
move beyond a strict focus on the territorial nation-state.
Third, IR struggles with the problem to retain an identity as a separate discipline.
Disciplinary identities are indeed often formed around themes of common acceptance
and a shared community of knowledge. However, the interdisciplinary nature of IR
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NOTES and its engagement with various fields can make it challenging to establish and maintain
a separate identity. IR draws insights and methodologies from various disciplines,
including political science, history, sociology, economics, anthropology and others.
Many topics and research questions within IR overlap with other disciplines. For
example, issues such as globalization, security, development and human rights are
studied not only within IR but also in other fields. This interdisciplinary approach enriches
the field by incorporating diverse perspectives, but it can also blur disciplinary boundaries
and make it difficult to define IR exclusively. Researches have been conducted in
different countries by a number of scholars to study the development of IR. All had
few common shared understandings. First, it is important to acknowledge the agency
and contributions of academics and intellectuals from the southern hemisphere in
developing the area of IR, even though the exchange of ideas between the North
(colonial powers) and the South (colonies) played a key role. Their perspectives,
experiences and theories challenge dominant narratives and provide valuable insights
into the complexities of global politics. Second, practitioners, particularly diplomats
and government officials, have a significant role in shaping the field of IR. Their
experiences, insights and policy expertise provide valuable input to the development
of theories, bridge the gap between theory and practice, disseminate knowledge and
engage with academic discourse. Their contribution for the development of the field is
immensely valuable.
Third, while there are similarities in the factors driving the development of IR in
different parts of the world, including instrumentalist motivations such as advancing the
interests of the state, it is important to recognize the diversity and unique dynamics
within different regions. The discipline of IR continues to evolve, incorporating alternative
perspectives and challenging conventional notions of power and agency in global affairs.
Fourth, by acknowledging the foundational role of issues such as race and settlement
in the development of IR, we challenge the limitations of the existing narratives and
expand our understanding of the field. A historical and transnational investigation allows
for a more inclusive and nuanced analysis of international relations, recognizing the
contributions of diverse actors, ideas and factors that have shaped the discipline.

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Evolution of the Discipline

NOTES
1.6 SCOPE OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

IR is often related to several disciplines like history, geography, political science,

economics and law. As a result, advocates of IR have to face the question that, why is
there a need to study IR as a separate subject? No country in this world can live in
isolation. Even during primitive times, there were exchanges, communication,
cooperation, wars, trade, etc. between sovereign nations. The nature and orientation
of relations among states has undergone major changes post Second World War. This
made the study of IR crucial.
We are currently living in an age of interdependence. It is crucial to have an
understanding of how the global system is functioning. International cooperation is
necessary in order to survive in the age of interdependence among nations. Also, not
just states but also non-state actors, multinational or transnational corporations and
international institutions are important players in IR. Hence, in this complex interplay
of numerous vital actors, the study of IR is crucial and indispensable and has attracted
a lot of attention of scholars in the recent years. The second half of nineteenth century
has given a lot of stimulus to the study of IR and the strategic foreign policy studies.
While the underlying factors of international relations may remain consistent, the
global context is continually evolving, bringing about new challenges and opportunities.
Changes in the state system, technological advancements, the rise of new global players,
and interconnected global challenges, all shape the dynamics of international relations.
India’s increasing importance as a global actor exemplifies the shifting dynamics of
power and influence in the changing international landscape. Understanding and adapting
to these changes are critical for policymakers, scholars, and practitioners in the field of
International Relations. The scope of International Relations at the end of the twentieth
century and beyond has expanded significantly, reflecting the increasing interdependence
and interconnectedness among states and actors worldwide.
One reason international relations is a fascinating area of study is that it aims to
develop theory on the broadest possible scale, rather than just a theory, not a philosophy
of domestic or continental politics, but one of international relations. This means that in
order to provide a non-ethnocentric explanation of the world, any useful theory of
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 Theories of International Relations

NOTES international relations will need to be able to operate with a variety of cultures.
Understanding international relations is essential because it allows policymakers, diplomats,
and scholars to analyse and navigate the complex web of interactions between nation-
states. It provides insights into the causes and consequences of conflicts, facilitates conflict
resolution and negotiation and enables the pursuit of shared goals, such as peace, stability
and economic development. Moreover, international relations knowledge helps individuals
comprehend the impact of global events, crises and trends on their own countries and
societies. It enhances our awareness of diverse cultures, values and perspectives, fostering
empathy and fostering collaboration across borders.
Thus, the study of international relations has grown rapidly over the past centuries,
reflecting the increasing interdependence and complex interactions among nation-states.
It encompasses political, trade and commercial relations between countries and is
crucial for understanding global dynamics, resolving conflicts and promoting
cooperation in our interconnected world. The vast scope of international relations in
the contemporary world reflects the complex web of interactions and interdependencies
among states and non-state actors. It requires a multidisciplinary approach, drawing
insights from various academic disciplines, to comprehensively understand and address
the intricate challenges and opportunities present in our interconnected global village.

Check Your Progress

6. What is the key challenge faced by International Relations (IR) as a separate
discipline?
7. Why is IR considered as a sub-discipline of Political Science?
8. Why is the study of International Relations (IR) crucial in the contemporary
world?

1.7 SUMMARY

In this lesson, you have learnt about the evolution of the discipline of International
Relations (IR). The study of International Relations or as we use the nomenclature IR,
has been a topic of fascination and debate among scholars for centuries. A number of
Self-Instructional
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Evolution of the Discipline

different definitions are employed according to one’s understanding. IR can be studied NOTES
and understood both as a ‘condition’ and a ‘discipline’. It as a condition focuses on
facts and the actual working of the international system through foreign policy, diplomacy,
cooperation or war, whereas IR as a discipline sees the international order as a
systematic and scientific tool of study.
IR has witnessed significant growth and development during the nineteenth and
twentieth centuries. The increasing interdependence among nation-states and the
complex web of political, economic and social interactions have made the study of
international relations a crucial field of knowledge. According to the widely accepted
and conventional understanding of the discipline, IR is the study of relations of the
state. The type of relations that the state’s share can be diplomatic, military and strategic.
This type of state-centric approach and understanding is widely shared amongst
diplomats, historians and most of the scholars of the discipline (Brown, 2005). Anarchy
in this context means absence of a formal system of governance or absence of any
higher authority and does not mean chaos or lawlessness. In this system of anarchy
with no higher authority, the responsibility of decision making in principle lies with the
state.
According to the leading texts, the founding-fathers of IR are considered to be
Thucydides, Machiavelli and Immanuel Kant. The term International was first used
by Jeremy Bentham in the second half of the nineteenth century. For him, International
meant a branch of law which focused on law of nations, which was later called as
International Law. IR as a new disciplinary had its origin in 1919. The world’s first
chair on International Relations was established in 1919 at the University College in
Wales (United Kingdom). It was a notable event for the discipline of International
Politics or International Relations because throughout the globe IR was now recognised
as a separate field of study and a fully developed branch of university learning
programme, with its own body of literature and a group of specialised teachers.
International Politics is sometimes used interchangeably to International Relations
to reflect the analytical nature of the study. Studies have examined how imperial powers,
particularly European colonial empires, influenced the establishment of international
norms, institutions, and practices. Imperial expansion, conquest, and colonization played
a significant role in shaping the geopolitical landscape and power dynamics that continue
to influence IR today. Self-Instructional
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 Theories of International Relations

NOTES IR is treated as a sub-discipline of Political Science and is studied as a part of

it. It is so because the definition of International Relations in relation to Political Science
is based on the assumption of the territorial nation-state as the primary unit of analysis.
IR struggles with the problem to retain an identity as a separate discipline. Disciplinary
identities are indeed often formed around themes of common acceptance and a shared
community of knowledge. However, the interdisciplinary nature of IR and its
engagement with various fields can make it challenging to establish and maintain a
separate identity. IR draws insights and methodologies from various disciplines, including
political science, history, sociology, economics, anthropology and others. While there
are similarities in the factors driving the development of IR in different parts of the
world, including instrumentalist motivations such as advancing the interests of the
state, it is important to recognize the diversity and unique dynamics within different
regions. The discipline of IR continues to evolve, incorporating alternative perspectives
and challenging conventional notions of power and agency in global affairs.
Understanding international relations is essential because it allows policymakers,
diplomats, and scholars to analyse and navigate the complex web of interactions between
nation-states. It provides insights into the causes and consequences of conflicts,
facilitates conflict resolution and negotiation and enables the pursuit of shared goals,
such as peace, stability and economic development.

1.8 KEY WORDS

 International Relations (IR): It refers to the study of interactions and

relationships among nation-states, international organizations, and non-state
actors in the global system.
 Nation-State: It refers to a sovereign political entity characterized by a defined
territory, a unified population, and a centralized government.
 Sovereignty: It refers to the supreme authority and independence of a state to
govern its own affairs without external interference.
 Anarchy: In the context of international relations, it refers to the absence of a
formal system of global governance or a higher authority, where states are
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Evolution of the Discipline

 International Politics: It refers to a subset of International Relations that NOTES

specifically focuses on the political dynamics and interactions among sovereign
states, often related to the struggle for power.
 Imperialism: It refers to the policy or practice of extending the power, influence,
and control of one nation over other nations, often through colonization and
territorial expansion.

1.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

QUESTIONS

1. For some, IR is the diplomatic-strategic relations among nations and the major
areas of study focus on issues like war and peace, conflict and cooperation
among others things.
2. Anarchy in this context means absence of a formal system of governance or
absence of any higher authority and does not mean chaos or lawlessness. In this
system of anarchy with no higher authority, the responsibility of decision making
in principle lies with the state.
3. The goals of diplomatic endeavours are to advance national interests, settle
disputes and form alliances.
4. According to the leading texts, the founding- fathers of IR are considered to be
Thucydides, Machiavelli and Immanuel Kant.
5. The term International was first used by Jeremy Bentham in the second half of
the nineteenth century.
6. The interdisciplinary nature of IR and its engagement with various fields can
make it challenging to establish and maintain a separate identity.
7. IR is treated as a sub-discipline of Political Science and is studies as a part of
it. It is so because the definition of International Relations in relation to Political
Science is based on the assumption of the territorial nation-state as the primary
unit of analysis.

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NOTES 8. Understanding international relations is essential because it allows policymakers,

diplomats, and scholars to analyse and navigate the complex web of interactions
between nation-states.

1.10 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS AND

EXERCISES

1. State the relevance of the nation-state as the main type of political structure in
world relations.
2. Give a brief explanation of the function of sovereignty in international relations.
3. List the primary instruments used by governments in anarchic international systems
to safeguard their interests.
4. State the significance of the establishment of the world’s first chair on International
Relations in 1919.
5. Differentiate between International Relations and International Politics.
6. Briefly explain the historical relationship between International Relations and
Political Science.
7. State the role of post-colonial perspectives in the study of International Relations.
8. Compare and contrast the different definitions and perspectives of International
Relations.
9. Analyse the concept of anarchy in international relations and its implications for
state behavior, decision-making, and the use of diplomacy and strategy.
10. Evaluate the role of self-help and the absence of a formal global authority in the
international system.
11. Discuss the historical evolution of International Relations emphasizing the
transition from a descriptive diplomatic historical approach to a scientific analysis
of politics.
12. How does the absence of a higher authority impact the study of relations among
states in the context of international politics? Explain.
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Evolution of the Discipline

13. Explain the significance of understanding international relations in the NOTES

contemporary world, highlighting its importance for policymakers, diplomats,
scholars, and individuals.
14. Analyse the multidisciplinary nature of International Relations, drawing on insights
from history, geography, political science, economics, and law.

1.11 FURTHER READINGS

Brown, Chris and Kirsten Ainley. 2005. Understanding International Relations.

New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Jackson, Robert and Georg Sorenson. 2013. Introduction to International Relations:
Theories and Approaches. United Kingdom: Oxford University Press.
Goldstein, S. Joshua and Jon C. Pevehouse. 2014. International Relations. London:
Pearson.
Malhotra, Vinay Kumar and Alexander A. Sergounin. 1998. Theories and Approaches
to International Relations. New Delhi: Anmol Publication.

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The Great Debates

LESSON 2 NOTES

THE GREAT DEBATES

Amit Meena
Senior Research Fellow,
Department of East Asian Studies,
University of Delhi
Structure
2.0 Introduction
2.1 Objectives
2.2 What are the Great Debates?
2.3 First Great Debate: Realism vs. Idealism/Utopanism
2.4 Analysing the First Great Debate
2.5 Second Great Debate: Traditionalism vs. Behaviouralism
2.6 Analysing the Second Great Debate
2.6.1 The Third Great Debate
2.7 Summary
2.8 Key Words
2.9 Answers to Check Your Progress Questions
2.10 Self-Assessment Questions and Exercises
2.11 Further Readings

2.0 INTRODUCTION

The First Great Debate refers to a fundamental theoretical and philosophical debate
that took place in the field of international relations during the early 20th century. This
debate revolved around the question of how states should conduct their foreign policy
and how they should interact with each other in the international system. It pitted two
major schools of thought against each other: realism and idealism. The Second Great
Debate refers to another significant theoretical and philosophical debate that took
place in the field during the mid-20th century, primarily in the years following World
War II. This debate happened between the traditionalists and the behaviouralists during Self-Instructional
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NOTES the 1960s, which primarily focused on methodological issues. The Second Great Debate
had a profound impact on the field of international relations and led to the development
of various subfields and theories within the discipline.

2.1 OBJECTIVES

After going through this lesson, you will be able to:

 Discuss the significance of Great Debates in the context of political and social
theory
 Examine the historical context and key proponents of the First Great Debate in
political thought
 Discuss the strengths and weaknesses of realism and idealism/utopianism as
theoretical frameworks
 Examine the historical context and key figures involved in the Second Great
Debate within the field of political science
 Critically assess the strengths and limitations of traditionalism and behavioralism
in explaining political phenomena

2.2 WHAT ARE THE GREAT DEBATES?

IR continues to be a dynamic and ever-growing field, continuously adjusting to shifts in

the global environment and opportunities. As a result, the contemporary IR experts
frequently draw on a variety of theoretical stances to offer thorough and insightful
analyses of global occurrences. Apart from the mainstream theories of IR like idealism,
realism and liberalism, over time the field of IR has seen the development of various
other theoretical perspectives, such as constructivism, feminism, critical theory and
post-positivism, each offering different lenses through which to analyse global politics.
IR is a dynamic discipline and is continuously evolving and changing.

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are debated by scholars in what we know as the Great Debates. The Great Debates NOTES
are inspired by real world events like the failure of League of Nations or the Second
World War. Conflicting ideologies concerning international politics were put up and
debated against each other in these real-world occurrences. In short, the Great Debates
are majorly concerned about what is the study of International Relations or how it
should be. Different theories were debated and argued against each other in order to
find one relevant theory through which IR could be studied. Great debates refer to
scholarly clashes among intellectuals that arose as a result of competing theories that
were produced in an effort to explain the origins and course of international affairs.
Ole Waever, who has argued about the diverse nature of IR and the significance
of the Great Debates, says that, ‘IR professionals and academics use these debates to
clarify their viewpoints on how they see the world. Determining one’s position,
nevertheless, is more difficult than it seems. What one thing signifies to one person may
not signify the same to another. IR and the great debates are dynamic and have been
associated with change, shifts, contests, dialogues and discoveries’ (Waever, 1998).
A group of scholars appreciate this dynamic nature of the great debates and IR and
believe that these shifts, contests and discoveries are welcome as it helps bring out the
strength and shortcomings and refines the discipline more. However, another section
believes that such contesting views, dialogues and shifts places the discipline on a
shaky ground and contributes to its fragmentation.

2.3 FIRST GREAT DEBATE: REALISM VS.

IDEALISM/UTOPANISM

The first great debate was about arguments and counter-arguments between realists
and idealists. Perhaps the most popular debate in IR is the first great debate because
this debate demonstrated the maturation of IR as a science. In the framework of
contemporary IR theory, this issue has its roots in the immediate aftermath of First
World War. Deep psychological and political scars from World War One sparked a
series of responses, mostly from Woodrow Wilson and other idealists. With Woodrow
Wilson leading the way, the League of Nations was established in 1919 with the idea
that war might be contained and ultimately resolved through institutional order. The Self-Instructional
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NOTES League was instantly weakened because it was too ambitious and ill-fated. Critics
argued that the idealist’s view of ending the First World War was too naïve.
Idealists asserted that different nations had cordial interests. The idealists held
that morality, the use of diplomacy, cooperation, and security mandates were the main
forces guiding international state relations (Baumann, 2011). Idealists aimed to advance
the cause of peace by fostering a greater understanding of world affairs. They held that
international interests should be in harmony. Idealists sought to create a system of
institutions, practices, and guidelines that would promote interdependence of interests,
end conflict, or at the very least, keep it under control. The start of Second World War
was seen by many as the end of idealism/utopianism and the demise of its legitimacy.
As a result, advocates of idealism and utopianism were seen as gullible legalists and
pacifists who were unaware of the realities of international politics.
As a result, people sought a more realistic approach to handling international
affairs as a result of idealism/ utopianism’s inability to address the major crises of the
1930s and the start of a Second World War. Realism, as propounded by E.H. Carr,
was considered a more pragmatic approach. It is generally acknowledged that idealism
and realism are diametrically opposed.
Realists criticized the idealists for their dependence on the League of Nations to
manage peace. The realists believed that the idealists’ approach was not appropriate
to foster harmonious and peaceful international relations amongst the states. Baumann,
Mayer and Zangl are of the opinion that the realist scholars envisioned analysing the
real realities based on international political events (Baumann, 2011). According to the
earlier realists such as E.H. Carr and Hans Morgenthau, the idealists had neglected
the fact that power existed amongst international events.
The Twenty Years Crisis by E. H. Carr published in 1939 is globally accepted
as the first work to bring out the ideological conflict between realism and idealism. Its
publication attracted a lot of attention in international politics. It was a direct attack
and has a devastating effect on idealism during the inter war period. Carr in his book
pointed out three major issues with idealism/utopianism: (a) Idealists gave a lot of
importance to ‘visionary undertakings’ as opposed to investigating the truth and cause
and effect. (b) They overestimated the importance of morality and law in world politics
while underestimating the importance of power. (c) Their inability to acknowledge that
their advocacy of universal interests amounted to nothing more than the promotion
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NOTES

Fig. 2.1 E.H. Carr

Carr portrayed realists as scientists who were more interested in how the world
truly is, while idealists were depicted as alchemists who were more concerned with
how the world ought to be. Many people agree that Carr showed how realism was
better than idealism in its capacity to logically explain the ongoing and pervasive battle
for dominance among states. With that, realism replaced idealism and took over as the
standard theory of IR. In Defence of the National Interest, written by Hans
Morgenthau and published in 1951, presented a scathing critique of idealist goals and
extensively referenced Carr’s writings and helped in the growth of realism.

Check Your Progress

1. What are the Great Debates in the field of International Relations (IR)?
2. What event in the aftermath of World War I sparked the First Great Debate in
IR?
3. What criticism did Realists have against the Idealists’ approach to managing
international peace?

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NOTES
2.4 ANALYSING THE FIRST GREAT DEBATE

Philosophers argue about whether the first debate between idealists and realists was a
myth or an intellectual conflict. According to some scholars, there weren’t many realists
when the first great debate took place. Due to the realists’ complicated and sophisticated
positions on issues pertaining to international affairs, they were often mistaken for
idealists. Additionally, some analysts assert that realists with self-imposed restrictions
took part in the first debate. They claim that there were no significant intellectual
exchanges.
Miles Kahler terms the ideological clash between inter-war idealists and the
post-war realists as ‘the foundational myth of the field’ (Kahler, 1997). Nearly all
historical accounts acknowledge that the realists won the first great debate and that
this caused the discipline to undertake a scientific and practical colour. In response to
the claims made by realists, idealists like Wilson and Ashworth claimed that, the myth
of the first great debate caused great damage to the discipline of IR. The primary aim
and propaganda of the realists were to oversimplify the nature of the discipline and to
cut off any study made by the idealists in the field of IR (Ashworth, 2002).
Additionally, the realist literature has been charged with misrepresenting interwar
idealism. Brian Schmidt argued that, ‘the interwar idealists who were greatly disparaged,
were typically depicted as a group of utopian pacifists and legalists who focused their
attention on reforming international politics rather than on analysing the realities of
politics among nations’ (Schmidt, 2013). According to Herz, realists often linked other
‘isms’ like optimism, humanism and pacifism, with inter-war idealism. Idealists in
response to the attack argued that, Carr invented the umbrella term ‘idealism/utopianism’
only to attack all the ‘isms’ that he did not agree with (Herz, 1950).
Occasionally, the idealists are depicted as alchemists who focused on ‘what
ought to be’ whereas the realists were more interested in ‘what is’. Realists are
represented as scientists who concentrate on ‘what is’, which was necessary to develop
a science of politics. This narrative of the ‘debate’ between ‘idealists’ and ‘realists’ still
has a significant impact on how the discipline perceives. This explains in part why it is
necessary to recount how IR was previously founded in idealism but was lucky to
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according to almost all of the literature on the subject. Liberal institutionalism, a rebirth NOTES
of idealism and utopian aspirations, emerged in the years following Second World
War. Even today, the argument is still heated.

Check Your Progress

4. Who called the ideological clash between inter-war idealists and the post-war
realists ‘the foundational myth of the field’?
5. State the primary aim and propaganda of the realists.

2.5 SECOND GREAT DEBATE: TRADITIONALISM

VS. BEHAVIOURALISM

The Second Great Debate happened between the traditionalists and the behaviouralists
during the 1960s, which primarily focused on methodological issues. The discussion
reflected the broader behavioural revolution taking place in the social sciences at the
time. Fears among some IR professionals that their discipline was losing the fight to
become a science served as the catalyst for the discussion. The fact that historians
with a great interest and contribution in history helped shape the field of international
relations did not sit well with behaviouralists. Traditionalists and behaviouralists were
put against each other in this second great debate. A different perspective would be to
contrast history and science. Traditionalists tend to favour the historical approach,
while behaviouralists favoured the scientific approach.
Hedley Bull advocated the traditionalist side whereas, Morton Kaplan
represented the behaviouralist side. Bull and Kaplan’s arguments get to the heart of
the subject, despite the fact that both sides had other recognizable individuals, such as
E. H. Carr and Thomas Schelling. Stanley Hoffman called this debate as ‘the battle of
literates versus the numerates’. International Theory: The Case for a Classical
Approach, one of Hedley Bull’s major contributions to the discussion, aimed to defend
the classical approach against behaviouralist criticism. The traditional approach, as
defined by Bull is ‘the approach to theorizing that derives from philosophy, history and
law and that is characterized above all by explicit reliance upon the exercise of judgment
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NOTES international relations if we confine ourselves to strict standards of verification and

proof’.
Bull’s definition makes it obvious that, when it comes to comprehending IR, the
traditionalist approach favours historically based wisdom. On the other hand,
behaviouralism is a school of thought that aims to understand human behaviour in
relation to observable and quantifiable behavioural patterns. It does this by drawing
on the empiricist theory of knowledge and the positivist philosophy of science. In
more detail, behaviouralism is defined in the context of IR by Martin Hollis and Steve
Smith (Hollis, 1990) as ‘the path to knowledge via the collection of observable data’.
The data’s regularities were to be used to frame and test hypotheses from which
theories would be built.
The behaviouralists believed that existing systems should undergo empirical testing
and analysis after being observed (Baumann, 2011). They thought observation was a
suitable strategy for opening up space for more development of the theory of
international relations. They chastised the traditionalists for viewing world politics through
an interpretative lens. On the other hand, the traditionalists’ arguments were founded
on generalizations and interpretations of the underlying international politics. They
suggested that international relations were not exposed to stringent verifications in
order to contradict the behaviouralists’ scientific methodology.
Traditionalists argued that because there are so many different factors at play, it
is impossible to impose a precise structure on the ebbs and flows of world politics.
Bull wrote, ‘with such strict standards of verification and proof there is very little of
significance that can be said about international relations’. In response, Kaplan argued
that because of traditionalism’s inherent analytical breadth, its ‘generalizations are
applied indiscriminately over enormous stretches of time and space’. A theory that
cannot be refuted was not a theory in the eyes of behaviouralists rather, it was more of
a personal opinion that could be accepted or rejected as according to the need.

2.6 ANALYSING THE SECOND GREAT DEBATE

The second great debate was a divide between those who believed in the natural
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was not amenable to the strict empirical methods of natural science. George Liska NOTES
commented on the divide between traditionalists and behaviouralists debate and
asserted that the fundamental difference lay ‘between those who are primarily committed
to the elaboration of social science and those who are primarily interested in international
relations’. Morton Kaplan’s systems theory, Karl Deutsch’s communication and
cybernetics theory, Thomas Schelling’s early games theory and Richard Snyder, H.
W. Bruck and Burton Sapin’s development of decision-making theory are universally
considered as the scientific contribution to the field of IR (Schmidt, 2013).
Behaviouralism had its roots in Positivism, so it was criticised for the limitations
that it would bring to the field of IR. Its rigorous application would entail discrediting
things like human perception and motivation that couldn’t be quantified. It would also
stop the growth of normative theories because they concentrated on things that couldn’t
be scientifically tested: ‘what should be’ (Sanders, 2002). Behaviouralists
acknowledged and corrected their own perceived shortcomings, like Carl G. Hempel
and Karl P. Popper’s criticism of narrow inductivist’ viewpoints and the impossibility
of some kind of theory or values remaining absent from observation, thus moving
positivism toward a more deductive than inductive course.
Hedley Bull attacked the scientific strategy adopted by behaviouralists and argued
that scientific studies could not meaningfully enhance IR theory since applying scientific
techniques like statistical modelling could not advance our grasp of an interpretive
issue. Bull went on to claim that behaviouralists’ have done a great disservice to theory
in this field by conceiving of it as the construction of and manipulation of so called
models. Bull acknowledged the necessity for a rigor in international political theory
and he was confident that traditionalism could supply this rigor. Bull’s critique of
behaviouralism argued those who use the scientific method have a callow and brash
perspective and cut themselves off from history and philosophy which does not provide
a holistic understanding of the discipline.
Bull’s traditionalism also has shortcomings. Scholars argue that though Bull made
his disagreements with behaviouralism clear; he did not provide an alternate to
behaviouralism. IR literature at that time could not provide an alternate to the positivist
approach that behaviouralists adopted. It became evident that the model of science
that the behaviouralists adopted was positivism. Positivism advocated that scientific
knowledge can be produced only through collection of observable data. As a result, Self-Instructional
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NOTES behaviouralism narrowed down and now became intrinsically associated to positivism.
Hence, behaviouralism became deductive and had no space for any other kind of
scientific study that IR could potentially be.
However, despite the deductive nature, criticism by Bull and other traditionalists
and the shortcomings, behaviouralism went to have the edge over traditionalism. The
ability of researchers to replicate and analyse their colleagues’ processes and findings
is its main advantage over traditionalism. This led to encouraging careful and thorough
work by IR theorists and positivist America being seen as a greater engine of political
theory.
2.6.1 The Third Great Debate
The Third Great Debate in International Relations, which emerged in the late 20th
century, represents a significant intellectual discourse that has had a profound impact
on the field. This debate builds upon and expands the ideas presented in the earlier
First and Second Great Debates, but it primarily centers on the following key themes:
positivism vs. post-positivism, agency vs. structure, the critique of traditional IR theories,
and interdisciplinary perspectives.
At the heart of the Third Great Debate is the tension between positivism and
post-positivism. Positivism, characterized by its emphasis on empiricism, quantifiable
data, and the search for universal laws and patterns, has been a dominant approach in
the study of international relations. Positivist scholars believe in the objective analysis
of international phenomena and the application of scientific methods to understand
and predict global politics. This approach often involves the use of statistical techniques
and the generalization of findings.
In contrast, post-positivism challenges the positivist orthodoxy by critiquing its
claims to objectivity and universality. Post-positivist scholars argue that international
relations are too complex and context-dependent to be reduced to simple, universal
laws. They emphasize the importance of interpretive and qualitative methods, stressing
the role of individual and contextual factors in shaping international outcomes. Post-
positivists contend that the researcher’s perspective and subjectivity cannot be divorced
from the analysis and that different ontological and epistemological assumptions can
lead to diverse understandings of the same international events.
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A second major theme in the Third Great Debate revolves around the concept NOTES
of agency versus structure. This debate addresses the question of what drives
international outcomes: systemic forces and structural conditions or the decisions and
actions of individual actors. Positivist scholars tend to emphasize the role of structural
forces, such as the distribution of power among states, as the primary determinants of
international politics. They argue that states’ behaviour is shaped by the constraints
and opportunities provided by the international system.
Conversely, post-positivist scholars highlight the importance of agency,
emphasizing that individual leaders, organizations, and non-state actors can exert
significant influence on global politics. They argue that human decisions and actions
are not solely determined by structural conditions but are also shaped by beliefs,
perceptions, and ideational factors. This debate raises questions about the relative
impact of systemic forces versus human agency in international affairs.
The Third Great Debate also involves a critical assessment of traditional
international relations theories, such as realism and liberalism. Post-positivist scholars
argue that these theories often oversimplify and fail to capture the complexity of the
international system. Realism, for example, is criticized for its pessimistic view of state
behaviour, which assumes that states are solely driven by self-interest and the pursuit
of power. Liberalism, on the other hand, is seen as overly optimistic about the prospects
for cooperation and peace in international relations. Post-positivists advocate for more
nuanced and context-specific approaches to understanding international relations,
drawing attention to the diverse motivations and interests of actors on the global stage.
Furthermore, the Third Great Debate encourages interdisciplinary perspectives
in the study of international relations. Scholars in this tradition draw insights from various
fields, including sociology, psychology, anthropology, and critical theory, to enrich
their analyses. By embracing interdisciplinary approaches, researchers aim to broaden
the theoretical toolkit for understanding and explaining global politics. This
interdisciplinary perspective acknowledges that international relations are influenced
by a wide range of factors, including cultural norms, identity, ideology, and social
dynamics, which cannot be fully grasped through traditional positivist methods alone.
The Third Great Debate in International Relations represents a significant and
ongoing intellectual discourse that challenges the dominant paradigms of the field. It
introduces important questions about the nature of knowledge, the role of individual Self-Instructional
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NOTES agency, the limitations of traditional theories, and the need for interdisciplinary
perspectives. This debate has had a lasting impact on the study of international relations,
shaping the way scholars approach and analyse global politics. It underscores the
complexity and richness of the international system and the necessity of adopting diverse
theoretical and methodological approaches to fully comprehend it.

Check Your Progress

6. When did the Second Great Debate occur in the field of International Relations?
7. State the key concern led to the Second Great Debate among IR professionals.
8. Name the primary representatives of the Traditionalist and Behaviouralist sides
in the Second Great Debate.

2.7 SUMMARY

International Relations continues to be a dynamic and developing field, continuously

adjusting to shifts in the global environment and opportunities. As a result, the
contemporary IR experts frequently draw on a variety of theoretical stances to offer
thorough and insightful analyses of global occurrences. Within IR, numerous opposing
and contradictory viewpoints are advocated by various schools of thought. The virtues
and shortcomings of these schools of thoughts are debated by scholars in what we
know as the Great Debates. The Great Debates are inspired by real world events like
the failure of League of Nations or the Second World War.
The first great debate was about arguments and counter- arguments between
Realists and Idealists. Perhaps the most popular debate in IR is the first great debate
because this debate demonstrated the maturation of IR as a science. Idealists asserted
that different nations had cordial interests. The idealists held that morality, the use of
diplomacy, cooperation, and security mandates were the main forces guiding
international state relations (Baumann, 2011).
Realists criticized the idealists for their dependence on the League of Nations to
manage peace. The realists believed that the idealists’ approach was not appropriate
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to foster harmonious and peaceful international relations amongst the states.
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Philosophers argue about whether the first debate between idealists and realists was a NOTES
myth or an intellectual conflict. According to some scholars, there weren’t many realists
when the first great debate took place. Due to the realists’ complicated and sophisticated
positions on issues pertaining to international affairs, they were often mistaken for
idealists.
The Second Great Debate happened between the Traditionalists and the
Behaviouralists during the 1960s, which primarily focused on methodological issues.
The discussion reflected the broader behavioural revolution taking place in the social
sciences at the time. Hedley Bull advocated the traditionalist side whereas, Morton
Kaplan represented the behaviouralist sides, drew the battle lines. Bull and Kaplan’s
arguments get to the heart of the subject, despite the fact that both sides had other
recognizable individuals, such as E. H. Carr and Thomas Schelling.
Behaviouralism had its roots in Positivism, so it was criticised for the limitations
that it would bring to the field of IR. Its rigorous application would entail discrediting
things like human perception and motivation that couldn’t be quantified. Hedley Bull
attacked the scientific strategy adopted by behavioualists and argued that scientific
studies could not meaningfully enhance IR theory since applying scientific techniques
like statistical modelling could not advance our grasp of an interpretive issue. Scholars
argue that though Bull made his disagreements with behaviouralism clear, he did not
provide an alternate to behaviouralism. IR literature at that time could not provide an
alternate to the positivist approach that behaviouralists adopted.
However, despite the deductive nature, criticism by Bull and other traditionalists
and the shortcomings, behaviouralism went to have the edge over traditionalism. The
ability of researchers to replicate and analyse their colleagues’ processes and findings
is its main advantage over traditionalism.
The Third Great Debate in IR, often called the ‘inter-paradigm debate’, occurred
primarily during the 1980s and 1990s. It marks a significant shift in the study of
international relations. The debate involves different theoretical perspectives, such as
realism, liberalism, and structuralism. These paradigms offer conflicting views on issues
like the role of states, the nature of power, and the influence of economic structures in
international politics. The Third Debate led to a more inclusive, reflective, and critical
approach to understanding global politics, influencing contemporary IR scholarship
significantly. Self-Instructional
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NOTES
2.8 KEY WORDS

 Realism: It refers to a school of thought in IR that emphasizes the role of

power, national interest, and state sovereignty as fundamental drivers of
international politics.
 Idealism/Utopianism: It refers to a perspective in IR that focuses on moral
principles, diplomacy, cooperation, and the creation of international institutions
to foster peace and cooperation among states.
 Constructivism: It refers to a theoretical perspective in IR that emphasizes the
role of ideas, norms, and identities in shaping international relations.
 Feminism: It refers to a theoretical perspective in IR that examines the impact
of gender and gender-related issues on international politics.
 Critical Theory: It refers to a theoretical approach that seeks to challenge and
deconstruct existing power structures and norms in international relations.
 Post-Positivism: It refers to a philosophical approach in IR that questions the
traditional positivist methods of studying international relations and seeks to
incorporate more interpretive and qualitative approaches.

2.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

QUESTIONS

1. Great debates refer to scholarly clashes among intellectuals that arose as a

result of competing theories that were produced in an effort to explain the origins
and course of international affairs.
2. Deep psychological and political scars from World War One sparked a series
of responses, mostly from Woodrow Wilson and other idealists. This led to the
First Great Debate in IR.
3. Realists criticized the idealists for their dependence on the League of Nations to
manage peace. The realists believed that the idealists’ approach was not
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appropriate to foster harmonious and peaceful international relations amongst NOTES

the states.
4. Miles Kahler termed the ideological clash between inter-war idealists and the
post-war realists as “the foundational myth of the field” (Kahler, 1997).
5. The primary aim and propaganda of the realists were to oversimplify the nature
of the discipline and to cut off any study made by the idealists in the field IR
(Ashworth, 2002).
6. The Second Great Debate happened between the Traditionalists and the
Behaviouralists during the 1960s, which primarily focused on methodological
issues.
7. Fears among some IR professionals that their discipline was losing the fight to
become a science served as the catalyst for the discussion.
8. Hedley Bull advocated the traditionalist side whereas, Morton Kaplan
represented the behaviouralist sides.

2.10 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS AND

EXERCISES

1. List the core beliefs of idealism/utopianism in the first great debate.

2. How did realism differ from idealism in the first great debate?
3. State the main purpose behind the establishment of the League of Nations.
4. State the primary argument made by Brian Schmidt regarding the depiction of
interwar idealists by realists in the first great debate.
5. List the fundamental differences between the traditionalist and behaviouralist
approaches in the second great debate.
6. Evaluate the major factors that led to the decline of idealism/utopianism and the
rise of realism in the aftermath of World War I.
7. Discuss the key arguments presented by E.H. Carr in The Twenty Years Crisis.

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NOTES 8. How did the First Great Debate shape the field of International Relations (IR)?
Discuss its lasting impact on the study of global politics.
9. Elucidate the contrasting views of realists and idealists regarding the first great
debate in international relations.
10. Evaluate the main arguments presented by Hedley Bull in favour of traditionalism
and against the scientific approach of behaviouralism in the second great debate.
11. Examine the evolution of behaviouralism in the field of IR and the criticisms it
faced.

2.11 FURTHER READINGS

Brown, Chris and Kirsten Ainley. 2005. Understanding International Relations.

New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Jackson, Robert and Georg Sorenson. 2013. Introduction to International Relations:
Theories and Approaches. United Kingdom: Oxford University Press.
Goldstein, S. Joshua and Jon C. Pevehouse. 2014. International Relations. London:
Pearson.
Malhotra, Vinay Kumar and Alexander A. Sergounin. 1998. Theories and Approaches
to International Relations. New Delhi: Anmol Publication.

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UNIT II: REALISM: ITS VARIANTS AND COMPLEMENTS

LESSON 3 STRUCTURAL REALISM

LESSON 4 INDIAN TRADITION: KAUTILYA’S REALPOLITIK

LESSON 5 NEO-REALISM AND THE CHINESE TRADITION

LESSON 6 NEO-LIBERAL INSTITUTIONALISM AND THE

ENGLISH SCHOOL
Structural Realism

LESSON 3 NOTES

STRUCTURAL REALISM
Dr Sudhir Kumar Suthar
Assistant Professor,
Centre of Political Studies, School of Social Sciences,
Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
Dr Nidhi Shukla
Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science,
Bharti College, University of Delhi
Dr. Shailza Singh
Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science,
Bharati College, New Delhi
Structure
3.0 Introduction
3.1 Objectives
3.2 Theorization in International Relations: Definition
3.3 Realism: Its Variants and Complements
3.3.1 Variant of Realism: Classical Realism
3.4 The Theory of Neo-Realism or Structural Realism
3.4.1 Waltz’s Analogy of Market and International Relations
3.4.2 State as a Unit of System
3.5 Summary
3.6 Key Words
3.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Questions
3.8 Self-Assessment Questions and Exercises
3.9 Further Readings

3.0 INTRODUCTION

In this lesson, you will be introduced to the concept of ‘structural realism’, which is a
significant perspective in the field of international relations. Structural realism, also Self-Instructional
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NOTES known as neorealism, is a prominent theory in the field of international relations that
falls under the broader umbrella of realism. Realism is a school of thought in international
relations that focuses on state-centric, power-based explanations of international
politics. Structural realism, as developed primarily by Kenneth Waltz, is a specific
variant of realism that emphasizes the importance of the international system’s structure
in shaping state behaviour. Structural realism, with its emphasis on the structural
constraints of the international system, provides a framework for understanding state
behaviour in a world where anarchy prevails.

3.1 OBJECTIVES

After going through this lesson, you will be able to:

 Discuss the features of theorizing in international politics
 Discuss the realist theory of international relations
 Describe the central concepts of realist theory
 Examine classical realism
 Explain the theory of neo-realism or structural realism propounded by Waltz

3.2 THEORIZATION IN INTERNATIONAL

RELATIONS: DEFINITION

Defining a theory is the first and foremost task before understanding the various theories
of international politics. Generally, theories are causal explanations of a phenomenon.
They explain why a few things happen and why some do not. According to one definition
of theory, it is a collections or sets of laws pertaining to a particular behaviour or
phenomenon. Kenneth Waltz writes that usually in international politics, scholars pay
more attention to the collection of facts and information. From these facts they try to
draw some trends. Usually these trends are given the name of theories. According to
him, such trends are merely law and not theories. Theories further provide an explanation
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theories are statements that explain them. Theories are qualitatively different from NOTES
laws.’ (Waltz 1979: 5)
As discussed above, due to the complexities of international politics, theorization
has remained a difficult task. Martin Wight writes that due to the dominant role of
states the nature of theorization in international politics remains difficult. Unlike domestic
politics, there is no coherence in international politics. The realm of international politics
is a ‘society of states’. States always try to maximize their own gains causing ambiguity
in international politics. This will remain difficult until a world government emerges and
an organizational structure emerges in the international politics like domestic politics.
David Singer argues that the major challenge before the scholars of international
politics is to resolve the problem of levels of analysis. He discussed the problems of
making an international system, as Kenneth Waltz argues. According to Singer, an
international system as the only level of analysis, assumes that all states or sub-system
units are homogenous in their action.
The initial focus of theories in international relations was on normative questions.
However the studies are no more normative in nature. Ranging from the nature of
polarity to the role of community relations, theorization has developed in the discipline.
Some of the theories in International Relations are complementary to each other such
as rationalism and liberal institutionalism, feminism and critical theory whereas others
are quite distinct or rather ‘hostile’ e.g., realism and liberalism; rationalism and post-
modernism.
Smith and Snidal (2008: 12–13) identify three features of theorizing in international
politics. Firstly, theorizing is about the ‘international’ political universe. Secondly, the
theoretical assumptions in IR are about what is important in the ‘international’ political
universe. And finally, theorizing involves logical argument. A theory loses its relevance
if it is internally incoherent or suffers from illogical formulations.
Recent theories in the discipline are making efforts to make the discipline more
like natural sciences. Hence a larger focus is on empiricism, using mathematical
techniques and sound methodologies. As a result the normative part of the theories is
losing its significance. The question of what ought to be is almost sidelined in the recent
decades. Smith and Snidal (2008) argue that there is a need to bridge the gap between
the normative and empirical theories. All theories have some element of both the theories
and there are many areas of convergence between the theories. However, development Self-Instructional
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NOTES of one should not be at the cost of the other. They have identified certain areas of
convergence between various theories.
Two contemporary developments in the field of methodology are:
methodological individualism and rational choice. Both are offshoots of two
intellectual traditions. The first is liberalism, the struggle for freedom and democracy
dating back to Enlightenment, the Protestant Reformation, and in some sense to the
ancient Greeks. Besides, there have been demands of making the discipline more
action oriented. There are demands that the discipline should lead the change in the
society. In order to do so there are conclusions that social science should set aside the
approaches of the past that sought to define persisting structures and laws and should
adopt the less deterministic approach of physics and biology by being sensitive to
emerging and declining historical structures and movements of self-organizations in
social and political relations. It should set aside illusions about ‘the end of history’ and
concentrate upon purposive change in a chaotic world (Cox 2009: 87).
The study of international relations should focus on the key issues affecting the
biological survival of the human race; and then on the pursuit of justice in conditions of
people, which is essential to maintaining their support for a survivable world order
(Ibid). Cox further argues that the priorities should be somewhat like:
i. Survival of the biosphere
ii. Avoidance of nuclear war
iii. Moderating the rich/poor gap
iv. Assuring protection for the most vulnerable people
v. Effective arrangements for negotiating resolution
The point is to try to understand the world as people are making it so as to gain
some control over where we are going; and to forgo speculation about an imminent
logic of history that will turn out to be an illusion.
However, there have been severe criticisms of the discipline’s theoretical ability
to explain the system. There have been some questions of the discipline’s explanatory
capacity, which came into question with the loss of meaning that accompanied the end
of the Cold War and the failure to predict the collapse of Communism in the Soviet

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Union. Of late, attention has also been directed to the disorder and the violence that NOTES
has erupted within and between the successor states of empires. It is this contention of
a growing number of scholars at the margins of international relations that processes
on the ground in these societies challenge Western imagery of a world being set right
by the workings of the market, the promotion of democratization, and the commitment
to development. One indication of the fact as to how the established scholarly thinking
is away from the daily larger parts of the world is the construct of the ‘emergencies’
which present recurrent breakdowns as somehow exceptional rather than the norm
(Calhoun 2004).
A major criticism of the theories of international relations has been ignorance of
the world except Europe, the story of international relations has been told as the
internationalization of a system of thought and practice that arose within Europe, the
foundational event being Westphalia (Darby 2009: 95). International relations has
been a narrative of progress: a reading of the reordering of relations between politics
in one part of the globe that were then transposed to cover the world. Such theorizing
has been criticized that the settlement of 1648 was not the signal point in the emergence
of the modern state system—as has become almost scriptural. Rather, the Westphalian
system was characterized by distinctly non-modern geopolitical relations, rooted in
absolutist pre-capitalist property relations.
In addition to this, Katzenstein and Sil (2009) argue that the theorization in
international relations has been focusing on the paradigms and not on the problems.
They say that for most of the past three decades, international relations scholarship
has typically been embedded in discrete research traditions, each proclaimed by its
adherents to be either inherently superior or flexible enough to be able to subsume the
others. Competition among discrete research traditions is certainly one motor for
intellectual vitality within a given tradition of international relations. However, vitality
within particular traditions does not necessarily constitute the basis for the field of
international relations as a whole.
As Gunther Hellman (2002: 3 quoted in Katzenstein and Sil 2009) notes:
“although the sort of professionalization which Waltzian ‘realists’ and Wendtian
‘constructivists’ have helped to bring about in international relations has rightly and
widely been hailed as a blessing, it must not be mistaken for intellectual progress.”
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NOTES Like the discipline of political science there are various theories of International
Relations. However, not all but only few have been very popular. These are illustrated
in Figure 3.1 below:
a. Realism
b. Liberalism
c. Marxist theories
d. Constructivism

Fig. 3.1 Theories of International Relations

All these theories explain the nature of international relations in various ways.
Realism is more about competition and self-interest. Liberalism on the other hand
emphasizes on cooperation and peace. Realism emphasizes on lack of order. New
variants of liberalism in contrast focus more on the emerging institutionalism in
international relations. Marxist theories on the other hand attempt to explain the nature
and strategies of domination in international politics.

3.3 REALISM: ITS VARIANTS AND COMPLEMENTS

Realism is the most popular theory of international politics. Realist theory is closely
attached to the political theorists who emphasise the negative part of human behaviour.
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According to these theorists, the prime objective of individuals is always to protect NOTES
their interests. Individuals are rational beings who always think in terms of maximizing
their self-interest. They are always in a state of competition with each other and only
those who are powerful enough survive. The weak individuals, on the other hand, are
unable to protect themselves. In other words, the search for power and strength is the
main motivational force behind an individual’s conduct.
However, the roots of the realist theory can be traced back to the evolution of
ancient political thought. In his writings, Indian thinker Kautilya discussed various state
strategies to ensure their survival. Similarly, Italian thinker Niccolo Machiavelli (1469–
1527), in his writing The Prince discussed how a monarch should always make attempts
to maximize state power. Others in his tradition are Thucydides (c.460– 406 BC),
Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679), and Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712–78). Influenced
by these thinkers, many scholars like Hans Morgenthau and E.H. Car, also implemented
these theories on international politics. These theories came up during the two world
wars. These theories emerged as a wave against the pre-war theories of idealism. The
Idealist school of thought emphasises more on international cooperation and world
peace. During the World Wars, such theories failed to explain the reasons for the
occurrence of these wars between nation-states. As a result of these inadequacies of
idealism, the realist theories emerged as a counter-theory of international politics.
Scholars like Hans J. Morgenthau, E.H. Carr, and Reinhold Niebuhr emphasised
the quest for power as the main feature of international politics. It was only after the
outbreak of the Second World War that the realist theory became prominent in
international politics. All the other theories are called footnotes in the realist school of
thought. As an impact of these theories, power politics became the central point of
analysis in the discipline of international politics. These theories greatly influenced
American policymakers in the post-Second World War era. The Cold War politics
was greatly determined by the realist school of thought.
There are certain common features which have been accepted as core
characteristics of international politics by all realist scholars. However, this does not
mean that there is only one type of realism. In fact, over the past seventy years, multiple
types of realist theories have emerged. Despite agreeing on the common characteristics,
there are wide differences in the manner in which they explain the politics between the
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NOTES State

Realist theory pilots the concept of the state. Joseph M. Grieko argues that there are
three main assumptions of the realist theory in international states:
 A state is an organization which enjoys the power to use coercive force against
the population living in a definite territory.
 According to realists, states are the main actors in international politics. The
study of international politics is nothing but politics amongst the states.
 States are sovereign authorities not only within their boundaries but they are
also the sole authority to decide for their population in the community of nations.
This type of state which has emerged after the Treaty of Westphalia continues
to remain the focal point of analysis in the realist theory.
Realists accept the state as the actor in the realm of international politics. States
are always in search of maximizing their powers. States also have a sense of national
interest. Realists believe that preserving the national interest can only be possible by
having a strong state. A strong state can only be built through maximizing military
strength.
Multiple challenges have come up in the last fifty years before the state, e.g.
multinational corporations, terrorist organisations, transnational organisations like the
UN and so on. However, despite these challenges, states continue to remain dominant
actors in international politics. The nature and degree of interference of such actors in
the domestic and international affairs of the states are determined by the states
themselves. In other words, states are still powerful actors who control the challenges
coming before them. Besides, their military strength and their ability to use force against
their citizens give them an edge over other actors.
However, unlike domestic politics where the state machinery functions in a
coherent organised manner, in international politics states are actors who function in an
anarchical setup. In international politics, there is no supernatural body which ensures
the order among its units. States are free to behave as per their wishes. Anarchy is the
governing principle of international politics. This also creates a sense of insecurity
among the states which further forces them to maximize their power.
According to classical realists like Hans J. Morgenthau, the quest for power is
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behaviour is that individuals are always self-centred beings in search of ensuring their NOTES
security at the cost of others. It is this part of human behaviour which also works at the
global level. States also perceive other states as their competitors. Structural realists
like Kenneth Waltz, on the other hand, argue that it is the systemic compulsions that
force states to behave the way they act. However, in both cases, the quest for power
leads to a security dilemma among the states. In such conditions, states try to maximize
their gains at the cost of others. Realists like John Ruggie have discussed how states
calculate their gains against other actors. In other words, states are engaged in ensuring
their relative gains against the rival actors.

Anarchy

Another principle which is common in all variants of the realist theory is the principle of
anarchy. According to this principle, there is no central authority in the realm of
international relations. States are independent, rational actors who are free to decide
their actions. In his book Theory of International Politics (1979), Kenneth Waltz
describes the nature of the international system as compared to the system of market
in the field of economics. According to him, in the same way, firms are allowed to
freely decide their market strategies, similarly states in international relations function
as autonomous actors.
According to Kenneth Waltz, the nature of international politics is of re-
occurrence of war and conflicts among the nations. In domestic politics, the state
exists as an authority whose decisions are obeyed by the individuals. The state provides
security and ensures law and order. Contrary to this, there is no central authority in
international politics. The realm of international politics is characterised as anarchy,
where there is a lack of order or insecurity. In such a setup, states are always in search
of their survival. States function in an anarchical setup where nobody can be trusted.
Hence, the survival of the state depends on its actions. In other words, every state has
to help itself to ensure its survival in international politics. This principle of self-help is
also crucial in international politics. To survive or to protect themselves from powerful
nations, smaller nations try to go for alliances with the stronger nations. Besides, they
are also involved in joining the bandwagon for such purposes.
States also try to achieve some sort of balance to ensure their security and
safety. The balancing behaviour includes an accumulation of ‘additional natural Self-Instructional
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NOTES also go for alliances with other states. Aron calls this situation a ‘policy of equilibrium’
in which a state tries to equalize or strengthen its capabilities in comparison with the
other state.

Groupism

According to the realist school, the states always try to form groups to ensure their
survival. No state can be so powerful as to do everything on its own. Various limitations
of the state powers are the availability of natural and human resources, technological
developments, strategic locations and so on. As a result, the states are forced to
cooperate. However, this cooperation is not peaceful and healthy, as liberals define it.
Rather, states form alliances to secure their position in international relations against
the rival country.
The principle of groupism is also a guiding force behind the system of balance
of power and different types of polarities in international politics. The balance of power
theory argues that to balance the relative power of the competitor, states form alliances
with each other. The polarity principle, on the other hand, talks about the nature of
concentration of power in international relations. Like magnetic poles, there are poles
with different strengths. These poles try to arrange the structure of international politics
in their favour.

3.3.1 Variant of Realism: Classical Realism

As discussed above, despite the commonality of certain principles, there is not any
one branch of realism. Rather, there are multiple realisms making attempts to explain
international relations in different ways. Classical realism began with scholars like Hans
Morgenthau and E. H. Carr. It was further developed by the neo-realists like Kenneth
Waltz and John Ruggie who attempted to overcome the criticisms of classical realists.
Broadly, classical realism indicates the evolution of the realist theory before the
publication of Kenneth Waltz’s book Theory of International Politics. In recent
years, any kind of generalisation about state behaviour since ancient times ranging
from Thucydides to Waltz’s book is recognised as part of classical realism. However,
the name which established realist theory in international politics was the publication of
Hans Morgenthau’s book Politics Among Nations. His six principles are the widely
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accepted principles of the theory of international relations. These principles are NOTES
summarised by J. Ann Tickner as follows:
1. Politics, just like society in general, is governed by objective laws that
have roots in human nature (which is unchanging). It is therefore possible
to develop a rational theory that is consistent with these objective laws;
2. The main theme of political realism is that of interest, which is defined in
terms of power. Power, in turn, infuses rational order onto the entire subject
matter of politics and thus makes politics theoretically understandable.
Political realism stresses rational, objective, and unemotional aspects;
3. Realism assumes that interest defined as power (as mentioned above) is
an objective category which is universally valid, with a meaning that is
however not fixed once and for all. Power symbolises the control that
man has over man;
4. Political realism considers the moral significance of political action. It is
also aware of the stress between the moral command and the need for
positive political actions;
5. Political realism does not identify the moral aspirations of a particular nation
with the moral laws that govern the universe. It is the framework of the
concept of interests (defined in terms of power) that saves us from moral
excesses and political follies;
6. Political Realism accepts the autonomy of International Politics as a
discipline.
The political realist facilitates and maintains the autonomy of the political sphere
by asking ‘How does this policy affect the power of the nation?’ Political realism is
based on a pluralistic concept of human nature. A man who was nothing but a ‘political
man’ would be a beast, for he would be completely lacking in moral restraints. But, to
develop an autonomous theory of political behaviour, ‘political man’ must be abstracted
from other aspects of human nature.
Despite being so popular, these principles of Morgenthau’s realist theory are
widely criticised. Tickner has criticised these principles as nothing but a masculine
explanation of international politics. According to her, Morgenthau completely ignores
the cooperative behaviour of states which is also equally significant along with the Self-Instructional
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NOTES power politics. Besides, along with real politics, there is also a drive for justice, rule
and peace in international politics, which Morgenthau tends to ignore.
In addition to the feminist critic, Kenneth Waltz also criticised Morgenthau’s
principles on the ground that it doesn’t take into account the impact of international
structure on state behaviour. Besides, Morgenthau’s theory also fails to distinguish
between domestic policy and politics at the international level. Bridging this gap, Waltz
gave his structural explanation of international politics. This variant of realism is also
known as neo-realism.

Check Your Progress

1. Name the author of the book Theory of International Politics (1979).
2. What are the limitations of state powers?

3.4 THE THEORY OF NEO-REALISM OR

STRUCTURAL REALISM

What has made realism the most popular scientific theory of international politics is the
theory of ‘neo-realism’ or ‘structural realism’ propounded by Kenneth Waltz. His
theory was published in his book, “Theory of International Politics”. In this, Waltz
argued that it is possible to form a scientific theory of international relations only with
the help of a system-level analysis. The system is made of structures and units. The
interaction between these units determines the way the states behave with each other.
His theory was influenced by the behavioural revolution in the analysis of domestic
politics where the focus was on the political system in place of the state. According to
him, a system-level analysis may distinguish international politics from others like
economics, social, etc. in international domains. To explain the international system as
an independent domain, Waltz distinguishes the domestic political system and the
international system. He says that in a domestic political system, a hierarchy among the
various units exists. The units—institutions and agencies—stand vis-à-vis each other
about super and subordination.

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completely articulated, nor all ambiguities about relations of super and subordination NOTES
removed. Nevertheless, political actors are formally differentiated according to the
degrees of their authority, and their distinct political functions are specified. It means
that a broad agreement prevails on the tasks that various parts of a government are to
undertake and on the extent of power they legitimately wield. Such specification of
roles and differentiation of functions is found in any state, more fully as the state is
highly developed. The specification of functions of formally differentiated parts gives
the second structural information.
The placement of units about one another is not fully defined by a system’s
ordering principle and by the formal differentiation of its parts. The standing of units
also changes with changes in their relative capabilities. In the performance of their
functions, agencies may gain capabilities or lose them.
A domestic political structure is thus defined:
 according to the principle by which it is ordered;
 by specifications of the functions of formally differentiated units and;
 by the distribution of capabilities across those units.
The functions of various political units, institutions, and actors are broadly specified
and defined in domestic politics. The capabilities of various units in the domestic political
structure keep changing from time to time. In other words, there are three specific
features of the domestic political system—hierarchy, functional differentiation, and
relative capabilities.
Waltz tries to apply these formal principles of organisation of the domestic political
system in the realm of the international system. Beginning with the first principle of
order amongst various institutions, he argues that, unlike the domestic system, there is
no central authority in international systems and all units are equal to each other. The
parts of an international system stand in relations of coordination. Formally, each is the
equal of all the others. None is entitled to command; none is required to obey.
International systems are thus decentralised and anarchic. The ordering principles of
the two structures are distinctly different, and indeed contrary to each other. Domestic
political structures have governmental institutions and offices as their concrete
counterparts. International politics is the ‘politics in the absence of government’.
International organisations do exist, as liberals argue. Supranational agencies can act Self-Instructional
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NOTES Whatever elements of authority emerge internationally, they are tightly linked to
the capabilities that provide the foundation for the appearance of these elements.
Authority quickly equates to the level of capability. In the absence of agents with a
system-wide authority, formal relationships of superior and subordinate are unable to
develop. However, the problem is how to explain a system without an order of
organisational effect where formal organisation is lacking.

3.4.1 Waltz’s Analogy of Market and International Relations

Kenneth Waltz draws an analogy between the market phenomenon in micro-economic

theory and international relations. According to him, both systems, i.e., the market and
international system, are without any defined orders. Self-help and survival are the
governing principles in the market amongst various firms; similarly, these principles
also define the nature of international politics. States are just like firms in the market
that compete with each other for survival. The most dependable strategy amongst
various units is self-help.
International political systems, just like economic markets, are created as a
result of the combination of actions of self-regarding units. International structures are
defined in terms of the primary political units of an era, whether they are city-states or
otherwise. No state desires to support the formation of a structure within which it (and
others) will be restricted. International political systems, ‘like economic markets, are
individualist in origin, spontaneously generated and unintended’. In both systems,
structures are formed by the combination of actions, or co-actions of their units. Whether
those units live, prosper, or die, depends on the efforts that they make. Both systems
are formed and maintained on the principle of self-help that applies across the units.
While explaining the character of the units, Waltz argues that states are the only units in
international politics. Continuing with classical realism’s logic, Waltz also accepts states
as the most prominent actors and hence should be accepted as the units of analysis in
an international system. He also accepts that multiple actors are emerging worldwide
that challenge state sovereignty.
However, despite the emergence of these actors, he argues that states continue
to remain the most important actors. Again, bringing in the analogy of firms in the
market system, he says that in a market system, there are many factors which challenge
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threats, the market system is interpreted in the form of firms. Similarly in an international NOTES
system, despite various challenges to the state authority, the state continues to remain
the dominant actor. Besides, history shows that the rate of decline of states is very low.
States survive for quite a long. According to Waltz, ‘To call states “like units” is to say
that each state is like all other states, in being an “autonomous political unit”.’ However,
saying that a state is sovereign does not imply that states can do whatever they please.
There will certainly be many challenges before the states take the actions that they
desire to do. In a micro theory about international politics or economics, the motivation
of the participants is automatically assumed rather than realistically described. It is
assumed that the states set out to ensure their survival. This assumption is a radical
simplification which is made to enable the construction of a theory.
Beyond the basic survival motive, states’ aims and desires could vary endlessly;
they may range from the ambition to be all-conquering to the desire to be left alone.
Survival is a basic prerequisite to achieving any goal that states may be willing to
achieve. The survival of the state is taken as the ground of action in a world where the
security of states is always under threat.
The second term in the definition of domestic political structures specifies the
functions performed by differentiated units. Hierarchy establishes the relationships of
the superior and subordinate within a system and highlights their differences. The states
that form a part of the international political systems are not officially or formally
differentiated by the functions they perform. Anarchy comprises the coordination of
activities among a system’s units, and that implies their likeness or commonalities.

3.4.2 State as a Unit of System

The crucial issue pertains to the question of states being taken as the units of the
system. Although states are not the only actors in the arena of international politics,
other structures are not defined by the actors. Only the major actor is taken into
consideration while defining a structure. The way the structure of a market is defined is
by the number of firms competing. Many argue that the analogies drawn between the
market and international politics are not useful. Because of the interpenetration and
intermingling of states, they are unable to control the outcomes of their actions, and
because large and growing multinational corporations and other non-state actors are
not easy to regulate, they often indulge in rivalry with other states in terms of the Self-Instructional
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NOTES influence they wield. However, Waltz argues that this argument is not valid. According
to Waltz, ‘the economists and economically-minded political scientists have thought
this is ironic.’ The irony lies in the fact that all of the reasons given for scrapping the
state-centric concept can be restated more strongly and applied to firms. Firms
competing with numerous others have no hope of controlling their market, and
oligopolistic firms constantly struggle with imperfect success to do so. Firms
interpenetrate, merge and buy each other at a fast pace. Moreover, firms are constantly
threatened and regulated by ‘non-firm actors.’ Some governments encourage
concentration; others work to prevent it. The market structure of parts of an economy
may move from a wider to narrower competition or may move in the opposite direction,
but whatever the extent and the frequency of change, market structures generated by
the interaction of firms are defined by them.
States are the units whose interactions form the structure of international political
systems. The death rate amongst states is remarkably low as compared to the life of
multinational corporations. To call states ‘like units’ is to say that each state is like all
other states in being an autonomous political unit. It is another way of saying that states
are sovereign. The error in the concept of sovereignty lies in linking the sovereignty of
the state with its ability to do as it desires. Just because a state is sovereign does not
mean that it can do as it pleases, that it is free of other’s influence, or that it is always
able to get what it wants. Sovereign states may be hard-pressed and constrained from
acting in ways they would like to. The sovereignty of states has never meant that they
are insulated or indifferent from other states’ actions. To be sovereign and yet to be
dependent is not a contradictory situation. Sovereign states typically lead-free and
easy lives. What then is sovereignty?
A sovereign state decides for itself how it will address its internal and external
situations and problems, including whether or not to seek assistance from others (and
thereby limit its freedom by making commitments to them). Sovereign states develop
their strategies, chart their courses towards progress and decide how to go about
meeting their needs and desires. Just as free individuals often make decisions under
the heavy pressure of events, similarly, sovereign states are always constrained and
often tightly so. States vary from each other in size, wealth, power, and form. And yet
states are alike in the tasks that they face (most of which are common to all of them),
though not in their abilities to perform tasks. Each state duplicates the activities of
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other states to a considerable extent. Each state has its agencies for making, executing, NOTES
and interpreting laws and regulations, for raising revenues, and for defending itself.
The parts of a hierarchic system are interrelated in ways that are determined by
their functional differentiation as well as by the extent of their capabilities. On the other
hand, the units of an anarchic system are functionally undifferentiated. The units of
such an order are, therefore, distinguished primarily by the degree of their capabilities
(greater or lesser) for performing similar tasks. The great powers of an era have always
been marked off from others by practitioners and theorists alike. The structure of a
system changes in line with changes in the level of capabilities across the system’s
units. Also, changes in structure lead to changed expectations as to how the units of
the system will behave, and the outcomes their interactions will produce. Domestically,
the differentiated parts of a system may perform similar tasks. Internationally, units
sometimes perform different tasks. Why do they do so and how does the likelihood of
their doing so varies with their capabilities? There are three problems associated with
this. According to Waltz, the first problem is that capability tells us something about
units. States are differentiated by the power they possess. This is because power is
estimated by comparing the capabilities of several units. Though capabilities are the
attributes of units, the distribution of capabilities across units is not—this distribution of
capabilities is a system-wise concept.
The second problem is how states form alliances. Nationally, just like
internationally, structural definitions deal with the relationships between agents and
agencies in terms of the organization of realms, and not in terms of the accommodations
and conflicts that may occur within them, or the groupings that may form from time to
time. These are relations that form and dissolve within a system rather than structural
alterations that mark a change from one system to another. To understand the nature
of the international system, it is important to understand the capability of states.
State capability indicates the ability or power of a state to perform any task
similar to others. What decides the nature of the international system is the distribution
of capabilities amongst the great powers. The way the capability of these units changes,
the nature of the international system also changes accordingly. Waltz further argues
that to understand the international system, the primary task of a scholar of international
politics is to look at the state in terms of its capability. Other factors such as the nature
of government, habits, culture and other factors are not taken into account. After the Self-Instructional
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NOTES publication of Waltz’s book, there have been various modifications in structural realism.
A significant version of it is the offensive and defensive realist theories propounded by
John Mearsheimer, an international relations theorist.

Check Your Progress

3. Name the three specific features of the domestic political system.
4. What are the governing principles in the market amongst various firms?

3.5 SUMMARY

In this lesson, you have learnt about the realism theory of International Relations.
Realism is the most popular theory of international politics. Realist theory is closely
attached to the political theorists who emphasise the negative part of human behaviour.
The roots of the realist theory can be traced back to the evolution of ancient political
thought. In his writings, Indian thinker Kautilya discussed various state strategies to
ensure their survival. Italian thinker Niccolo Machiavelli (1469–1527), in his writing
The Prince discussed how a monarch should always make attempts to maximize state
power. During the World Wars, such theories failed to explain the reasons for the
occurrence of these wars between the nation-states. As a result of these inadequacies
of idealism, the realist theories emerged as a counter-theory of international politics.
As an impact of these theories, power politics became the central point of analysis in
the discipline of international politics.
Realist theory pilots the concept of the state. According to realists, states are
the main actors in international politics. The study of international politics is nothing but
politics amongst the states. Realists accept the state as the actor in the realm of
international politics. According to classical realists like Hans J. Morgenthau, the quest
for power is an inalienable part of human behaviour. Another principle which is common
in all variants of the realist theory is the principle of anarchy. According to the principle
of anarchy, there is no central authority in the realm of international relations. States
also try to achieve some sort of balance to ensure their security and safety.

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According to the realist school, the states always try to form groups to ensure NOTES
their survival. The principle of groupism is also a guiding force behind the system of
balance of power and different types of polarities in international politics. Classical
realism began with scholars like Hans Morgenthau and E. H. Carr. It indicates the
evolution of the realist theory before the publication of Kenneth Waltz’s book Theory
of International Politics.
The name which established realist theory in international politics was the
publication of Hans Morgenthau’s book Politics Among Nations. His six principles
are the widely accepted principles of the theory of international relations. What has
made realism the most popular scientific theory of international politics is the theory of
‘neo-realism’ or ‘structural realism’ propounded by Kenneth Waltz. According to
him, a system-level analysis may distinguish international politics from others like
economics, social, etc. in international domains. To explain the international system as
an independent domain, Waltz distinguishes the domestic political system and the
international system. The functions of various political units, institutions, and actors are
broadly specified and defined in domestic politics. There are three specific features of
the domestic political system—hierarchy, functional differentiation, and relative
capabilities.
Kenneth Waltz draws an analogy between the market phenomenon in micro-
economic theory and international relations. Self-help and survival are the governing
principles in the market amongst various firms; similarly, these principles also define
the nature of international politics. Waltz also accepts states as the most prominent
actors and hence should be accepted as the units of analysis in an international system.
States are the units whose interactions form the structure of international political systems.
To call states ‘like units’ is to say that each state is like all other states in being an
autonomous political unit. A sovereign state decides for itself how it will address its
internal and external situations and problems, including whether or not to seek assistance
from others (and thereby limit its freedom by making commitments to them. State
capability indicates the ability or power of a state to perform any task similar to others.

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NOTES
3.6 KEY WORDS

 Realism: It is a prominent theory in international politics emphasising the pursuit

of national self-interest and power by states, rooted in the assumption that
individuals and states are rational actors driven by a competitive nature.
 Anarchy: It is the absence of a central authority or governing body in the
international system, leading to a state of insecurity and self-help among states,
where they must rely on their actions for survival and protection.
 Classical Realism: It is a historical strand of realist theory in international
relations, exemplified by scholars like Hans Morgenthau and E. H. Carr, which
focuses on the enduring principles of human nature, power politics, and state-
centric analysis.
 Neo-Realism (Structural Realism): It is a modern variant of realism in
international relations developed by scholars like Kenneth Waltz that places
greater emphasis on the impact of the international system’s structure on state
behaviour and interactions, distinguishing it from classical realism.
 Offensive Realism: It is a variant of structural realism proposed by John
Mearsheimer, emphasising that states are primarily driven by the desire to
maximize their power and security.

3.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

QUESTIONS

1. Kenneth Waltz is the author of the book Theory of International Politics

(1979).
2. Various limitations of the state powers are the availability of natural and human
resources, technological developments, strategic locations and so on.

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3. The three specific features of the domestic political system are hierarchy, functional NOTES
differentiation, and relative capabilities.
4. Self-help and survival are the governing principles in the market amongst various
firms.

3.8 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS AND

EXERCISES

1. What is the central concept in the realist theory of international politics?

2. State the three main assumptions of the realist theory in international states,
presented by Joseph M. Grieko.
3. Give a brief account of ‘groupism,’ concerning realism.
4. How is domestic political structure defined?
5. Who is the key proponent of the theory of neo-realism or structural realism in
international politics?
6. Describe ‘anarchy as a principle’ of the realist theory. How do states function in
an anarchical setup?
7. Discuss ‘classical realism’ as a variant of realism.
8. Explain Kenneth Waltz’s theory of structural realism and its key principles. Also,
distinguish between domestic political systems and international systems.
9. Examine how Kenneth Waltz draws an analogy between the market phenomenon
in microeconomic theory and international relations. Provide the implications of
this analogy for understanding international politics.
10. Analyse Waltz’s argument that ‘states should be considered as the primary units
of analysis in the international system’. How does he address the challenges
posed by non-state actors of states in international politics?

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NOTES
3.9 FURTHER READINGS

Brown, Chris and Kirsten Ainley. 2005. Understanding International Relations.

New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Jackson, Robert and Georg Sorenson. 2013. Introduction to International Relations:
Theories and Approaches. United Kingdom: Oxford University Press.
Goldstein, S. Joshua and Jon C. Pevehouse. 2014. International Relations. London:
Pearson.
Malhotra, Vinay Kumar and Alexander A. Sergounin. 1998. Theories and Approaches
to International Relations. New Delhi: Anmol Publication.

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LESSON 4 NOTES

INDIAN TRADITION: KAUTILYA’S REALPOLITIK

Hema Kumari
Research Scholar,
Department of Political Science,
University of Delhi
Structure
4.0 Introduction
4.1 Objectives
4.2 Indian Tradition of International Relations
4.3 Kautilya’s Realpolitik
4.3.1 The Concept of Shadguna (Six Principles)
4.4 Summary
4.5 Key Words
4.6 Answers to Check Your Progress Questions
4.7 Self-Assessment Questions and Exercises
4.8 Further Readings

4.0 INTRODUCTION

The Indian tradition of international relations is rooted in its historical tradition,

philosophy, and its heritage. India is known as the ancient seat of great civilization, and
it is a melting pot of various cultures. Therefore, its impact is quite visible in its cultural
heritage. The main source of the values system of India is rooted in its scriptures and
texts i.e., the Vedas, the Manusmiriti, the Dharmasastras, the Puranas, the
Upanishads and the epics like the Mahabharata and the Ramayana. The influence of
the traditions of Jainism and Buddhism and various ancient tales and chronicles are
also prominent. We inherited traditional values which have developed our worldview,
for instance from the idealist and realist traditions, the philosophy of the middle way
(Madhyamika Marg) propounded by Buddhism etc.
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NOTES India’s long history of inter-state relations in terms of trade and commerce right
from the Indus civilization is well known. It had maintained relations with Mesopotamia,
Sumeria, countries of South-East Asia and among others. Moreover, the Indian
approach to inter-state relations has developed since ancient times which is evident in
both theory and practice. The realist tradition can be seen in the work of Kautilya’s
Arthashastra, the Manusmriti, Kamandaka’s Nitisara and the stories of the
Panchtantras. In contrast with the Western realist tradition of international relations,
the Indian tradition did not glorify war over peace. War was considered an expensive
affair for resolving territorial and other kinds of disputes. The peaceful means of
diplomacy and dialogue were considered more apt. Realists considered war as a
legitimate means to safeguard the sovereign interest which is also considered as the
‘interest of the King’. In this lesson, our focus is on the Indian tradition of Realpolitik
for which the understanding of the ancient Hindu theory of international relations and
the Hindu concept of state are significant.

4.1 OBJECTIVES

After going through this lesson, you will be able to:

 Discuss the seven components of the state according to the theory of saptang
 Explore the concept of Mandal (circle of states)
 Describe Kautilya’s guiding principles for foreign policy
 Identify the six methods of foreign policy or shadgunas

4.2 INDIAN TRADITION OF INTERNATIONAL

RELATIONS

Indian tradition in IR has never grown to the level of Western tradition because Western
International Relation Theories (IRT) have acquired hegemony over the epistemological

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foundation of the disciplinary core of Indian IRT (Behera, 2007). The prominent reasons NOTES
for the lack of development of Indian IRT are dependence on Western theoretical
concepts, pedagogy, academic discourse, lack of research and development, not
recognizing rich intellectual tradition and its history etc.
The Indian tradition of IR is underrated because it is worth noting that Kautilya’s
Arthashastra (300 BC) is much older than Machiavelli’s The Prince (1532 which is
referred to more than the Arthashastra as far as political realism is concerned. The
Arthashatra is a great work which elaborately dealt with inter-state relations i.e., war
and peace, diplomacy, theory of state etc.

I. Saptang/Kautilya’s Theory of State

The Hindu concept of state formation and its various elements are vital for understanding
the Indian tradition of international relations. The theory of saptang describes the
seven crucial elements of the state. The proper functioning of all the seven elements
including the king (vijigisu) makes the state strong within. This ultimately enhances the
power of the king. Amongst the seven elements of the state, the role of the king is very
significant for managing the state within and also the external relations with other states.
It is pertinent to understand the Indian theory of state before delving into the
Indian concept of inter-state relations. Having the idea of the pre-state stage or anarchy
or absence of restrains will help in understanding the inter-state relations which realist
thinkers described as anarchical. Among the thinkers in ancient times, there was a
general agreement about the existence of the state of nature during pre-state stage.
According to Kautilya, state is formed by seven constituent elements also known
as the theory of saptang (seven organs). It comprises swami (king), Amatya (ministers
and other high officials), janapada/ rastra (territory), Durga (fortified town and cities),
kosha (treasury), danda (force) and Mitra (allies). Each of these elements is equally
important and indispensable.

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NOTES

Fig 4.1 The Concept of Saptang (Seven Elements of State)

II. Doctrine of Matasya-Nyaya

Before understanding the Indian tradition of international relations, we need to

understand the Hindu theory of the state or the ‘origin of the state’ out of the state of
nature or anarchy. The doctrine of Matasya-Nyaya or the logic of the fish provides a
significant explanation for the origin and survival of the state. The Hobbesian ‘law of
beasts and birds’ has the same logic as the logic of fish which is also well recognised
by ancient Indian scriptures i.e., the Manu Samhita, the epic Ramayana, the Matasya-
Purana etc.
Kautilya in his book “Arthashastra”, accepts the relevance of the ‘logic of fish’
before the formation of the state. In the absence of controlling authority or the absence
of punishment, the powerful dominate the weaker ones. Kamandaka also recognised
the logic of fish in his “Neeti-sara” which explains that due to the absence of Danda or
punishment, the most potent overpower the weak. This aptly resembled the concept
of ‘fittest survival’. The theory of the origin of the state from the non-state holds great
significance in the Hindu theory of the state.

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III. Doctrine of Danda NOTES

The doctrine of Danda and the Matasya-Nyaya are vital for understanding the origin
of the state from the non-state or anarchy. Danda means punishment, restraint, coercion,
or sanction, which is necessary of controlling the state of nature and formation of the
state. The doctrine of danda is a nucleus for the Hindu philosophy of sovereignty.
The absence of danda is tantamount to matasya-nyaya or the state of nature.
This led to the absence of dharma or law, justice, and duty. The need for danda is
essential for the very existence of the state because of the ‘original nature of man
which is by nature wicked. This is similar to the Western theoretical concept of man in
the ‘state of nature’. The goodness of man is a result of nurture. This is also well-
recognised by ancient thinkers Kamandaka and Manu. The doctrine of danda makes
possible the existence of the state which controls the wicked and vice and that provides
conditions for the development of humans.
According to Kautilya, danda is a two-handed sword as it corrects social
abuses and is also a civilising agent and moralizer (Sarkar, 1921). Shookra-neeti explains
that coercion compels restraint. Therefore, proper execution of danda-neeti is vital for
the survival of the state. Manu says it is legitimate to commit regicide if the ruler cannot
uphold the administration of Danda.

IV. Doctrine of Mandala (Rajmandala/ Circle of States)

The concept of Mandala is a circle of state or sphere of allies and enemies. There is a
centre (vijigisu) and a periphery (enemy, allies and neutral states). This concept
highlighted the significance of geopolitics in the inter-state relations. It considers the
immediate neighbour who shares a border with one’s state as the enemy. And other
distant kingdoms considered are the Middle king (mediator / madhyasta) and the
Neutral king (udaseen). It is a dynamic geographical construct as it can change the
relationship among the states. For instance, if the conqueror acquires the territory of
his enemy, then the middle kingdom will be the immediate neighbour, which is generally
considered as the enemy.

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NOTES V. Doctrine of Sarva-Bhauma (World Sovereign)

The idea of a world state or universal sovereignty (Sarva-Bhuama) also finds expression
in Kautilya’s political thought. It is similar to the concept of chakravarti which means
the chakra or wheel of the state chariot moves without any obstruction and it is also a
symbol of sovereignty (Sarkar, 1921). The rise of the sarva-bhauma (universal state)
overshadows the existence of the mandala ultimately turning into Chakravartishetram.
Sarva-bhauma is considered significant in Kautilya’s theory of sovereignty.

Check Your Progress

1. What does Kautilya’s Arthashastra deal with?
2. What do you understand by the theory of saptang?

4.3 KAUTILYA’S REALPOLITIK

Kautilya elaborated on inter-state relations in the Arthashastra. The text of

Arthashastra is also concerned with the security and foreign policy needs of the state
and its relations with other states. So, he gave a logical analysis of all aspects of
relations between states.
Kaultilya emphasised the doctrine of mandala or circle of states which exhibits
inter-state relations. The significant feature of this theory of mandala (circle of states)
is Vijigishu (aspirant to conquest), analogous to the king, who is also considered the
lord of the mandala. Kautilya designates this king as vijigishu or the conqueror
(Rangarajan 1992). The concept of vijigishu occupies a significant place in the theory
of international relations. It maintains its relationship with other states through its foreign
policy. All vijigishu have their own circle of different allies and enemies along with the
existence of the Middle king (madhyasta / mediator) and the neutral king (Udaseen)
(Figure 4.2).

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NOTES
MITRA MITRA

ARI MITRA

MITRA

ARI

UDASINA VIJIGISHU MADHYAMA

PARSHANIGRAHA

AKRANDA

PARSHANIGRAHA SARA

AKRANDASAR

Fig. 4.2 Concept of Mandala

The concept of mandala describes the different kinds of relations states maintain
with other states. The mandala (circle of states) includes allies, enemies and neutrals
with respect to the Vijigishu (conqueror).
Kautilya’s guiding principles for foreign policy and interstate relations are significant
in understanding the interaction of states in terms of their relationship in the concept of
mandala. These principles are relevant in understanding the perception and behaviour
of a state in relation to other states. These principles are:
 The duty of the king is to make his state strong, augment resources, and power
and ensure security.
 To eliminate the enemy.
 Strengthen the relationship with those who help i.e., the enemy of an enemy is
friend. Therefore, it is pertinent to make a robust relationship with them.
 Taking the most sensible and appropriate decision.
 Preference to peaceful means of diplomacy over war because war is a costly
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NOTES  A king’s behaviour and attitude must be just, in case of both victory as well as
defeat.
The ultimate goal of these principles of foreign policy is to attain the
‘Chakravartikshetram’ by defeating all the enemies. To realise this goal, Kautilya
suggested the shadguna or the six principles of pursuing foreign policy.

4.3.1 The Concept of Shadguna (Six Principles)

Kautilya suggested some tools for the conduct of war and diplomacy which are called
the six methods of foreign policy or the shadgunas. These methods are used by the
state with respect to other states during war and peacetime.
As per the concept of mandala, various actors involved in it use such tools for
interaction with each other as far as war and diplomacy are concerned. Kautilya
mentioned inter-state interaction through the concept of six methods. These methods
are relevant in understanding the state’s interaction in the Westphalia system’s
contemporary world. The following are the six principles:

Fig. 4.3 Six Methods of Foreign Policy or Shadgunas

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 Sandhi (making peace): Kautilya considers it an integral part of the concept of NOTES
peace. Concluding a treaty or entering into an agreement for non-intervention is
vital for safeguarding the interest of the King.
 Vigraha (hostilities): War as a foreign policy tool means both diplomatic
offensives (mantra-yudhha) to fight a battle. It is open war, secret war, and
undeclared war.
 Asan (staying quiet): It refers to a pause in implementing a key policy of peace
and war already initiated. This pause is for making wise decisions in the matter
of peace and war. There is no need to wage war when it is not necessary.
 Yana (preparing for war): It is the pause after declaring war and mobilization of
the army. So, the pause is for considering the merits and demerits of initiating
war before waging war.
 Samsraya (seeking protection): It refers to seeking refugee or protection when
threatened by the strong king. It is advisable when one is weak against the
enemy for a temporary purpose.
 Dvaidhibhava (dual policy of concluding a treaty with one against another): It
means entering into a peace treaty or agreement to pursue the policy of hostility
toward others.
Kautilya’s idea about foreign policy and interstate relations provides a realistic
perspective of Indian tradition. He emphasised the geographical aspect of conflict and
peace which is described in the concept of mandala. This emphasised the geopolitical
aspects of interstate relations. This is evident by the assertion that the enmity is inherent
in the geography of the area and therefore two kings are enemies when they share a
common border (Rangarajan 1992). This concept is perennial in international politics
because it is a well-known fact that border disputes are ubiquitous in contemporary
world politics.
The peace, in Kautilya’s view, is temporary; it is a way to regain strength and
conquer the territory of the enemy. Therefore, Kautilya considers both war and peace
as a legitimate instrument for pursuing the interest of the kingdom’s policy towards
another state. Moreover, the success of the king’s foreign policy depends not only the
military power but other aspects i.e., intellectual power and morale are also significant.
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NOTES It is rightly said that ‘there are no permanent foes and friends. This holds true for
Kautilya’s geopolitical concept of mandala. As we have seen this concept is dynamic
as the territorial borders of kingdoms were prone to change due to the expansion of
territories through conquest. Consequently, old allies may become new enemies and
new states may acquire the role of the Middle or Neutral king. This cycle continues till
the conqueror subdues all the enemy kingdoms and attains the ultimate objective of
‘Chakravartikshetram’ (An area of operation of the King-Emperor).

Check Your Progress

3. What does mandala mean in Kautilya’s Arthashastra?
4. What do you understand by the concept of shadgunas?

4.4 SUMMARY

In this lesson, you have learnt about the Indian traditions of International Relations.
The Indian tradition of IR is underrated because it is worth noting that Kautilya’s
Arthashastra (300 BC) is much older than Machiavelli’s The Prince (1532 which is
referred to more than the Arthasastra as far as political realism is concerned).
According to Kautilya, state is formed by seven constituent elements also known as
the theory of saptang (seven organs). It comprises of swami (king), amatya (ministers
and other high officials), janapada/ rastra (territory), Durga (fortified town and cities),
kosha (treasury), danda (force) and Mitra (allies). Kautilya’s guiding principles for
foreign policy and interstate relations are significant in understanding the interaction of
states in terms of their relationship in the concept of mandala. Kautilya also suggested
some tools for the conduct of war and diplomacy which are called the six methods of
foreign policy or the shadgunas.
Indian theories of inter-state relation could not develop vis-e-vis Western theories
of IRT, but they have their unique contribution in the field. The theoretical explanation
of inter-state relation (doctrine of mandala), theory of state (saptang), principles of
foreign policy (shadgunas) in the Arthasatra, have a great relevance in contemporary
world as well. The Indian tradition can be great to understand the issues of war and
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peace. It could provide panacea of most pressing complex global problems. To NOTES
understand the complex nature of war and conflict at global level demands the study of
non-western tradition of IR.

4.5 KEY WORDS

 Diplomacy: It is the art and science of maintaining peaceful relationships between

nations, groups, or individuals.
 Anarchy: It is a situation in which people do not obey rules and laws.
 Sanction: It refers to penalties or other means of enforcement used to provide
incentives for obedience with the law or other rules and regulations.
 Territory: It is an area of land that belongs to one country or ruler.

4.6 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

QUESTIONS

1. The Arthashatra is a great work which elaborately dealt with inter-state relations
i.e., war and peace, diplomacy, theory of state etc.
2. The theory of saptang describes the seven crucial elements of the state.
3. In Kautilya’s Arthashastra, mandala means circle of states.
4. Kautilya suggested some tools for the conduct of war and diplomacy which are
called the six methods of foreign policy or the shadgunas.

4.7 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS AND

EXERCISES

1. What is the significance of Matasya-Nyaya in Indian international relations?

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NOTES 2. According to the text, how does the doctrine of Danda relate to the Hindu
philosophy of sovereignty?
3. Mention the six methods of foreign policy or shadgunas suggested by Kautilya.
4. In his foreign policy framework, how does Kautilya’s emphasis on geography
and the concept of mandala reflect the geographical dimensions of interstate
relations?
5. Discuss the seven essential components of the state according to the theory of
saptang and explain their significance in Indian international relations.
6. Explore the concept of Mandal (circle of states) in the context of Indian
international relations. How does it reflect the importance of geopolitics in inter-
state relations and what roles do immediate neighbours, middle kings, and neutral
kings play in this concept?
7. Explain the mandala concept in Indian foreign relations and how it divides states
into allies, adversaries, and neutrals in regard to the Vijigishu (conqueror).
8. Discuss the significance of the mandala concept in Kautilya’s approach to
interstate relations, especially its dynamic character and the role of geography
in determining state enmities and alliances.
9. Describe how war and peace interact in Kautilya’s foreign policy paradigm.
How does he perceive peace as a temporary measure, and what variables
other than military force contribute to a king’s foreign policy success?

4.8 FURTHER READINGS

Rangaraja, L. N. (ed.).1992. Kautilya: The Arthashastra. Kolkata: Penguin Books.

Boesche, Roger. 2003. The First Great Political Realist: Kautilya and His
Arthashastra. Pennysylvania: Lexington Books.
Shahi, Deepshikha. 2018. Kautilya and Non-Western IR Theory. New York: Springer
International Publishing.

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Neo-Realism and the Chinese Tradition

LESSON 5 NOTES

NEO-REALISM AND THE CHINESE TRADITION

Amit Meena
Senior Research Fellow,
Department of East Asian Studies,
University of Delhi
Structure
5.0 Introduction
5.1 Objectives
5.2 Non-Western Tradition of IR
5.3 Chinese Tradition of International Relations
5.3.1 Exploring the Existence of Chinese International Relations Theory
(IRT)
5.3.2 Historical Background of Chinese Tradition
5.4 Neo-realism and Chinese tradition: An Overwiew
5.5 Summary
5.6 Key Words
5.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Questions
5.8 Self-Assessment Questions and Exercises
5.9 Further Readings

5.0 INTRODUCTION

Various theories and approaches of international relations help in understanding not

only the war and peace but also newly emerging global issues. But parochialism and
lack of inclusivity of the established Eurocentric mainstream theories overshadow the
other non-western traditions which hamper our understanding of the global reality in
its true sense. This poses major impediments in successfully explaining the global reality.
The hegemony of the Western tradition in theories of international relations is ubiquitous.
They greatly influence the non-western theoretical tradition because of their reliance of
latter. The mainstream theories i.e., realism and liberalism are most acceptable as far
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NOTES as the explanation of the issues of war and peace and other global problems are
concerned. But no theory explains the world reality in its complete sense.
Therefore, it is worth considering the other non-Western traditions in international
relations as well. In this lesson, you will learn about the Chinese tradition and its contrast
with the mainstream theoretical perspective of international relations i.e., neo-realism
or structural realism.

5.1 OBJECTIVES

After going through this lesson, you will be able to:

 Discuss the significance of abandoning a Eurocentric perspective in IR
 Describe the historical influences of Chinese tradition in international relations

5.2 NON-WESTERN TRADITION OF IR

For a holistic understanding of international relations, it is vital to understand non-

Western traditions. Every culture is different and so is their worldview and approach
to the problem of conflict and peace. It is worth considering the different approaches
and theoretical traditions. Robert Cox rightly said that- ‘theories are always for someone
and for some purpose’. There is a greater need to understand the different approaches
to international relations for finding solutions to the most pressing global issues. Therefore,
the ‘one size fits all’ approach is not appropriate considering the diversity of cultures
and diverse issues. The Eurocentric theories are not fit for understanding the rest of the
world. Therefore, we need to abandon the myopic view of non-Western tradition.
The academic discipline of international relations is relatively new compared to
other social science discipline. The genesis of the academic discipline of international
relations can be traced to the West. Therefore, sometimes it is considered as parochial
and Eurocentric. There is a lack of inclusiveness as far as the Western-centric traditions
are concerned. IR has been mostly developed from the assumption that Western history
and Western political theory are world history and world political theory (Acharya
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NOTES
5.3 CHINESE TRADITION OF INTERNATIONAL
RELATIONS

China’s rich intellectual tradition is ubiquitous but as far as its international theory
development is concerned, it is still dependent on the dominant Western tradition of
international relations. Despite having a great ancient civilization and rich intellectual
tradition, it could not turn into a dominant theoretical discourse and well-developed
academic field of international relations. The major source of the development of China’s
worldview is rooted in its historical interaction with the rest of the world. But most of
the time, especially after the revolution in China, it was isolated from the rest of the
world because of the civil war after the revolution and the victory of Mao which
established of Communist Party of China (CPC). It was with the reform period after
1978 under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping that China struck down its ‘close door
policy’ as far as interaction with the world is concerned. The reform period gave room
for the development and dissemination of ideas, and this gave further impetus to the
intellectual tradition to flourish in China. The reform period enhanced the interaction of
China with the world and the exchange of ideas. However, due to various reasons, the
international relations theoretical discourse in China was dominated by the Western
tradition of IR because of the dependence of China on the epistemology of the West.
China has a long tradition of strategic thought which reflected on the problem of
war and conflict in their ways. In this, a well-known classic work of Sun Tzu’s, The
Art of War’(5th century BC) is prominent. Apart from this, the major influence of
Chinese philosophy on the development of Chinese tradition i.e., Confucianism, Taoism
and others is significant. Chinese tradition under the influence of its philosophy has a
different perspective from the Western tradition.
Western tradition of International Relations Theory (IRT) accepts the ‘state of
nature’ as anarchical or absence of any central authority, also known as the ‘Hobbesian
state of nature’, which to some extent is also accepted by Chinese tradition but in their
own way. Confucianism accepts it as a ‘preordained natural order’which is hierarchical.
Moreover, Confucianism also rejects the prominence of the sovereign nation-state as
an actor in the global arena. For Chinese tradition, it is the ‘culture’ rather than the
nation-state that is a prominent actor in the international system. China as a ‘Middle Self-Instructional
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NOTES Kingdom’ (Zhong guo -NýV) embodies the idea of cultural superiority (Roland Bleiker
1993). Confucianism gave supremacy to diplomacy, persuasion, virtue, and peaceful
means over power politics.
The Chinese tradition of international relations differs from the dominant Western
tradition in three significant ways. One aspect is of ontologies. For instance, Chinese
tradition emphasises on ‘holistic framework’ while rejecting Western dualism. It means
it perceives the problem in a holistic way including religion, culture etc. and there is no
compartmentalization like field and sub-fields. Secondly, Chinese tradition unlike
Western tradition accepts ‘intuition’ rather than reason as the true source of knowledge.
Moreover, it also emphasises various aspects of reality and rejects the single objective
truth.

5.3.1 Exploring the Existence of Chinese International Relations

Theory (IRT)

The history of the academic discipline of international relations is a relatively new area
of study in social science. A more systematic study of international relations started in
the early 19th century. But the major problem with this branch of knowledge is that it is
dominated by Western tradition and the non-Western tradition never emerged as a
mature tradition. The same is with the Chinese tradition which is in its nascent stage.
Despite the long intellectual tradition and rich strategic culture, Chinese tradition never
emerged as a major tradition in international relations theory (IRT).
Several reasons were identified for the hegemonic status of Western international
relation theories and the absence of non-western tradition. These include the embedded
nature of non-Western theories, lack of infrastructure and local resources, time lag
between the West and rest in developing theoretical writings and no generalisation of
non-Western tradition (Acharya and Buzan 2007). According to Chinese thinker Qin
Yaqing, there is no Chinese international relation theory (IRT). The main reasons are
mentioned below:

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NOTES

Fig 5.1 Reasons for the Absence of Chinese IRT

Moreover, the major hurdles in the development of Chinese tradition in IR are

also the inclination of ‘action oriented’ policies of Communist Party of China (CPC)
leadership rather than ‘knowledge orientated’ policies. Chinese tradition is at its nascent
stage, and it is not mature enough as compared to western theoretical tradition. But
since 1978 reform period and opening-up of China under the leadership of Deng
Xiaoping, intellectual current gained pace. Therefore, the development of Chinese
international relation theories is inevitable, and it has great potential to develop into
one (Qin Yaqing 2007).
According to Qin Yaqing, there are three significant factors in the development
of IR discipline i.e., the institutional development for research in this academic discipline,
translation of western academic work, and development of academic research culture
in Chinese IR research community. In this, significant progress had been made as far
as the establishment of academic institutions for research in the field of IR is concerned.
Their original contribution in theory building in respective fields especially after the
post-reform period (1978) is noticeable. The translation of classic work of Hans
Morgenthau and Kenneth Waltz in the Chinese languages was a significant moment.
Finally, this development got impetus for research programs in the field of international
relation theory (IRT) which developed into three phases of theory building: the pre
theory phase, theory-learning phase, and theory-building phase.

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NOTES 5.3.2 Historical Background of Chinese Tradition

The source of Chinese tradition can be traced to the philosophical tradition of

Confucianism, Taoism, and its strategic culture. Historically, the world view of Tianxia
and the Tributary System had a great impact on the Chinese tradition. Moreover, the
radical thinking of revolution in pre-Mao period and the reform and opening-up of
China since 1978 are significant ideational and practical developments in the direction
of Chinese IR theory development.
The major idea developed from the Tianxia’s worldview and the Tributary System.
Tianxia is a Chinese historical and cultural concept which emphasizes on morality, or
the concept of ‘all under heaven’ coexisting harmoniously. This refers to a system of
governance held together by regime of culture and values that transcends racial and
geographical boundaries. Moreover, the Tributary System developed from the
philosophy of Tianxia which is based on inequality which legitimize the Chinese
domination over surrounding territories. This counters the very concept of Westphalia
nation-state system. Another major ideal of Tianxia philosophy were Datong, which
highlighted the harmony between human and nature based on the morality and
selflessness. This harmonised and order-based system is antithetical to the dualist
concept of western philosophy where harmony is impossible.
The philosophy of Confucianism also highlighted the idea of unequal societal
relation which ultimately promote the hierarchical order. Such a relationship can be
understood in terms of father-son relationship. Chinese governance was influenced by
Confucian idea of dynastical system of five kinds of relationship i.e., father-son, emperor-
minister, elder brother-younger brother, husband-wife, and friend-friend. Four social
bonds i.e., propriety, righteousness, honesty, and sense of shame are significant.
Despite greater influence of philosophical tradition of Tianxia and Tributary
System, they could not last long due to modernisation and the revolution in China
(Spence, 1990). New intellectual current was poised to break the shackles of archaic
Chinese tradition. For instance, Westphalian system gained currency over the Tributary
System because of the latter’s inequality principle which could not become popular.
Similarly, the western tradition of competition and an extroversive rationality-based
materialism won over Chinese idea of introversive rationality governing human relation.
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Lastly, western individualism become popular over Chinese holistic approach of NOTES
understanding of universe (Qin Yaqing, 2007).
In most recent phase, reformist idea became popular and China’s integration
with world started in the late 1970s. Deng Xiaoping promoted pragmatic ideas which
led to major change in socio-economic system of China.

Check Your Progress

1. Who wrote The Art of War?
2. What do you understand by Tianxia?

5.4 NEO-REALISM AND CHINESE TRADITION: AN

OVERWIEW

China’s tradition of history, polity, and society are hugely different from the Western
tradition. Western tradition puts great emphasis on sovereignty, territorial integrity,
international anarchy, war, and international society. On the other hand, Chinese tradition
is more about unity and hierarchy (Acharya and Buzan, 2019). The Chinese system of
war, diplomacy, trade, and commerce was quite different from the Western practices
and Chinese thought on great power, empire and suzerainty are in contrast with the
West. For a greater understanding of Chinese tradition, we need to dig deep into
Chinese philosophy, history, culture, and society.
The Chinese philosophical tradition, especially Confucianism, emphasises non-
violent and persuasive methods to resolve the conflict, unlike the neo-realists who
consider war inevitable due to the absence of centralised authority to control the
behaviour of nation-states in the anarchic international arena. The neo-realists’ subject
of inquiry is the structure of the international system. It is because the nature of the
international system is anarchical and therefore, it causes interstate conflict. Such a
situation brings security dilemmas for states which further leads to competition in
order to enhance the never-ending security threat from other states.
Chinese philosophy influenced by the ideas of Confucianism rejects this kind of
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NOTES order and harmony as only ways to achieve peace. Moreover, Chinese philosophy
adopted holistic view in which the cause of war is not confined to politics but also to
religion, economics, and individual self-fulfillment. Therefore, the Chinese view about
war and conflict exist in a time and space specific context (Roland Bleiker, 1993).
The idea of anarchial international system was outrightly rejected by Chinese
tradition. Chinese philosophy accepts the idea of ‘universal system’, or ‘universal
kingship’, followed by hierarchical order with one single ruler which reflects in its
Tributary System. In this hierarchical order, the ‘Middle Kingdom’ of China is considered
as moral leader and it is its duty to prepare barbarian state into world state or Sino-
centric world order (Bozeman).
Table 5.1 Difference between the Neo-Realist Tradition and the Chinese Tradition

Neo-Realist tradition Chinese tradition

 Systemic approach followed by  Chinese tradition focuses on
neo-realists. behaviour of individuals and
aggregates thereof.
 Rational approach followed by  Intuitive and spontaneity approach.
individual and state.
 Scientific-empirical research  Sceptic about objective reality.
method for testifying theories.
 Western dualist view of two  Holistic approach to understand the
opposites. So, conflict is universe and no dichotomy
inevitable between the two. It between self and others
promotes individualistic way of (Developed from Tianxia, as it
discovering the world. combined whole)
 Competition and Extroversive  Introversive rationality governing
rationality-based on materialism human relation
 Westphalian system: sovereign  Tributary system based on system
nation-state are actors. of inequality which rooted in
Tianxia philosophy.
 State of nature: anarchic  State of nature: preordained and
hierarchical natural order
 International system: anarchical  International system: Sino-centric
and no central authority. vision of global community based
Therefore, conflict is inevitable. on virtue. Means the supremacy of
‘Middle Kingdom’(China).
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NOTES
Check Your Progress
3. What are the only ways to achieve peace, according to Confucianism?
4. What idea does Chinese philosophy reflect in its Tributary System?

5.5 SUMMARY

China’s rich intellectual tradition is ubiquitous but as far as its international theory
development is concerned, it is still dependent on the dominant Western tradition of
international relations. The major source of the development of China’s worldview is
rooted in its historical interaction with the rest of the world. The reform period gave
room for the development and dissemination of ideas, and this gave further impetus for
the intellectual tradition to flourish in China.
Western tradition of International Relations Theory (IRT) accepts the ‘state of
nature’ as anarchical or absence of any central authority, also known as the ‘Hobbesian
state of nature’, which to some extent is also accepted by Chinese tradition but in their
way. The major hurdles in the development of Chinese tradition in IR are also the
inclination of ‘action oriented’ policies of Communist Party of China (CPC) leadership
rather than ‘knowledge orientate’ policies. However, since the 1978 Reform period
and opening-up of China under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping, intellectual current
gained pace, and some developments of the decline of international relations happened.
The source of Chinese tradition can be traced to its philosophical tradition of
Confucianism, Taoism, and its strategic culture. The major idea developed from ‘Tianxia’s
worldview, and the Tributary System has a greater influence on China tradition. The
philosophy of Confucianism also highlighted the idea of unequal societal relations which
ultimately promotes the hierarchical order. Despite great influence of the philosophical
tradition of Tianxia and the tributary System, they could not last long due to modernisation
and the revolution in China (Spence, 1990).
China’s tradition of history, polity, and society are hugely different from the
Western tradition. The Chinese system of war, diplomacy, trade, and commerce was
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NOTES and suzerainty are in contrast with the West. The Chinese philosophical tradition
especially Confucianism emphasises non-violent and persuasive methods to resolve
the conflict, unlike the neo-realists who consider war inevitable due to the absence of
centralised authority to control the behaviour of nation-states in the anarchic international
arena. The idea of an anarchical international system was outrightly rejected by Chinese
tradition. Chinese philosophy accepts the idea of a ‘universal system’, or ‘universal
kingship’ followed by hierarchical order with one single ruler which is reflected in its
Tributary System.

5.6 KEY WORDS

 Confucianism: It is an ancient Chinese philosophy based on the idea of the

Confucius (551-479 BCE). It emphasises ethical values system.
 Tianxia: It is a system of governance held together by regime of culture and
values that transcends racial and geographical boundaries.
 Tributary System: It is a traditional Chinese system of managing foreign
relations. This system was for exacting compliance from neighbouring states
and people on matters of economic, political, diplomatic and defence pertaining
to China.

5.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

QUESTIONS

1. Sun Tzu wrote The Art of War.

2. Tianxia is a Chinese historical and cultural concept which emphasizes on morality,
or the concept of ‘all under heaven’ coexisting harmoniously.
3. Confucianism emphasis on individual ethics, societal order and harmony are
only ways to achieve peace.

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4. Chinese philosophy accepts the idea of ‘universal system’, or ‘universal kingship’ NOTES
followed by hierarchical order with one single ruler which reflects in its Tributary
System.

5.8 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS AND

EXERCISES

1. Why is it important to understand non-Western traditions in international relations

from a holistic perspective?
2. How did China’s historical interactions with the world influence its worldview in
international relations?
3. What key differences exist between Chinese and Western traditions in
international relations theory?
4. What are the main factors identified by Qin Yaqing that have hindered the
development of Chinese international relations theory (IRT)?
5. What are the key differences between the Western and Chinese traditions in
international relations, particularly in their perspectives on conflict resolution
and the nature of the international system?
6. Discuss the significance of abandoning a Eurocentric perspective in the study of
international relations and the implications of such a shift for addressing global
issues.
7. Analyse the impact of historical factors on China’s limited development of its
own theoretical discourse in international relations until the reform period in
1978.
8. Highlight the differences between Chinese and Western traditions in international
relations theory, focusing on their perspectives on the state of nature, the role of
culture, and their approaches to knowledge acquisition. Evaluate the implications
of these differences for contemporary international relations.

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NOTES 9. Describe the historical influences on Chinese tradition in international relations,

including the concepts of Tianxia and the Tributary System, and explain how
these concepts differ from the Western Westphalian nation-state system.
10. Explain how differences between Western and Chinese traditions in international
relations have shaped each tradition’s approach to diplomacy, governance, and
international order.

5.9 FURTHER READINGS

Brown, Chris and Kirsten Ainley. 2005. Understanding International Relations.

New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Jackson, Robert and Georg Sorenson. 2013. Introduction to International Relations:
Theories and Approaches. United Kingdom: Oxford University Press.
Goldstein, S. Joshua and Jon C. Pevehouse. 2014. International Relations. London:
Pearson.
Malhotra, Vinay Kumar and Alexander A. Sergounin. 1998. Theories and Approaches
to International Relations. New Delhi: Anmol Publication.

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Neo-Liberal Institutionalism and The English School

LESSON 6 NOTES

NEO-LIBERAL INSTITUTIONALISM AND

THE ENGLISH SCHOOL
Dr Sudhir Kumar Suthar
Assistant Professor,
Centre of Political Studies, School of Social Sciences,
Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
Dr Nidhi Shukla,
Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science,
Bharti College, University of Delhi
Dr. Shailza Singh,
Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science,
Bharati College, New Delhi
Structure
6.0 Introduction
6.1 Objectives
6.2 Liberalism and Neo-Liberal Institutionalism
6.2.1 Neo-Liberal Institutionalism
6.2.2 Neo-Institutional Liberalism
6.3 The English School
6.3.1 Key Elements of the English School
6.3.2 Historical Theory
6.3.3 Three Systemic Approaches
6.3.4 Criticisms of the English School
6.4 Summary
6.5 Key Words
6.6 Answers to Check Your Progress Questions
6.7 Self-Assessment Questions and Exercises
6.8 Further Readings

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NOTES
6.0 INTRODUCTION

In this lesson, you will understand the tenets of liberalism, neo-liberal institutionalism
and the English School. The essence of liberalism is self-restraint, moderation,
compromise and peace. Neo-liberal institutionalism is a theoretical perspective in
international relations that emerged in the late 20th century. It represents an evolution
of earlier institutionalist theories and is characterized by a focus on the role of international
institutions in shaping and governing international relations. The English School theory
is a theoretical approach in the field of international relations. It seeks to understand
the nature of the international system and the behaviour of states within that system by
emphasizing the importance of international society and norms. The English School
theory in international relations offers a unique perspective that blends elements of
realism and liberalism. It emphasizes the importance of international society, norms,
and shared values in understanding the dynamics of the international system.

6.1 OBJECTIVES

After going through this lesson, you will be able to:

 Describe the features of liberalism
 Discuss the theory of Neo-Liberalism and Neo-Liberal institutionalism
 Understand the important aspects of the English School

6.2 LIBERALISM AND NEO-LIBERAL

INSTITUTIONALISM

Liberalism is the theory which has strongly challenged the realist theory of international
politics and provided an alternative school of thought. Most of the principles and
ethics of liberalism are just contrary to the beliefs of realists. Unlike realists where
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norm. Although the gulf between the classical liberals and classical realists was wider NOTES
than the theories that developed later, the basic premises of both theories are quite
different from each other.
In the previous few decades, liberalism has greatly influenced the government
policies and public policies of international organizations and norms of various
international agencies. As the era of the Cold War was known as an era of realism, the
post-Cold War era is an age of liberalism. In the post-Cold War era, the community of
states has realized the relevance of global mechanisms of cooperation. Consequently,
global institutions for global governance have been strengthened in the past two decades.
Three events have shifted the attention from the state and power-centred view
of international politics described by the realists. First was the emergence of the League
of Nations after the First World War in 1919. This was the first joint effort to build an
international organization that attempted to limit the state’s ability to behave in an
uncontrolled manner in relations with other countries. However, it failed to do so and
the Second World War broke out.
However. the efforts did not die. After the Second World War, the community
of states felt the need for such an organization more seriously. Hence, the United
Nations was set up. Despite various problems, the UN has successfully ensured the
preservation of world peace. The third significant event has been the evolution of the
European Union where countries themselves felt the need to come together to ensure
the welfare and development of their citizens. These events explain that despite the
harsh realities of war, there have always been attempts to bring peace in the world.
The liberal school of thought in international relations emphasizes this aspect of the
states.
The roots of liberal tradition can be traced back to the writings of John Locke
in the late 17th century. Locke favoured a peaceful relationship among the nations as
a necessity to develop trade and other economic relations. Thus, the evolution of
liberalism in political theory has also helped the development of liberalism in international
politics. Such as the recognition of democracy as the most popular political system in
which individual rights are protected and an amicable environment for economic
development is ensured.
Describing the essential features of liberalism, Stanley Hoffman says: ‘The essence
of liberalism is self-restraint, moderation, compromise and peace where the essence Self-Instructional
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NOTES of international politics is exactly the opposite: troubled peace, at best, or the state of
war’ (Hoffman 1987 as quoted in Baylis et al: 110).
In contemporary international relations, liberalism has brought many issues of
democratization to the front. Hence, world leaders are involved in problems of global
justice, equality, poverty eradication, and so on. Unlike the realist era when war, arms
race and conflicts were the dominant paradigms, the age of liberalism is fostering
democratic ideas and peace.
Like the realist theory, there are variants of the liberal theory in international
relations as well. There have been many improvements and modifications in the liberal
philosophy as well. It is said that in the last fifty years of international relations, the
realist theory of international relations and the liberal theory have started coming closer
to each other. Realists have accepted that states do co-operate. Liberals, on the other
hand, have accepted that states are the actors in international relations despite having
many other active participants. The neo-liberal realism has also accepted the existence
of anarchy in international relations.
However, there are certain principles on which these variants agree upon. Some
of these commonly accepted principles are discussed below:

States with Natural Rights

The first and foremost principle on which the liberal ideology is based is the idea of
individual rights. Liberals argue that human beings are born with certain rights which
are natural. Rights are certain conditions which are considered as necessary for the
development of human beings. Some of the most crucial individual rights are the right
to life, liberty and property. John Locke in his writings established these three rights as
natural rights that a man gets by virtue of being a man. Since then, there has been a
significant expansion of the idea of rights and many more have been included in this
category. An important such right has been the right to political freedom by which
every citizen has the right to choose the government of his own choice. The emergence
of the principle of adult franchise and representative democracy is closely associated
with this.

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Idea of Perpetual Peace NOTES

The known political philosopher of the eighteenth century, Immanuel Kant propounded
the idea of ‘perpetual peace’ in international relations. Kant argued that a peaceful
world cannot be established unless certain globally accepted ideas are not accepted.
The implementation of such ideas will ensure world peace which will be long lasting.
According to Doyle, Kant discusses three stages of establishing perpetual peace.
Kant says that there are three ‘definitive articles’, acceptance of which will
guarantee ‘perpetual peace.’ The first article is based on the principle that the ‘civil
constitution should be republican in nature’ (Doyle 225). By republican, Kant means a
political society that has established a representative government with a separation of
powers. Such a republican system also solves the problem of combining moral
autonomy, individualism and social order (Doyle 226).
The second definitive article of perpetual peace is establishing a pacific union
amongst the liberal republics. Such a union is created by a treaty among the nations.
The treaty ‘prevents wars and steadily expands the purview of itself, bringing more
states into the union. Doyle says that by such a union, perhaps he meant a mutual non-
aggression pact, perhaps a collective security agreement and the cosmopolitan law.
The third article of perpetual peace is establishing a cosmopolitan law that
operates in conjunction with the Pacific Union. Such a law establishes the principle of
‘universal hospitality.’ (Kant quoted in Doyle 227). By universal hospitality, Kant
means recognition of the ‘right of a foreigner not to be treated with hospitality when he
arrives upon the soil of another [country].’

Market as an Important Factor

In the entire liberal theory of international relations, the market is given an important
place. Liberals believe that private property is an essential part of an individual’s
development. Hence, along with the right to life and liberty, property was also given a
place in John Locke’s idea of natural rights. Besides, individuals are rational beings
who know their good from actions. The only thing required is an autonomous
environment in which they are allowed to act independently. The state comes into
existence for the sake of providing such an environment. Its job is to protect individual
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NOTES of others’ similar rights. In other words, the state is minimalist in nature, unlike the
realist philosophy where the state is given a primary role.
The liberal philosophy emphasizes free trade and economic relations among the
nations. It argues that economic causes are the reasons behind cooperation among the
states. Hence economy plays a crucial role, unlike power politics which is the focal
point in the realist theory of international relations. For this purpose, neo-liberal
philosophers emphasize the creation of global institutions in order to ensure transparency
and accountability in international trade and economic relations among the nations.

Nature of Societal Actors

Unlike the realist view which is state-centric in nature, the liberal view is based on the
principles of pluralism- a situation in which people of different social classes, religions,
races, etc., are together in a society but continue to have their different traditions and
interests. Society is divided into various groups based on various functions like economy,
social, political, and so on. These groups are always in confrontation with each other.
However, the resolution of these issues is based on political means. Social actors
favour some economic, social, cultural and political arrangements over others.
The view of globalization is a dominant view of social interests in the liberal
theoretical framework. The process of globalization is defined as ‘changing opportunities
and incentives to engage in transnational economic, social and cultural activity.’Without
globalization, social actors like states, would have no rational incentive to become a
part of world politics. In this context, the most fundamental task of the liberal international
relations theory is to define the impact of the shifting terms of economic, social and
cultural globalization on social actors and the competing demands they will thus place
upon states.
The liberal theory rests on the fact that the stronger the aggregate benefit from
social interactions across borders, the greater the demand to engage in such interactions.
According to the liberal theory, societal demands are a variable, shifting with factors
such as technology, geography, and culture. Andres Moravcsik argues that ‘in nearly
all social situations, shifts in control over material resources, authoritative values, and
opportunities for social control have domestic and transnational distributional
implications’ (2009: 237). He further argues that conflicting social demands about the
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contradictory or irreconcilable differences in core beliefs about national, political and NOTES
social identity promote conflict, whereas complementary beliefs promote harmony
and cooperation. Secondly, resources that can be easily appropriated or monopolized
tend to exacerbate conflict by increasing the willingness of social actors to assume
cost or risk to enrich themselves. Thirdly, large inequalities in domestic, social or political
influence may permit certain groups to evade the costs of a costly conflict or rent-
seeking behaviour, even if the result is inefficient for society as a whole.

Nature of the State

According to the neo-liberal theory of international politics, the state represents the
demands of a subset of domestic individual and social groups, on the basis of whose
interests they define ‘state preferences’ and act instrumentally to manage globalization.
The notion of state preferences means the rank ordering among potential, substantive
outcomes or ‘states of the world’ that might result from international political interaction.
The states act as representatives of individuals and pursue their interests at the
international level because the individual’s behaviour is unable to achieve such
objectives.
Moravcsik (2009) argues that internationally, the liberal state is a purposive
actor, but domestically, it is a representative institution constantly subject to capture
and recapture, construction and reconstruction, by coalitions and social interests.
In the liberal state, the demands of the individuals are translated into the
framework of foreign policy. In other words, the change in social demands also results
in a change in state behaviour. Deriving state preferences from social preferences is
thus a central theoretical task of liberal theory. However, this needs to be emphasized
that the state preferences, i.e., the ultimate ends of foreign policy, are different from
‘strategies’ which are the specific policy goals, bargaining demands, institutional
arrangements, tactical stances, military or diplomatic doctrines that states adopt,
advocate, or accept in everyday international politics.
The new liberal theory highlights the significance of the domestic representative
institutions. Representation is a key determinant (along with the basic nature of social
demands themselves) of what states want, and therefore what they do. Every
government represents some group or the other. The representative state could be
decentralized or centralized in nature, subject to strong or weak rationality conditions, Self-Instructional
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NOTES socialized to various attitudes towards risks and responsibility, and flanked by various
substitutes for direct representation (Achen, 1995; Grant and Keohane, 2005).

Nature of the International System

Policy interdependence is the key theoretical link between state preferences on the one
hand and state behaviour on the other. It refers to the distribution and interaction of
preferences, i.e., the extent to which the pursuit of state preferences necessarily imposes
costs and benefits upon other states, independent of the ‘transaction costs’ imposed by
the specific strategic means chosen to obtain them.
Liberals argue that interdependence is amongst those factors which influence
state behaviour in the most fundamental sense. Where policy alignments can generate
mutual gains with low distributive consequences, there is an incentive for international
policy coordination or convergence. The lower the net gains, the greater the distributional
conflict whereby the realization of interests by a dominant social group in one country
necessarily imposes costs on dominant social groups in other countries, the greater the
potential for inter-state tension and conflict.
By drawing attention to the relative intensity or ‘asymmetrical interdependence’
among state preferences, liberalism highlights a distinctive conception of inter-state
power (Keohane and Nye, 1977). In this view, the willingness of the state to expend
resources or make concessions in bargaining is a function of preferences, not linkage
to an interdependent set of ‘political power resources (Baldwin, 1979).

6.2.1 Neo-Liberal Institutionalism

Neo-liberal institutionalism is a theoretical perspective in the field of international relations

(IR) that focuses on the role of international institutions in shaping and guiding state
behaviour. It is often seen as a variant of the broader liberal IR theory, which emphasizes
cooperation, interdependence, and the role of non-state actors in world politics.
Neo-liberal institutionalism focuses on the role of global institutions. Neo-liberals
argue that although anarchy prevails in international relations and it prevents states to
co-operate with each other. Yet states make an attempt to achieve peace and co-
operation. This is made possible with the liberal international organizations. Joseph M
Grieko (1988) in his writing says that there are three variants of the neo-liberal
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the neo-functionalist regional integration theories in the 1950s and 1960s, and the NOTES
interdependence theories in the 1970s. Liberals argue that despite so much of war and
violence, the international system is still surviving. The core of this survival is the
possibilities of cooperation amongst the states. In other words, unlike the realist theories
neo-liberals provide a more optimistic picture of international relations.
Countering the arguments, realists argue that not the states but other international
organizations like United Nations and its agencies or civil society groups are the dominant
actors. Their roles have increased to a substantial level in influencing the state behaviour
and policies. This has been forcing states to co-operate with other states.
According to the functionalist integration theorists, the specialized international
agencies and their technical experts play a crucial role in the formation of different
policies at the state level. They also coordinate amongst various states at different
levels. This facilitates co-operation amongst them.
The neo-functionalist regional integration theory of liberal institutionalism on the
other hand emphasizes more on various civil society organizations or non-governmental
organizations like labour unions, political parties, trade associations, and supranational
bureaucracies. According to the neo functionalist school these actors force states to
cooperate with each other. The interdependence theorists focus more on the role of
multinational corporations and transnational and trans-governmental coalitions like World
Trade Organizations, World Economic Forum, etc. Unlike other types of global
institutions, they are based upon the bargaining and negotiations amongst different
states and their exercise to form groups.
All these theorists argue that the state authority is not so centralized and monolithic
as realists argue. Rather it is decentralized and divided amongst various non-state and
non-governmental organizations. Besides, with the expansion of civil society
organizations, various groups are also playing a significant role at the global level. This
has made even foreign policy making a decentralized affair and not an exercise dominated
by a few central actors.
Neo-liberals also argue that states are no more for power politics and war
prone as realists argue. Rather the cost of indulging in a war has increased exponentially.
The growing threat of nuclear weapons and mobilized national populations were
rendering war prohibitively costly (Keohene and Nye). Besides, many economic issues
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NOTES to be in contact with other states. Welfare and development has started dominating the
state agenda at home and not power and prestige. In fact faster development has
become a parameter of prestige in international relations. Thus, the states are not
power seeking actors but try to cooperate with each other in order to secure a more
comfortable and secure global order.
Finally, the neo-liberals argue that the role of international organizations is such
that they foster co-operation amongst states without questioning state sovereignty.
Similarly, many international regional organizations like the European Union are an
outcome of the realization amongst the states that they have certain limitations in ensuring
their citizens’ welfare alone. Finally the interdependence theorists argue that in the
contemporary world of interdependence where multiple issues are occurring amongst
the state the bargaining capacity of various political institutions has increased.
Unlike the earlier versions of liberal philosophy, neo-liberals believe that states
do have a significant role to play in international relations despite challenges on various
fronts. States are also rational-unitary actors who decide their own course of action.

6.2.2 Neo-Institutional Liberalism

The notion of institutionalism in the theory of International Relations has emerged after
realization of the fact that even for international co-operation certain platforms are
required. This led to the debate on the nature, role and functions of such organizations.
The neo-liberal institutionalists deal with some of the vital concepts of international
organizations for this matter.
Contemporary liberal institutional theory, originating in an enhanced awareness
of interdependence in the 1970s, broke with earlier liberal thought in accepting some
of the central assumptions of realist theory and defined itself solely in empirical terms.
(Richardson 2009: 222)
In response to devastation occasioned by the First World War, liberal
institutionalists pursued one overriding goal: the establishment of peace. Initially it was
sought directly through creating an institution, the League of Nations, which would
embody a new liberal order in place of the power politics in Europe. The League’s
failure to fulfil this expectation prompted a radical reformulation: a new approach,
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regulating specific areas of international relations would gradually moderate the conflicts NOTES
that would otherwise lead to war. The increasing significance of economic
interdependence by the 1970s resulted into a further radical reformulation of
institutionalism, culminating in Keohane and Joseph Nye’s “Power and
Interdependence” (1977) which foreshadowed core ideas of the neo-liberal institutional
theory. They did not seek to limit the realist theory but to limit its scope.
Richardson argues that thus far, changes in the institutional theory had been
prompted mainly by perceived changes in ‘the world.’ The shift to neo-liberal
institutionalism, it may be suggested was mainly theory driven. The replacement of
comparative-sociological style of neo-liberal institutionalism was replaced by acceptance
of the mathematical assumptions of rational choice theory and of the core realist
assumptions that states remain the central actors in international politics. They pursue
their self-interested goals, in particular security and material interests. The main difference
with neo-realism was the claim that, nonetheless, there was a far greater scope for
international cooperation than the neo-realist theory would have it, and that institutions
played a crucial role in facilitating this cooperation.

From Organizations to Regimes to Institutions

Since the Second World War, the field of international organizations has undergone
significant changes. In general and consistent with broader changes in political science,
the subfield became less normative and increasingly theoretical. What started as the
study of international organizations and regional integration underwent a dramatic change
in the early 1980s to become what came to be called the regime theory; and was
subsequently rechristened as neo-liberal institutionalism.
Neo-liberal institutionalism contends that international institutions, such as
international organizations, treaties, and regimes, play a crucial role in facilitating
cooperation among states. These institutions provide a framework for states to interact,
negotiate, and make collective decisions, thus helping to manage conflicts and create
shared expectations.
Neo-liberal institutionalists believe that states have incentives to cooperate in
order to achieve common goals, especially when faced with challenges that cannot be
effectively addressed through unilateral action. International institutions help facilitate
this cooperation by providing a platform for states to coordinate their efforts. Self-Instructional
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NOTES The original post-1945 focus was on international organizations, concrete realities
with a physical presence – names, addresses, and so on. A typical definition was that
of ‘a formal arrangement transcending national boundaries that provides for the
establishment of international machinery to facilitate co-operation among members in
the security, economic, social or related fields’ (Plano and Olton, 1979: 288). This
rather narrow conceptualization was broadened with a focus on regimes defined as
‘principles, norms, rules and decision making procedures around which actor
expectations converge in a given issue area.’
The second feature of this turn was that it rooted the existence of international
institutions in the core elements of realist theory: states, power and interests (Stein
1997: 203). Rather than arguing that regimes were somehow a different feature of
international life and that they constituted an alternative way of thinking about
international politics, regime theorists accepted the realist view of states as the central
actors of international politics and they accepted the central realist premise that state
behaviour is rooted in power and interest.
Neo-liberal institutionalists argue that regimes are important for promoting stability
and cooperation among states. Oram Young, Raymond Hopkins and Donald Puchala
see regimes as pervasive characteristics of the international system. No patterned
behaviour can sustain itself for any length of time without generating a congruent regime.
Regimes and behaviours are inextricably linked.
Keohane and Nye define regimes as ‘sets of governing arrangements’ that include
‘networks of rules, norms and procedures that regularize behaviour and control its
effects.’ Haas argues that a regime encompasses a mutually coherent set of procedures,
rules and norms. Hedley Bull using somewhat different terminology, refers to the
importance of rules and institutions in international society where rules refer to ‘general
imperative principles which require or authorize prescribed classes of persons or groups
to behave in prescribed ways’. Institutions enable adherence to rules by the actions of
formulation, communication, administering, enforcing, interpreting, legitimizing and
adapting them.
Regimes must be understood as something more than temporary arrangements
that change with every shift in power of interests. Keohane notes that a basic analytic
distinction must be made between regimes and agreements. Agreements are ad hoc.
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regimes ‘implies not only norms and expectations that facilitate cooperation, but also a NOTES
form of cooperation that is more than the following of short-term self interest’.
Before long, the term regime was replaced with that of institutions. The key
reason is that it allowed those in international relations to connect intellectually with the
re-emergence of the study of institutions in economics, political science and in sociology.
In all these fields and in various subfields, an old institutionalism which had focused on
formal institutions was being replaced by a ‘new institutionalism’ which embodied a
broader conceptualization. Across fields and subfields, scholars could accept the
definition of ‘institutions,’ as ‘the rules of the game in a society, or more formally,
humanly devised constraints that shape human interaction’ (North, 1990).

Do Institutions Matter?

The first question which arises: do institutions matter at all? Central to an interest in
studying them is the notion that they matter, that they make a difference in the behaviour
of states and in the nature of international politics. Scholars have studied various impacts
of institutions. For example, many have looked into the question of state compliance
with international institutions, and have found that states by and large comply with the
agreements made by them. However, they have also shown how compliance is not
easy to ascertain and is related to the design of the institutions. (Mitchell, 1994). Much
of the force of the original wave of work on compliance literature was that it occurred
even within enforcement mechanisms, and a mini literature was developed on the
possibility of a managerial alternative to enforcement as the basis for compliance.
However, while it may be difficult to assess the impact of institutions, it remains
important that states use institutions to arrive at the outcomes they want.

How Institutions Come into Being

That international institutions serve state purposes provides an explanation but not a
description of the process as to how they came into being. One reason which connects
realists’ thoughts with the institutional theorists is that hegemonic power creates
institutions. Imposition is one form of creating institutions but hegemonic power often
provides inducements to create institutions. They provide a variety of forms of leadership
central to the process of regime formation (Stein, 1984 and Snidal, 1986a).
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NOTES Institutional Design

Neo-liberal institutionalists examine how the design and structure of international

institutions affect their effectiveness. They consider factors such as membership,
decision-making procedures, enforcement mechanisms, and the degree of flexibility in
adapting to changing circumstances.
International institutions vary from each other in various ways. They vary in
their membership and their size. Some are universal and encompass almost all states in
the international system. Others are regional in character and encompass only a small
set of countries, e.g., IBSA. Some focus on very narrow issues, whereas others are
broader and multipurpose in character. Some are embodied in formal organizations,
whereas others have no building, no address, and no secretariat. They vary in the
degree of attention paid to issues of monitoring and enforcement, in their mechanism
for dispute resolution and in how they deal with possible noncompliance by states.
They also vary in their rules of procedure as to how collective decisions are made.
The issues related to the functioning of international institutions are closely
associated with the functioning of domestic institutions. They are also the core of
constitutional arrangements at the domestic level. Domestically we speak of franchise,
rather than membership, but the issue is the same: who is part of the enterprise and
who is not. In international organizations, as within countries, representation mechanisms
and decision rules determine how preferences are aggregated into a collective choice.
The question of design of international organization is closely associated with
the question of the purpose for which the organization is created. Institutions that
provided coordination, for example were self-enforcing, and did not require extensive
mechanisms for monitoring and enforcement. Thus they were unlikely to be highly
institutionalized and formalized.
In contrast, collaborative solutions to prisoner’s dilemma problem were subject
to defection and cheating and exhibited extensive concern with monitoring and
enforcement (Stein, 1982).
Broadly there are five issues of designing of international organizations:
membership, scope of issues covered, centralization of tasks, rules for control of the
institution and the flexibility of arrangements in dealing with new and unanticipated
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These design features do not exhaust the possibilities of modification in the NOTES
nature of the organization. Thinking of international institutions as forms of governance
and thinking of governments as analogues, one can characterize the structure of
international institutions as including legislature, executive and judicial features.
Some international institutions are constructed to change the nature of the services
or goods being provided. Environmental problems such as clean air are quintessential
examples of public goods. Yet the international institutions created to clean the air did
not approach the problem by instituting a global regulatory regime for air quality;
rather they created a market in emission trading (Stein, 2009: 214).

Historical Institutionalism

Along with the development of new institutionalism in the social sciences, there has
been the emergence of historical institutionalism, emphasizing the ways in which
institutions change. Some institutions arise and decay and disappear. Others arise and
grow and develop and become more complex (Holsti, 2004). They take up new tasks
and new members.
Even more broadly, institutions can change themselves substantially according
to the circumstances under which they are created. The original regime literature
emphasized that institutions reflect power and interest, it left open as a question to
what would happen to institutions as the distribution of power changes and as the
constellation of interest shifted.
Institutions develop and become formalized and organized. The Group of Seven
(G7) economic summits began as informal exercises but became routine over time.
The institutional structure that is NATO was not at all foreseen when the organization
was founded.
Institutions also change and take on new tasks with changing conditions. The
International Monitory Fund, for example, proved inadequate for its originally intended
role and this did little in its early years. It then functioned as intended during the 1950s
and 1960s, but found a new role as the major states left the system of fixed exchange
rates. In other words, the way the IMF functions today is a way that was never
intended or imagined by its founders.

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NOTES
Check Your Progress
1. What does the state represent According to the neo-liberal theory of
international politics?
2. Who propounded the idea of ‘perpetual peace’ in international relations?
3. What, according to Joseph M Grieko, are the three variants of the neo-liberal
institutionalism?
4. Briefly mention the five issues concerning design of international organizations.

6.3 THE ENGLISH SCHOOL

International society theory is also known by the name of the English School. The
primary focus of this theory is the shared normative rules and values of various states
and how these affect international relations. The various forms of these norms and
values are international law, diplomacy, bilateral relations, diplomacy etc. This theory
also states that even in the absence of a global rule or order, the various states have
formed a ‘society’ at the international level. The English School’s ideas were formulated
by various scholars, but some prominent figures associated with the school include
Hedley Bull, Martin Wight, and R.J. Vincent.
Hedley Bull (1932-1985) was an influential scholar in the field of international
relations, and his work contributed significantly to the development of various
international relations theories, including neo-liberal institutionalism. His book “The
Anarchical Society” (published in 1977), examined the nature of international order
and the role of institutions in maintaining stability in the international system. Martin
Wight (1913-1972) was a British scholar known for his significant contributions to the
field of international relations, particularly through his work on international theory.
Wight is perhaps best known for his essay “Why is There No International Theory?”
(published in 1960). In this essay, he distinguished between three traditions of
international theory: the Realist, the Rationalist, and the Revolutionist (later termed the
English School or Society of States). R.J. Vincent (1943-1990) was a prominent
scholar in the field of international relations and has made significant contributions to
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the study of international institutions and international organization theory. His book NOTES
Non-intervention and International Order (published in 1974) is a notable work in
this regard. In this book, he examines the role of international organizations in mediating
disputes and promoting cooperation among states, which resonates with the central
concerns of neo-liberal institutionalism. The works of these three scholars laid the
foundation for the development of the English School’s theoretical framework.
Important theories of the English School are discussed below.

6.3.1 Key Elements of the English School

International society, primary institutions and the distinction between pluralism and
solidarism are the key elements of the English School. Let us discuss the concepts of
these three elements.

I. International Society

The English School emphasizes the idea that states exist within a broader international
society, which is characterized by shared norms, values, and institutions. Unlike realist
theories that often focus solely on power and anarchy, the English School argues that
states are not just driven by self-interest but also influenced by their desire to maintain
a sense of order and cooperation within the international system. This concept of
international society highlights the importance of international norms and rules in shaping
state behavior.

II. Primary Institutions

Within the framework of the English School, three primary institutions, namely states,
international law and norms, and international organizations are often discussed. States
are seen as the primary actors in the international system. They interact with one
another based on both self-interest and a sense of belonging to a larger international
society. States’ behavior is influenced not only by power politics but also by a desire
to adhere to international norms and principles. The English School places a strong
emphasis on the role of international law and norms in shaping state behavior. States
are expected to follow established rules and norms that govern their interactions, such
as respecting sovereignty and territorial integrity. These norms help maintain stability
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NOTES and order in the international system. International organizations, such as the United
Nations, play a crucial role in the English School’s perspective. These organizations
provide a forum for states to cooperate, negotiate, and resolve disputes. They are
seen as important actors in promoting international order and facilitating dialogue among
states.

III. Pluralism and Solidarism

The English School distinguishes between two broad approaches to international

relations: pluralism and solidarism. Pluralist perspectives within the English School
argue that states primarily pursue their self-interest and that international society is
characterized by a balance of power and competing interests. Pluralists acknowledge
the role of international norms but emphasize that states ultimately prioritize their national
interests. Solidarist perspectives argue that international society goes beyond a mere
balance of power and that states have a responsibility to uphold common values and
principles, even at the expense of some national interests. Solidarists advocate for a
stronger commitment to international norms and cooperation to address global
challenges, such as human rights violations and environmental issues.
These three elements help define the English School’s approach to understanding
international relations and the complexities of state behavior in the global arena.

6.3.2 Historical Theory

Historical theory, which places its major emphasis on the diplomatic history of nations,
has been the principal traditional approach that is applied to the study international
relations. Contemporary foreign affairs are heavily conditioned by views and precedents
inherited from the past and projected through the present into the future. They are
influenced by ties and conflicts of former years as well as by principles of interstate
relationships that have enhanced through prolonged use. Diplomatic history is particularly
rewarding in revealing how statesmen have succeeded and failed in the past, what they
have found ‘safe and useful’, and what they have found dangerous and illusory. The
historical approach can also afford an effective matrix for examining the extent to
which the practice of nations has conformed to the norms and goals proclaimed as the

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bases of policies. History is also helpful in discovering how decisions were reached, NOTES
following public opinion and group interests, and in observing what has happened to
the various inputs and outputs in the decision-making process.

6.3.3 Three Systemic Approaches

Few will deny that there is some coherence, regularity, and order in international affairs.
The controversies are primarily about the generalizations which describe the real world
of international politics, and on the direction of movement of that world. The following
sections describe three views or models of how the state system should be organized
and operated. Not one of them is wholly adequate for portraying the present international
order exactly. You will recognize that the present system includes characteristics of
each of the systems described. International affairs generally emphasize a pattern which
includes one or the other of these variants.

1. The Balance of Power

The most durable concept of a system ordering international politics in the era of the
modern state is of the ‘balance of power’. This arrangement has evolved out of the
concurrent existence of a group of sovereign states, each pursuing its own interests
through whatever means and with whatever power it can summon. Some see in
contemporary international politics a continuation of the balance-of-power system
which largely governed the relations of European states in the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries. Nationality made balance-of-power politics legitimate by setting limits upon
the aspirations of statesmen to extend their domains.

2. Bipolarity Theory

A second type of system that has prevailed in international politics can be described as
bipolarity, where potential decisive power is lodged in two controlling power centers.
A bipolar conception of international politics began in the middle of the twentieth
century with the cold war conflict between communist and the anti-communist states.
Another example is the opposition of the allied states to the axis powers from 1942–
1945. Bipolarity is in one sense a particular kind of balance-of-power system. Although

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NOTES several powers or power centers are desirable in the traditional balance pattern often
with a ‘balancer’, and with emphasis on flexibility in their relationships, the bipolar
model tends to group as many states as possible around one or the other of the great
power centers.

3. Normative Theory

It was stated that to define some aspects of international relations in terms of universally
applicable principles has brought some conceptions of moral ‘oughtness’ into the realm
of international relations. The standards and rules, the norms, for conduct of international
relations have been the subject of scholarly discussion for centuries. The resulting
enunciation of norms has not by any means always been based on moral ‘oughtness’.
Generalizations have, for instance, been based on the theses of historical determinism,
the dominance of an inevitable struggle for power among states, and on other
interpretations of the state system in operation. There have, however, been significant
components of idealism among the flow of scholarly contributions.
The English School’s approach provides an alternative to the dominant realist
and liberal perspectives in international relations. It seeks to bridge the gap between
these perspectives by incorporating elements of both power politics and norm-driven
cooperation. This framework has contributed to a richer understanding of international
politics by considering the role of ideas, norms, and institutions in shaping the behaviour
of states.

6.3.4 Criticisms of the English School

While the English School of International Relations has made significant contributions
to the field of international relations theory, it is not without criticisms. Critics argue that
the English School lacks the same level of theoretical precision and clarity as some
other IR theories, such as realism or liberalism. This is because the English School’s
focus on international society, norms, and institutions can be seen as somewhat nebulous
and difficult to operationalize. Some scholars believe that the theory lacks a clear
framework for explaining state behavior. Another criticism is that the English School
has a Western-centric bias. It is often accused of focusing on the experiences and

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perspectives of Western states and not adequately considering the viewpoints of non- NOTES
Western states and societies. Critics argue that the theory may not be universally
applicable and may not account for the diversity of international experiences.
Some critics contend that the English School falls into the trap of idealism,
emphasizing the role of norms and international society to the detriment of realist
considerations such as power politics and self-interest. They argue that the English
School’s emphasis on normative principles may not adequately explain the behavior of
states in the real world, particularly in cases where states prioritize their national interests
over international norms. According to critics, the English School does not provide a
strong basis for making specific predictions about state behavior or the outcomes of
international events. The theory is more focused on describing and analyzing historical
and contemporary international relations rather than offering guidance for policy or
predicting future developments.
Some scholars argue that the English School places too much emphasis on the
power of international norms and institutions to shape state behavior. They contend
that states may often act in their self-interest, even when it goes against established
norms, and that the theory does not adequately account for such deviations. They
argue that the English School sometimes downplays the role of power and material
factors in international relations. While it acknowledges the importance of power
politics, some critics argue that it does not provide a robust framework for analyzing
how power dynamics influence state behavior. Some critics contend that the English
School’s focus on describing and analyzing international society and norms may limit
its relevance for policymakers who are more interested in practical solutions to
international problems. The theory may not provide clear guidance on how to address
specific global challenges.

Check Your Progress

5. What was the primary focus of the English School Theory?
6. Name the prominent figures associated with the English school.

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NOTES
6.4 SUMMARY

Liberalism, neo-liberal institutionalism and the English School theory of international

relations have all been discussed in this lesson. The foundations of liberal tradition can
be found in John Locke’s writings from the late 17th century. In order to advance
trade and other economic relations, Locke believed that there must be peace among
the nations. Liberalism has raised several democratization-related challenges in modern
international affairs. As a result, issues like global justice, equality, ending poverty, and
so forth, affect world leaders. The age of liberalism is promoting democratic values
and peace, in contrast to the realist period, which was characterized by war, an arms
race, and conflicts.
Neo-liberal institutionalism is a theoretical perspective in the field of international
relations (IR) that focuses on the role of international institutions in shaping and guiding
state behaviour. It is often seen as a variant of the broader liberal IR theory, which
emphasizes cooperation, interdependence, and the role of non-state actors in world
politics. The notion of institutionalism in the theory of International Relations has emerged
after realization of the fact that even for international co-operation certain platforms
are required. This led to the debate on the nature, role and functions of such organizations.
The neo-liberal institutionalists deal with some of the vital concepts of international
organizations for this matter. Neo-liberal institutionalism contends that international
institutions, such as international organizations, treaties, and regimes, play a crucial
role in facilitating cooperation among states. These institutions provide a framework
for states to interact, negotiate, and make collective decisions, thus helping to manage
conflicts and create shared expectations.
International society theory is also known by the name of the English School.
The English School theory is a perspective in international relations that examines the
global arena through the lens of international society and shared norms. It distinguishes
between the international system, marked by states and power politics, and the
international society, characterized by common values, rules, and norms that govern
state behaviour. The primary focus of this theory is the shared normative rules and
values of various states and how these affect international relations. The various forms
of these norms and values are international law, diplomacy, bilateral relations, diplomacy
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NOTES
6.5 KEY WORDS

 International Relations: It is the study of the interaction of nation-states and

non-governmental organizations in fields such as politics, economics, and security.
 Pluralism: It refers to a situation in which people of different social classes,
religions, races, etc., are together in a society but continue to have their different
traditions and interests.
 Neo-Liberal Institutionalism: It is a theoretical perspective in the field of IR
that focuses on the role of international institutions in shaping and guiding state
behavoiur.
 Regimes: They refer to sets of governing arrangements that include networks
of rules, norms and procedure to regularize behaviour and control its effects
 Labour union: It is an organization formed by workers in a particular trade,
industry, or company for the purpose of improving pay, benefits, and working
conditions.
 Nuclear weapon: It is an explosive device that derives its destructive force
from nuclear reactions, either fission (fission bomb) or a combination of fission
and fusion reactions (thermonuclear bomb), producing a nuclear explosion.
 Enforcement: It is the process of making people obey a law or rule, or making
a particular situation happen or be accepted.

6.6 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

QUESTIONS

1. According to the neo-liberal theory of international politics, the state represents

the demands of a subset of domestic individual and social groups, on the basis
of whose interests they define ‘state preferences’ and act instrumentally to manage
globalization.

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NOTES 2. Emmanuel Kant propounded the idea of ‘perpetual peace’ in international

relations.
3. Joseph M Grieko (1988) in his writing says that there are three variants of the
neo-liberal institutionalism-functionalist integration theory which developed in
the1940s and 1950s, the neo-functionalist regional integration theories in the
1950s and 1960s, and the interdependence theories in the 1970s.
4. Broadly there are five issues of designing of international organizations:
membership, scope of issues covered, centralization of tasks, rules for control
of the institution and the flexibility of arrangements in dealing with new and
unanticipated circumstances.
5. The primary focus of the English School theory is the shared normative rules
and values of various states and how these affect international relations.
6. Some of the prominent figures associated with the English school include Hedley
Bull, Martin Wight, and R.J. Vincent.

6.7 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS AND

EXERCISES

1. What is Kant’s ‘idea of perpetual peace’?

2. Evaluate the tenets of liberalism.
3. What do you mean by Neo-liberal institutionalism?
4. Briefly discuss the shift to neo-liberal institutionalism.
5. How do Neo-liberal institutionalists view regimes?
6. Write a short note on Historical Theory.
7. What do you understand by bipolarity theory?
8. Discuss the contribution of neo-liberal institutionalist thinkers.
9. Examine the emergence and criticism of the English School theory.

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NOTES
6.8 FURTHER READINGS

Keohane, Robert Owen. 2020. International Institutions and State Power: Essays
in International Relations Theory. New Delhi: Taylor and Francis.
Baldwin, David Allen. 1993. Neorealism and Neo-liberalism: The Contemporary
Debate. New York: Columbia University Press.
Linklater, Andrew and Hidemi Suganami. 2006. The English School of International
Relations: A Contemporary Reassessment. New Delhi: Cambridge University
Press.

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UNIT III: ALTERNATIVE APPROACHES IN IR

LESSON 7 ALTERNATIVE THEORIES: CRITICAL THEORY AND

CONSTRUCTIVISM

LESSON 8 POST-MODERNISM AND POST-STRUCTURALISM

LESSON 9 NEO-MARXISM

LESSON 10 FEMINISM

LESSON 11 POSTCOLONIALISM
Alternative Theories: Critical Theory and Constructivism

LESSON 7 NOTES

ALTERNATIVE THEORIES: CRITICAL THEORY

AND CONSTRUCTIVISM
Shahnawaz Afaque
Research Scholar,
Department of Political Science,
University of Delhi
Structure
7.0 Introduction
7.1 Objectives
7.2 Alternative Approaches in IR: An Introduction
7.3 Critical Theory
7.3.1 The Marxist Roots of Critical Theory
7.3.2 The Political Philosophy of Critical Theory
7.3.3 The Contributions of Jurgen Habermas
7.3.4 Critical IR Theory
7.4 Constructivism
7.4.1 The Popularisation of Constructivism in IR
7.4.2 Basic Tenets of Constructivism
7.4.3 Alexander Wendt and the Social Construction of Anarchy
7.5 Summary
7.6 Key Words
7.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Questions
7.8 Self-Assessment Questions and Exercises
7.9 Further Readings

7.0 INTRODUCTION

Critical Theory challenges traditional approaches by examining power dynamics,

inequality, and the role of ideology in shaping international politics. It emphasizes non-
state actors, cultural factors, and the impact of global capitalism on geopolitics. Critical
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NOTES equitable world order. Constructivism is a prominent theoretical perspective in the

field of international relations. Unlike realism or liberalism, which focus primarily on
material factors such as power and institutions, constructivism emphasizes the role of
ideas, norms, beliefs, and identities in shaping international behavior and outcomes.
Constructivism emerged as a distinct school of thought in the 1980s and has since
become a significant and influential approach in the study of international relations.

7.1 OBJECTIVES

After going through this lesson, you will be able to:

 Explain the Marxist roots of critical theory
 Discuss the contributions of Habermas to critical theory
 Identify the aspects of critical IR theory
 Explain the core principles of constructivism in international relations
 Discuss Alexander Wendt’s perspective on the social construction of anarchy

7.2 ALTERNATIVE APPROACHES IN IR: AN

INTRODUCTION

The 1980s saw the emergence of various alternative approaches in the discipline of
IR. Some of these alternative approaches are critical theory, constructivism, post-
structuralism, feminism, neo-Marxism, and post-colonialism. An underlying feature of
most of these approaches is a reliance on the historical-sociological method. This
method contends that in mainstream IR theories like realism and liberalism, the notion
of states remains under-theorised. The state is merely considered a derivative of the
international system. Also, there is less emphasis on understanding how the states
were constituted in the first place. Another major area of contention is the role of non-
state actors and institutions. For mainstream IR theories, the role of the non-state
actors is considered subsidiary to the role of the state actors.
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Stephen Hobden gives three reasons for the emergence of alternative ways of NOTES
theorising in the 1980s. At the outset, the linguistic turn was brought about by the post-
structuralist school, the general dissatisfaction with the positivist approach in the
intellectual circles, and lastly, the rise of the social movements around gender, race,
and identity. On a similar line, Steven Smith identified the following reasons for the rise
of alternative theories:
• Realism was unable to explain the various social movements and non-state
actors that emerged around the same time.
• This period also saw a shift in the academic world, especially the social
sciences, away from positivism towards post-positivism.
The resurgence of liberalism in the form of neo-liberal institutionalism was yet
another reason for the downfall of realism. Moreover, the collapse of Soviet Russia
and the consequent end of the Cold War severely undermined the credibility of the
theoretical foundations of neo-realism that saw the bipolarity of the world as a
transhistorical and unchangeable fact. Laden with such critiques, theories such as realism
and liberalism did attempt to refurbish their theoretical foundations. In this background,
the debate between neo-realism and neo-liberalism was seen by many as pivotal in
bringing about a better theorisation. However, according to the critics, this neo-neo
debate was neither contentious nor intellectually very distinct, as the epistemological
foundations of both neo-realism and neo-liberalism remained the same.
The reason why realism has prevailed so far is because it portrays itself as
natural and commonsensical. At the same time, it also dubs all the other theories as
normative, idealistic, value-laden and pseudo-scientific. It does so based on its
theoretical foundation in positivist methodology. Positivism is a paradigm of thought
that considers the social world as akin to the natural world. This implies that the laws
of the social world can be discovered in a similar way as the laws of nature. Thus,
positivism tries to construct theories in the social sciences with the certainty that the
social world, like the physical world, has certain regularities that can be discovered
and generalised.
On the other hand, most alternative approaches in IR rely on a post-positivist
vision of the world that distinguishes between the laws of natural sciences and social
sciences. Smith classifies theories into two categories, explanatory and constitutive.
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NOTES Explanatory theories see the theorising process as external to the nature of reality.
Such theories are considered to be neutral and unaffected by the social reality.
Horkheimer’s classification of the theories into traditional and critical can be
another way to understand the differences between the mainstream and alternative
theories in IR. Traditional theories aim at the legitimisation of unjust and repressive
social practices and try to present the status quo as natural and unavoidable. Critical
theories aim to expose such attempts to legitimise the status quo and to replace the
existing unjust conditions with an emancipatory and just order. On a similar line as
Horkheimer, Robert Cox has categorised theories as problem-solving and critical.
For Cox, problem-solving theories are status quo, pay little attention to change and
limit their scope to analysing how the existing order is established and maintained. On
the other hand, critical theories aim to change the status quo and transform the existing
conditions of humankind.
Constitutive theories are embedded in the social world; they are not neutral and
help us construct and reconstruct the nature of reality through concepts and languages.
Explanatory theories can also be considered positivist or foundationalist theories,
whereas constitutive theories are post-positivist and anti-foundationalist. Realism and
Liberalism can be understood as examples of explanatory theories while most alternative
theories in IR are constitutive.
It can be safely said that mainstream theories such as realism and liberalism can be
categorised as traditional or problem-solving theories, whereas most alternative theories
can be categorised as critical. Some of the alternative approaches include Critical Theory,
Constructivism (discussed in the subsequent sections), Post-Modernism (discussed in
Lesson 8), Post-Structuralism (discussed in Lesson 8), Neo-Marxism (discussed in
Lesson 9), Feminism (discussed in Lesson 10), and Post Colonialism (discussed in
Lesson 11).

Check Your Progress

1. How does Smith classify theories?
2. How does explanatory theory see the theorizing process?

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NOTES
7.3 CRITICAL THEORY

The institutional roots of critical theory can be traced back to the establishment of the
Frankfurt School of Critical Theory. Its intellectual roots however can be traced to the
works of Max Horkheimer, Theodor Adorno and Herbert Marcuse, who are also
called the ‘first generation of critical theorists.’ Jurgen Habermas and Axel Honneth
are considered to be the ‘second generation of critical theorists’. Today, the landscape
of critical theory represents a much wider range of thoughts that is not confined to one
institution or one geographical location.
It can be simply stated that the writings of the critical theorists, starting with
Adorno and Horkheimer, ascribe to Marxist ideals like liberation and emancipation,
but are wary of the scientific methodology it subscribes to, and its strict economic
determinacy. In the following section, we will take a look at the Marxist roots of
critical theory and its point of departure from the same.

7.3.1 The Marxist Roots of Critical Theory

Marx and Engels analysed the progress of history using what Marxist scholars refer to
as the ‘paradigm of production.’ The paradigm maintains that social changes and political
transformations are the product of the tension between the modes of production and
the relations of production. The former categories would fit within the area of the
superstructure, whereas the latter ones can be referred to as the economic base.
Classical Marxist thought considers the superstructure as subsidiary to and determined
by the economic base.
As Marx puts it, ‘the history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class
struggles.’ This implies that the development of human societies can be best understood
from the vantage point of class struggles. Under the capitalist mode of production, the
world population can be categorised into two classes, the production-owning
bourgeoisie class and the subservient proletariat class. The political and social institutions
represent the ideology of the bourgeoisie class and function to keep the class relations
intact.

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NOTES The purpose of philosophy, according to Marx and Engels, is simply not the
interpretation of the world, but its transformation. Transforming the world implies
providing for the cause of the proletariat with intellectual insights to raise their class
consciousness. This requires a critique of the dominant ideology, and this is where
critical theory comes into relevance. The critical theory contends that classical Marxist
theory’s flaw lay in the preferential treatment given to the notion of the economic base
over the superstructure.
The neo-Marxist tradition as represented in the work of Antonio Gramsci also
acknowledged the theoretical flaws in classical Marxism on the same lines. For Gramsci,
the superstructure remains under-theorised of classical Marxism. It requires to be
given the same level of theoretical importance as the base because the relationship
between the economic base and the superstructure is not one-sided, both the categories
are mutually interdependent, and the superstructure is constituted by and constitutes
the economic base.
Writing in the 1930s, Adorno and Horkheimer suggested that classical Marxism
was unable to explain the newer political phenomena that were emerging around that
time. For instance, Marxism could not explain why revolutions failed to germinate in
industrialised Western Europe but succeeded in feudal Russia. Other political
phenomena like the rise of fascism and the outbreak of world-ending wars also remained
under-theorised of classical Marxism.

7.3.2 The Political Philosophy of Critical Theory

Critical theorists tried to unify the thoughts of the earlier proponents of Enlightenment,
such as Immanuel Kant, with the later proponents such as Marx and Engels. The
writings of critical theorists like Marcuse and Habermas dominated the theme of the
rise of instrumental reason dictating the lives of humankind. Marcuse’s notion of a
‘one-dimensional man’ and Habermas’ idea of ‘colonisation of life world’ depict their
anxiety about the rising commodity fetishism and administrative rationality that were
tending to control people’s lives. They put their hope in the emerging social movements
and nationalist struggles against European colonisation as challenging the logic of
instrumental reason.
Horkheimer in his popular essay ‘Traditional and Critical Theory’ published in
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theories. Horkheimer contended that positivism was driven towards instrumentalising NOTES
the lives of people via the machinery of efficient administration. He believed that
positivism left human society under the mercy of the powerful who used knowledge to
administrate societies to maximise efficiency and economy. In the “Dialectic of
Enlightenment”, Adorno and Horkheimer argued that the enhanced capacity of mankind
under the influence of positivism to control and master nature also extended to control
the lives of people and diminish their freedom.
Even though positivism claimed to realise the Enlightenment vision of enhanced
human freedom, its agenda to scientifically control and predict human societies made
it impossible to achieve the ideals of Enlightenment. This was evident in the model of
Soviet Marxism that heavily relied on technological advancement and rationalistic
administration which ultimately resulted in its transition to totalitarianism rather than
emancipation and enhanced human freedom.
Faced with these challenges, Habermas attempted to rescue critical theory from
positivism as evident in Soviet Marxism.

7.3.3 The Contributions of Jurgen Habermas

Habermas belonged to the second generation of critical theory. His Critical Theory
expanded on the theoretical foundations of the Frankfurt School and adopted a more
life-American pragmatism, which maintains that the usefulness of an idea determines
both its truth and meaning. Habermas was faced with three challenges. The first challenge
was to ground his moral principles in the real world and not an abstract world. The
second challenge was to prove the possibility of universal moral principles and to
ensure that the project of emancipation did not slip into totalitarianism. The third
challenge was to ensure that the political effort to enhance human freedom did not end
up in totalitarianism.
Habermas borrowed the method of critique, namely ‘immanent critique’, from
the tradition of classical Marxism. Immanent critique is the idea that societies must be
evaluated by those same terms with which they legitimise themselves. Marx was right
in observing that the capitalist ideology was designed to favour the interests of the few
at the cost of the many. But Marx was also right in realising that the same capitalist
ideology provided the language (freedom and equality for instance) to critique the
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NOTES he argued that real freedom and equality could only be attained by demolishing the
capitalist mode of production.
Critical theorists also indulge in immanent critique, in that it does not subscribe
to abstract moral principles, and successfully provides for the possibility of an alternate
society within the womb of the current one. By doing that, it grounds the moral principles
in the physical world rather than in some abstraction.
Habermas tried to reformulate the immanent critique in Marxism by trying to
balance the ‘paradigm of production’ with the ‘paradigm of communication.’ Unlike
Marx who associated human development with learning in the technological domain,
He also associated real human development and higher levels of freedom with learning
in the communicative domain. He contended that the commitment to open public
dialogue, which gave space and freedom for each individual to express their views,
was present in the first use of language between human beings. The higher forms of
virtue such as freedom and equality, as implicit in the first communication between
humans, make the nature of such values universal. By locating universal moral values
within the medium of communication, Habermas made the essence of moral principles
universal.
Habermas transcended the problem of totalitarianism with his theory of
‘communicative action.’ The theory entailed that the only way to emancipation without
repression lay in creating a platform wherein radically different moral perspectives
could come into contact and understand each other without imposing one set of values
over the others. Habermas saw the possibility of such a platform in globalisation which
made the institutionalisation of the ideal of global community a practical necessity.

7.3.4 Critical IR Theory

There are two strands of critical IR theory, one developed on the thoughts of Horkheimer
and the other developed on the theory of communicative action as proposed by
Habermas. Robert Cox is a proponent of the first kind of critical tradition whereas
Andrew Linklater has developed a critical theory of IR based on the thoughts of
Habermas.
Cox worked on Horkheimer’s notion of ‘traditional and critical theories.’ On
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contended that the real agenda of problem-solving theories such as neo-realism is to NOTES
ensure that the current world order is made to function without restrictions. In the
words of Cox, ‘all theories are for someone and some purpose.’ This implies that all
theories are value-laden and biased, as against the positivist claim that theories can be
objective and neutral.
For Cox, theories are value-laden with the political objectives of the group that
propounds it. Habermas’ theory of ‘knowledge constitutive interests,’ also argues that
theories are constituted by human interests. Problem-solving theories also possess the
positivist tendency to understand the international system as having law-like regularities
that must be the basis for predicting the behaviour of various actors and controlling the
social world.
Critical theories, on the other hand, try to explore how the current world order
came into being and whether it is susceptible to change. Cox identified that alternative
principles of the global organisation were already immanent within the current system
and are being carried forward by what he called the ‘counter-hegemonic forces.’
Counter-hegemonic forces are those movements that challenge the dominant structure
and strive to change it in favour of a more just and emancipatory world order.
Andrew Linklater, who is also known as the father of critical theory in IR, has
tried to apply the Habermasian notion of communicative action and cosmopolitanism
in the domain of global politics. Linklater found that the entity of nation-states was
both inclusionary and exclusionary. It is inclusionary in the sense that it grants equal
citizenship to all its members. It is exclusionary as it denies equal worth to the non-
citizens or outsiders. Linklater calls for individuals to possess two sets of moral duty,
one as a citizen of a nation and one as an international citizen. He also emphasises the
need to develop multiple platforms for public debates and dialogues to realise the
project of undistorted communication.
Another interesting area of inquiry under critical theory is human suffering and
the idea of injurability. Contemporary developments in the field of psychology suggest
that human beings are embodied selves who are susceptible not just to physical pain
and suffering but also to mental pain due to the lack of recognition. Horkheimer brings
the desire to lend voices to the suffering and abolish their misery as the primary concern
of critical theory. He suggests that a shared experience of injury or suffering can be a
good ground for human solidarity. Self-Instructional
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NOTES Such an ethic of vulnerability unites materialism and morality. Exclusionary systems
such as nationalism, race and religion have so far only blocked the development of this
potential global human solidarity. Dialogues, debates, and most importantly recognition
and participation carry the potential to transform the world towards a more emancipatory
existence.

Check Your Progress

3. Name the ‘first generation of critical theorists’.
4. Who belonged to the second generation of critical theory?

7.4 CONSTRUCTIVISM

Constructivism is a theory of international relations which rose to popularity in the

1990s, especially towards the end of the Cold War. This theory can be understood as
one of the initial challenges to the dominant theories of Realism, Liberalism, Marxism
and their newer variants. The constructivist theory argues that the dominant theories of
IR have not addressed the influence and impact of ideas, interests, norms and processes,
thereby missing out on the socially constructed nature of the institutions, structures and
established norms which are taken as objective, concrete and never changing entities
in IR.

7.4.1 The Popularisation of Constructivism in IR

Constructivist theory did not emerge initially in IR, discourses on the social construction
of meaning and the role of ideas in forming identities, institutions, and their dynamics of
change have been employed in Sociology as well as other related fields. This extended
into IR scholarship, which was earlier dominated by the realist and liberal theory and
later its newer variants of neo-realism and neo-liberalism.
Constructivists then undertook an evaluation of these theories and found that
both realism and liberalism (newer variants included), shared common ground about
rational individualism and materialism, which was problematic. That is, anarchy became
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realists associated the structure of anarchy pressuring the states to safeguard its interest NOTES
and security having to be wary of the same about other states, the liberals mitigate the
insecurity of the anarchic system through theories of interdependence and international
institutions. Both maintain that anarchy forces states to act in particular ‘rational’ ways
in an insecure and threatening anarchical international. The constructivists then examined
how such views have failed to acknowledge the role of ideas, interests, processes and
practices in the formation of the meaning of these institutions and structures. Why was
the anarchical world seen as threatening and insecure and why do the agents see
themselves as egoistical maximisers of benefits at the cost of others? Nicholas
Greenwood Onuf in his work “The World of Our Making” asks these questions.
A second feature which led to the development of constructivism in IR is the
failure of the aforementioned theories to account for the global changes post-Cold
War. The focus on the rational self-help nature of states could not explain why the
Cold War ended, what explains Gorbachev’s policy change from earlier administration?
It could also not account for the consequent changes in diplomacy between the camps
of the Cold War and the end of it. And finally, these theories were perplexed to
predict future power equations in world politics. Constructivism emerged in this gap
with both its exposure of the fault lines in the dominant theories as well as a mechanism
to understand the changing nature of global politics.

7.4.2 Basic Tenets of Constructivism

 Social Construction and Meaning Making: Constructivism maintains that

structures, agents, institutions, norms as well as other factors which one takes
as given are socially constructed and practiced. For example, in the system of
states, the idea of sovereignty is considered as an objective fact, whereas in
reality the meaning of sovereignty has been created by historical events, individuals
and their particular context and interests. It is a phenomenon which has been
practised and institutionalised and not a given assumption.
 Ideas, Interests, Identities, and Processes: The role of these elements in IR
has not been given attention in dominant IR theories. However, constructivists
pointed out how the structure (anarchy) and the agent (nation-states) have
consistently been influenced by ideas governing their identity and how they
formulate particular interests. If every actor is governed by rationality; that Self-Instructional
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NOTES rationality has a particular constitution which is historically and socially contextual,
not objective or independent. Furthermore, agents and structure are in constant
communication with each other which in turn is a process that is left under
theorized by conventional IR theories.
 Regulative and Constitutive Norms: Why we act the way we do is determined
by norms. Regulative norms lay down guidelines of actions whereas constitutive
norms give meaning to the idea of the norm. That is, the regulative rule of football
says that one is not supposed to use their hand, and the game of football derives
its meaning from that particular norm. Similarly, sovereignty places regulations
of state action which is also its constitutive meaning. Norms become important
for constructivists because of the determining nature of norms in IR.
 Reinforcing Power of Practice: If everything is socially constructed why is
there relative stability in actors, interests, and institutions? Constructivists explain
why existing structures and agents conform to their given norms and identities.
They elaborate on how a particular norm, structure or interest for an agent gets
reinforced once established through practice and mutual recognition of its shared
meaning. Realism and liberalism which enjoyed dominant status as IR theories
reinforced views of individualism and materialism that they became constitutive.
It has a shared social meaning and its practice becomes reinforcing thereby
appearing as an objective fact and not as a social fact.
 Constructivism and Global Change: Why are agents in the world order
predominantly nation-states and why do their policies and interests conform to
similar goals? Constructivism assigns the reasons for such homogeneity to
concepts of diffusion, socialisation and institutionalisation of norms. Ideas get
diffused among agents and actors, and by constant socialisation, shared meanings
emerge which then get institutionalised.

7.4.3 Alexander Wendt and the Social Construction of Anarchy

Alexander Wendt in his seminal work, ‘Anarchy is what the states make of it: the
social construction of power politics elaborates how the structure of anarchy which
becomes a defining factor of action for nation-states in international relations, is but a
social construction. He questions the relationship between anarchy and self-help, if
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anarchy is the structure wherein there is no governing power, why does that equate to NOTES
a system of self-help, in which agents have to ensure their survival in a ‘war of all
against all’ or are profit maximisers in a competitive environment?
These attributes of anarchy have emerged from the inter-subjective knowledge
and meaning frameworks. Secondly, there has been a corresponding socially constructed
process of power politics. If power politics have a meaning of competition, conflict or
domination, these meanings have been socially created through interactions by agents,
which either mimic or mirror and after institutionalisation the meaning goes on to be
practised as an objective fact. That is, there are multiple linkages between institutions,
processes as well and actors whereby meaning is not only constructed but practised
and institutionalised.
However, after institutionalisation or establishment of a particular identity, interest
or norm, it becomes very difficult to change, or changes very incrementally and slowly.
The system of anarchy and its self-help according to Wendt does not lend the
characteristic feature of predator to all agents like what realism suggests. One amongst
many or few might have such attributes, against which a system of either absorption or
resolution emerges, which is a better explanation for the events of world history.
Furthermore, Wendt also enumerates how the current institutional transformation of
power politics might have occurred.
He says the establishment of sovereignty led to its mutual recognition, and
mechanisms of security which determined the norms and means of action for the states,
by which cooperation among the now egoistic states has been achieved. Such a process
of action has also solidified and dictated the identity, through which the interests of
these states were made. Finally, Wendt also imagines the difficult and slow process
through which a transformation of the state system can be achieved wherein these
assumptions could be left behind ideally initially and later into critical and creative
means of action, which would then be institutionalised.

Check Your Progress

5. What was the text authored by Nicholas Onuf?
6. From which discipline did the constructivist approach in IR theories emerge?

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7.5 SUMMARY

In this lesson, you have learnt about the critical theory and constructivism. The institutional
roots of critical theory can be traced back to the establishment of the Frankfurt School
of Critical Theory. Its intellectual roots, however, can be traced to the works of Max
Horkheimer, Theodor Adorno and Herbert Marcuse, who are also called the ‘first
generation of critical theorists.’ Jurgen Habermas and Axel Honneth are considered to
be the ‘second generation of critical theorists.’ Marx and Engels analysed the progress
of history using what Marxist scholars refer to as the ‘paradigm of production.’As Marx
puts it, ‘the history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles.’ This
implies that the development of human societies can be best understood from the vantage
point of class struggles. The purpose of philosophy, according to Marx and Engels, is
simply not the interpretation of the world, but its transformation. The neo-Marxist tradition
as represented in the work of Antonio Gramsci also acknowledged the theoretical flaw
in classical Marxism on the same lines. For Gramsci, the superstructure remains under-
theorised of classical Marxism.
Writing in the 1930s, Adorno and Horkheimer suggested that classical Marxism
was unable to explain the newer political phenomena that were emerging around that
time. The writings of critical theorists like Marcuse and Habermas dominated the
theme of the rise of instrumental reason dictating the lives of humankind. Marcuse’s
notion of a ‘uni-dimensional man’ and Habermas’ idea of ‘colonisation of life world’
depict their anxiety about the rising commodity fetishism and administrative rationality
that were tending to control people’s lives. Horkheimer in his popular essay ‘Traditional
and Critical Theory’ published in 1937 pointed to the problem of positivism as dominating
the landscape of social theories. In the ‘Dialectic of Enlightenment’, Adorno and
Horkheimer argued that the enhanced capacity of mankind under the influence of
positivism to control and master nature also extended to control the lives of people
and diminish their freedom.
Habermas borrowed the method of critique, namely ‘immanent critique’, from
the tradition of classical Marxism. Immanent critique is the idea that societies must be
evaluated by those same terms with which they legitimise themselves. Habermas tried
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to reformulate the immanent critique in Marxism by trying to balance the ‘paradigm of NOTES
production’ with the ‘paradigm of communication.’ He transcended the problem of
totalitarianism with his theory of ‘communicative action.’ Robert Cox is a proponent
of the first kind of critical tradition, whereas Andrew Linklater has developed a critical
theory of IR based on the thoughts of Habermas. Cox worked on Horkheimer’s
notion of ‘traditional and critical theories.’ On the same line, he developed his category
of ‘problem-solving and critical theories.’
In conclusion, it could be said that Critical Theory places itself within the tradition
of Enlightenment and considers Enlightenment values like freedom and equality as the
highest form of virtues worth aspiring for. Critical theory stands out as a powerful
perspective which aims to critique the system on those terms with which the system
legitimises itself. Therefore, the moral principles that critical theory subscribes to are
not abstract values but exist very much within the womb of the existing system as
alternative voices.
Constructivism is a theory of international relations which rose to popularity in
the 1990s, especially towards the end of the Cold War. The constructivist theory
argues that the dominant theories of IR have not addressed the influence and impact of
ideas, interests, norms and processes, thereby missing out on the socially constructed
nature of the institutions, structures and established norms which are taken as objective,
concrete and never changing entities in IR. Constructivist theory did not emerge initially
in IR, discourses on the social construction of meaning and the role of ideas in forming
identities, institutions, and their dynamics of change have been employed in Sociology
as well as other related fields. Constructivists then undertook an evaluation of these
theories and found that both realism and liberalism (newer variants included), shared
common ground about rational individualism and materialism, which was problematic.
Constructivism emerged in this gap with both its exposure of the fault lines in the
dominant theories as well as a mechanism to understand the changing nature of global
politics. Constructivism has successfully managed to bring forth the gaps and cracks
in the traditional theories of IR as well as proposed new mechanisms of enquiry.
However, it is important to note here that constructivism is nevertheless a social theory
and not a substantive one.

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7.6 KEY WORDS

 Immanent Critique: It is a method borrowed from classical Marxism, evaluating

societies by the same terms they legitimise themselves, often used by Critical
Theorists.
 Commodity Fetishism: It is the obsession with commodities and consumerism,
critiqued by Critical Theorists like Marcuse.
 Totalitarianism: It is a concern in Critical Theory, denoting oppressive and
authoritarian political systems.
 Counter-Hegemonic Force: It includes movements challenging dominant
structures in pursuit of a more just world order, as per Robert Cox’s analysis.
 Injurability: It is the concept of human suffering, including physical and mental
pain, explored in Critical Theory.
 Inter-subjective Knowledge: It is the shared understanding and meanings
between actors in international relations, influencing their actions and behaviours.
 Mutual Recognition: It is the process by which states acknowledge and accept
certain norms, identities, or interests, contributing to their institutionalisation.

7.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

QUESTIONS

1. Smith classifies theories into two categories, explanatory and constitutive.

2. Explanatory theories see the theorising process as external to the nature of
reality.
3. Max Horkheimer, Theodor Adorno and Herbert Marcuse are called the ‘first
generation of critical theorists.’
4. Jurgen Habermas belonged to the second generation of critical theory.
5. World of Our Making is the text authored by Nicholas Onuf.
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6. The constructivist approach in IR theories emerged from sociology and other NOTES
related fields.

7.8 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS AND

EXERCISES

1. Who are the ‘first generation’ and ‘second generation’ of critical theorists in the
Frankfurt School of Critical Theory?
2. What key flaw did critical theorists like Adorno and Horkheimer identify in
classical Marxist theory?
3. What is the concept of ‘immanent critique’, and how does it relate to the ideas
of Marx and Habermas?
4. What is the main critique that constructivists have against dominant international
relations theories like realism and liberalism?
5. According to Alexander Wendt, what is the key concept in understanding the
nature of anarchy in international relations?
6. Explain the Marxist roots of critical theory and how critical theorists like Adorno
and Horkheimer departed from classical Marxism. Provide examples of their
critiques.
7. Discuss the contributions of Habermas to critical theory, including his challenges.
8. Describe the two aspects of critical IR theory, one based on Horkheimer’s
ideas and the other on Habermas’s theory of communicative action. Compare
and contrast these approaches, emphasising their perspectives on the international
system and the role of theories in international relations.
9. Explain the essential principles of constructivism in international relations. How
does it challenge the traditional views of state behaviour and international
structures?
10. Discuss Alexander Wendt’s perspective on the social construction of anarchy in
international relations. How does he argue that anarchy is not a fixed, objective
reality but rather a socially constructed concept? Self-Instructional
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7.9 FURTHER READINGS

Brown, Chris and Kirsten Ainley. 2005. Understanding International Relations.

New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Jackson, Robert and Georg Sorenson. 2013. Introduction to International Relations:
Theories and Approaches. United Kingdom: Oxford University Press.
Goldstein, S. Joshua and Jon C. Pevehouse. 2014. International Relations. London:
Pearson.
Malhotra, Vinay Kumar and Alexander A. Sergounin. 1998. Theories and Approaches
to International Relations. New Delhi: Anmol Publication.

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Post-Modernism And Post-Structuralism

LESSON 8 NOTES

POST-MODERNISM AND POST-STRUCTURALISM

Shahnawaz Afaque
Research Scholar,
Department of Political Science, University of Delhi
Dr Sudhir Kumar Suthar
Assistant Professor,
Centre of Political Studies, School of Social Sciences,
Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
Dr Nidhi Shukla,
Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science,
Bharti College, University of Delhi
Dr. Shailza Singh,
Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science,
Bharati College, New Delhi
Structure
8.0 Introduction
8.1 Objectives
8.2 Modernism and Post-Modernism: Impact on Political Theory
8.2.1 Post-Modernism: Foucault
8.2.2 Post-Modernism: Jacques Derrida
8.2.3 Criticism of Post-Modernism
8.3 Post-Structuralism
8.3.1 Power-Knowledge Interlinkage
8.3.2 Textual Strategies
8.4 Post-Structuralism on State Sovereignty
8.4.1 Post-Structuralism on Foreign Policy and Identity
8.4.2 The Myth Function in IR
8.5 Summary
8.6 Key Words
8.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Questions
8.8 Self-Assessment Questions and Exercises
8.9 Further Readings Self-Instructional
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8.0 INTRODUCTION

In this lesson, you will learn about two more alternative approaches to IR, namely
post-modernist and post-structuralist approaches. Post-modernism and post-
structuralism are two distinct but related theoretical approaches in the field of
International Relations (IR) that emerged in response to traditional, positivist theories.
The post-modernist thought developed as a critical reaction to modernism after the
ravaging World Wars opposed all the thoughts of Modernism. It favoured freedom,
localization, diversity, and multiple narratives.
Post-structuralism, on the other hand, is a distinctive and significant viewpoint in
the constantly changing field of international relations theory. The rise of post-structuralism
in the second half of the 20th century resulted in a fundamental re-evaluation of how
we view and comprehend the intricate network of global politics. Post-structuralism
as an intellectual movement challenges traditional presumptions that have long dominated
the field of international relations.
Both post-modernism and post-structuralism in IR share a skepticism toward
grand narratives, a focus on the role of language and discourse, and an emphasis on
the constructed nature of identities and knowledge. However, post-structuralism is
more closely tied to structuralism and the work of Michel Foucault, while post-
modernism has a broader focus on narratives and identities. Both approaches challenge
traditional IR theories and offer alternative perspectives for understanding international
relations.

8.1 OBJECTIVES

After going through this lesson, you will be able to:

 Discuss post-modernism and its impact on political theory
 Describe the ideas of Foucault
 Explain the post-structuralism approach in the context of international relations
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NOTES
8.2 MODERNISM AND POST-MODERNISM: IMPACT
ON POLITICAL THEORY

Modernism refers to a cultural and intellectual movement that emerged in the late 19th
and early 20th centuries. It had a profound impact on various fields, including art,
literature, architecture, music, and design. Modernism was characterized by a break
from traditional forms and conventions, embracing innovation, experimentation, and a
focus on individualism.
Modernism profoundly impacted political theory, reshaping how we think about
governance, individual rights, and social justice. By questioning traditional institutions
and hierarchies, modernism paved the way for the rise of more democratic and inclusive
forms of government. It emphasized the value of individualism, advocating for personal
autonomy and the protection of individual freedoms. The rationalist ideals of modernism
influenced political thought by promoting evidence-based decision-making and scientific
progress in governance. Moreover, modernism brought attention to social inequalities,
prompting the development of political theories that aimed to address issues of class,
gender, and race. It fostered a sense of global interconnectedness, encouraging
international cooperation and the recognition of shared challenges. The acceptance of
multiple perspectives and truths in modernism also influenced political theories that
sought to accommodate diverse viewpoints and promote inclusive decision-making
processes. Overall, modernism challenged the traditional notions of power, authority,
and governance, shaping political theory in ways that continue to resonate in
contemporary debates.
In recent years, an alternative to both of these strands of modern political theory
has appeared in the form of post-modernism. The post-modernists challenge liberalism
for its abstract categories—like the universal rights of all people and emphasize the
rights of specific groups—women, tribals, blacks, and the colonial people. This has
led to the emergence of New Social Movements which challenge specific forms of
social domination based on gender, caste, colour, and race.
Identity politics has become the most crucial element in these movements. It
also marks a shift from macro abstract political, social, and economic issues to culture.
The basic argument of identity politics is that individuals define themselves mainly as Self-Instructional
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NOTES belonging to a given cultural group that perceives themselves as disadvantaged and
oppressed at the hands of groups that are privileged and dominant upper castes, white
races and imperialist countries. The relevant binary categories in identity policies become
‘we’ and ‘they’. It is important to note that in practical terms, this new political theory
of identity politics is tantamount to rejecting the Marxian category of ‘class’ as a major
tool of analysis. It, equally vehemently, negates liberalism’s universal categories like
‘universal rights’, ‘civil liberties,’ and ‘equality’. Instead of the mega ‘class war’ of the
Marxian variety, it emphasizes ‘local struggles.’ Instead of advocating power to the
working class, it advocates the empowerment of the local communities and specific
cultural groups.
Since the mid-1980s, political theorists have moved beyond the relatively
underdeveloped character of previous reflections on the compression or annihilation
of space to offer a rigorous conception of globalization and its impact on political
theory. Contemporary analysts associate globalization with deterritorialization,
according to which a growing variety of social activities takes place irrespective of the
geographical location of participants. The role of the state, its internal supremacy and
its monopoly of making decisions on political, economic and social issues are
jeopardized by the ever-expanding role of the multinationals. The structural adjustment
that states all over the world are being compelled to make under the aegis of the
World Trade Organization (WTO) regime and the World Bank has led to a situation
where no state can claim to be internally supreme today as it was earlier. Right to
Information and Right to Development will acquire the status of fundamental rights.

8.2.1 Post-Modernism: Foucault

Michel Foucault was a French philosopher. He was primarily associated with different
dimensions of knowledge and the development of the human subject. His observation
was that knowledge is extremely entangled in power. Power can be creative and high-
priced. To him, post-modernisation is a process of change. It entails the transformation
of knowledge and power. It involves a change in the society to make it better. New
knowledge is an important part of post-modernization, and so is the new confidence
of the individual. The development of knowledge and power are the core values of
post-modernism. Nature is no longer a mystery. The man has come to know a lot
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post-modern society, man is in possession of a lot of information through the expansion NOTES
of education and mass media. Post-modernization is a global phenomenon.
Foucault was an important thinker. His notable work went beyond the philosophy
of thinking and wanted to include the areas of psychology and psychopathology. It
was directly influenced by Marxist, Freudian, and structuralist traditions. Foucault
tried to develop a ‘history of the present’ which mixed together philosophy with the
presentation of the history of ideas. His principle was to depict the implied knowledge
that underpins particular social traditions and institutions. He was also famous for his
outstanding philosophical work “Madness and Civilization” published in 1961. He
examined the birth of the asylum through a transformation in the social approach towards
insanity. He similarly examined the origin of the hospital and the prison in “The Birth of
Clinic” (1963) and “Discipline and Punishments” (1975). Foucault’s demanding work,
“The Order of Things” (1966), was depicted as an ‘archaeology of the individual
sciences’. It advanced the idea that a sequence of epistemes has developed the accepted
wisdom and practices of consecutive historical periods by starting a broad framework
of assumptions. The more flexible idea of ‘discursive formations’ replaces epistemes
in Foucault’s later writings. In “The History of Sexuality” (1976), Foucault explores
the configuration of the desiring subject from ancient Greek times and inspects shifting
attitudes towards homosexuality.
In the backdrop of post-modern thought, Michel Foucault has also brought
careful attention to the connection between power and systems of thought through the
idea of a dialogue of power. A dialogue is a system of social dealings and practices that
allocate meaning and therefore identities to those who live or work within it. Dialogue
or discourses are a shape of power in that they set up antagonisms and arrangement
relations between people, who are defined as subjects or objects, as ‘insiders’ or
‘outsiders’. These identities are then internalized, meaning that those who are subject
to domination, as in the Marxist view, are ignorant of the fact or extent of that command.
Whereas Marxists connect power as thought control with the effort to uphold class
inequality, post-modern theorists come close to seeing power as ever-present, all
systems of information being observed as a demonstration of power.
Michel Foucault fundamentally developed and refined the idea of power. In the
opinion of Foucault, power is not oppressive in the modern age. Power does not
activate by stopping us from doing what we wish for. Foucault in his Knowledge and Self-Instructional
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NOTES subjectivity rather than going for objective analysis. Power does not originate on its
own. Power is defined by Foucault as a capillary that flows throughout the system and
sub-system like blood in the capillaries of our body chemistry. On the other hand, it
differs in terms of Foucault’s conception of power.
Foucault talked about governmentality. It is in the sense of governance. He
talked about the concept of homogenization and the hierarchy of the society in modern
age through the over-activism of bureaucratic machinery. This subject is fashioned and
it may be observed through different kinds of identification. This may be well
acknowledged as Indians, Muslims, Christians, Zoroastrians, Illiterate/literate, etc.
The instruments of governmentality are not situated at the height of ‘government’ in a
thin sense. On the other hand, the function can be made through a diversity of
communication. Governmentality works through normalization.
In the backdrop of Knowledge and Power, Foucault said that he does not
merely mean that knowledge is being treated as power. Knowledge is shaped and
increased in order to achieve power. ‘Far from stopping knowledge, power builds it’,
he says. Foucault’s study of history is planned to show that the human body could
have been comprised of labour-power only if there were a skill or knowledge of the
body that made it probable to systematize and conquer bodies into helpful and passive
roles. This defeat is not necessary by one class on another-it infuses and typifies all
facets of society.
Foucault said that power is not a fixation or essence, it is not personified in an
institution or a group of people. The only way it can be identified is when it is trained
by some people over others. At the very heart of the power relationship, and constantly
provoking it, are the rebellion of the will and the inflexibility of autonomy. Foucault’s
understanding of power might come into sight to present no way out, in fact, he proposes
quite the reverse—that anywhere there is power, there is the option of fighting.
In Foucault’s definition, there are three kinds of survival next to power:
(i) Feudalistic attitude of power
(ii) Rude form of capitalistic attitude of power
(iii) Identity and individualisation
Foucault said that it would permeate different parts of the world, sooner or
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scope, but also inevitable. It would march on, though not at the same pace as all NOTES
places. No society can close its windows to be saved from the wind of post-modern
ideas. Post-modernization is irresistible; its march cannot be permanently resisted.
In the opinion of Foucault, post-modernization is a global phenomenon in the
sense that at any point in time, it has arrived or will arrive at some part of the globe.
Post-modernization is inevitable: no society can remain closed to outside ideas for all
time to come. Sooner or later, it will open up, and in the process, it will change. Thus,
the forces of post-modernization are irresistible; they will penetrate a state or a society
sooner or later. Post-modernisation also has a regional or a local dimension. Change
in a society occurs taking into account the local conditions and culture. Post-modern
development will be sustainable if it fits into existing conditions or values. If there is no
proper fit between new ideas and the social condition or culture, that idea may not be
allowed to enter society. Even if that idea manages to enter society, it will create
undesirable problems for it. Thus, every change should be society or community-
specific; it should be attuned to the local condition and values.
As a post-modern thinker, Foucault emphasised that post-modernism is a
philosophical and intellectual movement. It was evolved as a reaction to modernism. It
is an intentional departure from the dominant modernist orientation of thinking. It
developed in the continent of Europe. It constitutes a challenge to the type of academic
political theory. Since the 1970s, the post-modernist approach has drawn closer to
the study of the new discipline of political theory. It is treated as a social shift from
modernity to post-modernity. It is linked to cultural and intellectual shifts.
In terms of power and knowledge, Foucault talked about and defined post-
modern thinking from different perspectives. Post–modernization is an all-around
process involving change in all areas of human thought and activity. It is a process of
change taking place in different spheres of life, and this change takes place not only in
ideas but also in activities and knowledge. On the other hand, the change occurring in
the realm of thought is reflected in the actions of man.
In realizing the situations of history, Foucault stated that post-modernization is
the process by which historically evolved institutions adapt to the rapidly changing
conditions that reproduce the unparalleled enhancement in mass knowledge, authorizing
control over his surroundings that supplement the knowledge revolution.
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NOTES For Foucault, post-modern thought depends upon the methodical, continued
and focused application of human energies to the rational control of man’s physical
and social environment for various human purposes. It signifies the rational control of
man’s physical and social environment for various human purposes. In Foucault’s
post-modern thoughts, it is evident that the elements of philosophy are the lucid
management of the man’s environment and the submission of modern knowledge to
help the man and improve his situation. It would thus imply that the essence of
modernisation is misplaced if it is used for inhuman purposes.
According to Foucault, post-modernisation involves a fundamental shift in values,
attitudes and expectations. A post-modern man has a mobile personality, and his loyalties
and identifications are broadened. Post-modernisation includes a huge increase in
man’s alertness about his situation and the dispersal of this alertness through the spread
of literacy, education and mass media. Post-modernisation also gives confidence to
the growth of secondary associations with specific functions as a supplement to family
and other primary groups with diffused roles at the social level.
In putting emphasis on the philosophy of post-modern thought, Foucault lucidly
pointed out that post-modern man is prepared for novel knowledge experiences. He
holds opinions on a wide range of contemporary issues. He is knowledgeable and
intellectually tolerant. Aware of the diversity of attitudes and opinions around him, he
acknowledges those differences without fear. He neither automatically accepts the
opinions of those who are above him nor mechanically discards the estimation of those
who are below him in the power chain of command. He is leaning towards the present
or the future, rather than the past. He considers knowledge planning and organising as
a way of handling life. He believes that man can learn to dominate his environment in
order to serve his purposes and goals rather than being dominated by it. He has the
confidence that the world is calculable and that other people and political institutions
around him can be expected to fulfil their obligations and responsibilities. He is aware
of the dignity of others and is disposed to show respect for others.
Foucault rightly said that modern societies were seen to be planned by economic
means of production and rapid industrialization. On the other hand, post-modern
societies are increasingly disjointed societies. There is a group of information at all
levels. Individuals are distorted from producers to consumers. Individualism put back
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to class, religious and racial loyalties. It is very much associated with post-structuralism. NOTES
The complete development of the society is no longer reliant upon the mechanised
industry. It is more dependent upon information and message. The basic theme of
post-modernism is that there is no such thing as certainty. The philosophy of modernism
does not constitute a unified body of thought. Foucault said that post-modernism
believes in the role of language, power relations, and motivations in the formation of
ideas and beliefs. Post-modernism has also influenced marketing and business. It is a
leading enlightening logic of late capitalism. It is particularly an academic movement in
the sphere of social sciences.

8.2.2 Post-Modernism: Jacques Derrida

Jacques Derrida (1930-2004) was a French philosopher known for his significant
contributions to the field of post-structuralism and deconstruction. Derrida’s work is
characterized by its complex and challenging nature, and it has had a profound influence
on a wide range of disciplines, including philosophy, literary theory, linguistics,
anthropology, and cultural studies. Some of his key ideas and concepts include
deconstruction, logocentrism and textuality.
Derrida is most famous for his development of the concept of deconstruction,
which involves closely examining the underlying assumptions and binary oppositions in
texts and discourse. He argued that these binary oppositions (such as presence/absence,
speech/writing, and nature/culture) are often hierarchically structured and can be
deconstructed to reveal the instability and complexity of meaning. Derrida critiqued
what he called “logocentrism,” the belief that language can provide access to fixed,
objective truths. He argued that language is inherently unstable and that it cannot fully
represent reality without inherent biases and limitations.
Derrida coined the term “différance” to highlight the dual nature of language. On
one hand, it suggests the act of deferring meaning, as language relies on differences
between words to convey meaning. On the other hand, it hints at the idea that meaning
is always deferred and never fully present or stable. Derrida emphasized the idea that
meaning is not confined to individual words or sentences but is a product of the entire
text and its context. He explored the interplay of different elements within texts to
show how meaning is always open to interpretation and re-interpretation.
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NOTES 8.2.3 Criticism of Post-Modernism

Criticism of post-modernism has been academically varied, but much of it has centred
on the awareness that post-modernism attempts to ‘deconstruct modernity and endorse
obscurantism in ways that are analogous to backward-looking movements of earlier
times.’ Critics pointed out that the post-modern philosophy of Foucault has adversely
affected the culture of the society with moral relativism. It only negatively contributes
to abnormal behaviour. Post-modernist era is stuffed with moral relativism or situational
principles.
Alan Sokal and Jean Bricmont have severely commented on the philosophy of
post-modernism of Michel Foucault. They have written a book, Beyond the Hoax
and Fashionable Nonsense, to justify the negative connotations of post-modern thought.
Noam Chomsky is also on the same platform in saying that post-modern thought is
narrowly local and narrowly dated and has no meaning at all in transforming society. It
adds nothing to logical or pragmatic knowledge. Allan Bloom, Richard Dawkins,
Timothy Bewes, Jurgen Habermas and so on also commented on the philosophy of
post-modern thought in saying that it is a mocking response against the revival of old
learning. David Foster Wallace said that Foucault’s thought did not add any practical
ideas to political science.
It is said that the noteworthy input of post-modern thought has come from the
applications of positivism. Post-modernist work is a precious resource for those desiring
to analyse power relations in society. Post-modernism has also brought notice to the
other those who are marginalised, ignored and depressed. The post-modern approach
demonstrates how uneven power relations are shaped and offers a way of undertaking
them. This is especially significant input for feminists, minority groups, and the
marginalised.

Check Your Progress

1. What was the impact of modernism?
2. Name the famous philosophical work of Michel Foucault, published in 1961.

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NOTES
8.3 POST-STRUCTURALISM

Post-structuralism was introduced into international relations (IR) in the 1980s. The
post-structuralist approach in IR is indebted to the work of post-modern philosophers
like Michel Foucault and Jacques Derrida. The central objective of the post-structuralist
approach is to bring into the limelight those themes, issues and policies that are sidelined
and marginalised in the mainstream theories of IR.
Post-structuralism focuses on the constitutive process of the state. It aligns with
realism in considering the state as an important actor in the international system, but at
the same time differs from realism in not taking the existence of the state as given or
natural, but rather a product of human actions. Similarly, post-structuralism contends
that if the international system is anarchic, it is not because anarchy is transhistoric but
because the states and other actors have helped produce and reproduce it.
Post-structuralism takes a post-positivist, constitutive, and anti-foundationalist
position, wherein it debunks the empirical method of the mainstream IR theories. It
contends that it is not possible to understand the social world via cause-effect
relationships as in the physical sciences. It considers that structures like the state or the
international system are not autonomous or independent variables but are constituted
in history through the actions of humankind.
Richard Devetak maps out two themes defining the nature of post-structuralist
theory:
i. Power-knowledge interlinkage and;
ii. textual strategies.
We shall deal with these themes in the following sub-sections.

8.3.1 Power-Knowledge Interlinkage

Post-structuralism does not define power in terms of material capabilities as the realists
do. Rather, they consider power as productive, i.e., power comes about when certain
discourses are set as truth. Post-structuralism claims that truths do not exist outside of

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NOTES power relations but are very much a part of them. This implies theories do not study
the social world from the outside, and neither is completely objective and neutral.
Rather, they are embedded in the social reality that they study and help produce and
reproduce.
Knowledge relies on power relations and the central focus of post-structuralism
is to explore which kind of knowledge justifies what kind of power relations. Foucault
focussed on the productive nature of power, wherein he argued that actors get produced
and reproduced via the production of knowledge. The enunciator of knowledge yields
power over the enunciated. Edward Said, for instance, in his seminal work Orientalism
(1978) borrows Foucault’s idea of power-knowledge interlinkage to expose and
challenge the caricaturing of the Orient by the occident as inferior, irrational, and
superstitious. In portraying the Orient in a certain way, the occident yields power over
the former.
Post-structuralism has taken much interest in Foucault’s notion of ‘biopower.’
Biopower works at two levels, at the level of the individual and at the level of the
collective. At the individual level, it disciplines us and asks us to restrain our bodies.
Thus, all life choices that do not conform with the disciplining are considered deviancy
and must be either forced to conformity or put to shame. At the level of the collective,
it becomes the responsibility of the states and institutions to manage whole populations
by establishing themselves as having the knowledge and legitimacy to govern on
particular issues.

8.3.2 Textual Strategies

Post-structuralist thinkers have significantly contributed to the area of linguistics and

hermeneutics. The linguistic revolution brought about by post-structuralist thought plays
a huge role in undermining the position of positivist theories like realism. Post-
structuralism equates the construction of the social world with text, that cannot simply
be grasped but requires to be interpreted. Some of the major contributions of post-
structural philosophers in the area of linguistics are discussed below:
 Discourse: Largely based on the work of Foucault, discourse gives centrality
to language as an essential medium in making sense of the world around us.
Language is considered based on a shared code of meanings that are neither
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objective nor neutral. According to Foucault, things do not have objective NOTES
meanings, rather possible meanings are attached to those objects and events
from the available set of discourses. There could be a multiplicity of discourses
wherein each discourse ascribes different meanings to the same object or event.
The challenge before us, according to the post-structuralist scholars is to uncover
the power relations behind a discourse, so as to expose its subjective and biased
nature.
 Deconstruction: The French linguist Jacques Derrida propounded the method
of deconstruction. The proponents of this method contend that the words make
sense only in relation to other words. These sign structures are highly unstable
as the connection between words is never given once and for all. Our descriptions
of the objects and events are neither objective nor neutral as such descriptions
are not given by the objects or events themselves. Deconstruction thus aims at
challenging the objectivist claim of all such descriptions. Derrida particularly
was interested in exposing the dichotomous nature of our languages. Languages
are biased towards dichotomies that try to divide the world into hierarchies.
These dichotomies are nothing but a structured set of values and the job of
poststructuralist scholars is to problematise such dichotomies.
 Genealogy: Genealogy is yet another method of inquiry popularised by Foucault.
However, the intellectual roots of genealogy can be traced back to the work of
the German philosopher, Friedrich Nietzsche. Foucault defines genealogy as
‘the history of the present.’ The main purpose of the genealogical method is to
uncover the politics behind the manufacture of a historical narrative. In its process
of manufacture, power is exercised to subdue and marginalise the alternative
discourses. For instance, Foucault contends that the historical tradition of Europe
has been fashioned in a particular manner, so as to determine its clear beginnings
and ends. Even though the history of Europe has ample pieces of evidence of
political turmoil, cultural and intellectual contestations, and marginalised traditions,
it is presented as a coherent and homogenous body. The task of the genealogical
method is to retrieve all those political practices and traditions that have been
sidelined but have led to the formation of contemporary structures.
 Intertextuality: Julia Kristeva is associated with the development of the theory
of ‘Intertextuality.’ It contends that one can comprehend the social world as Self-Instructional
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NOTES comprised of texts. There happens to be an intertextual relationship between

the previously existing texts and the latter ones. The previous texts could be
past declarations and treaties between the nations-states, or even undocumented
norms and practices. When the later texts quote the previous ones, the meaning
of the latter texts changes significantly. Contemporary scholars of IR such as
Cynthia Weber, Michael J. Shapiro, and James Der Derian have taken immense
interest in the other forms of text, like novels, films, photography, poetry, etc.,
that are otherwise not considered credible sources of knowledge in IR. The
introduction of popular culture also called the aesthetic turn in IR, provides us
with unique and critical ways to look at world politics.

8.4 POST-STRUCTURALISM ON STATE

SOVEREIGNTY

Post-structuralists concord with realists in considering the state as central to IR, but
unlike the realists, they rather engage in understanding the constitutive factors of the
state. The concept of state sovereignty divides the world into the peaceful domestic
and the lawless international. R.B.J Walker employs the method of deconstruction to
show how this binary is theoretically insufficient in explaining the more complex
relationship between the domestic and the international.
The domestic is often considered a space of reason, harmony, and justice.
According to realism, such conditions cannot be extended to the international context.
Post-structuralism brings forward a significant number of instances in which the domestic
space is anything but harmonious and just. It also exposes how states try to silence the
numerous facts and events that could undermine such a clear dichotomy as presented
in mainstream IR theories. At the same time, post-structuralist scholars are sceptical of
the possibility of humankind to transcend state sovereignty or replace it with an
international community.
Universalist discourses like freedom and democracy, as mostly represented by
Western governments, can be used arbitrarily in determining what is universally good,
and can be imposed on the weaker nation-states. As a result, post-structuralist scholars
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8.4.1 Post-Structuralism on Foreign Policy and Identity NOTES

Post-structuralists consider states’ foreign policy as constituting the self’s identity. In

defining the threats and identifying the enemies, foreign policy creates the identity of
the self. This identity of self has no existence independently of the foreign policy that
produces and reproduces it. Therefore, it is not the identity of the self that produces
the foreign policy but the opposite. To put it simply, identity is the product of, and
justification for foreign policy.

8.4.2 The Myth Function in IR

Cynthia Weber contends that IR theories are a collection of narratives about the
international system that rely upon IR myths to appear true. IR theories depend on IR
myths, which are culturally produced narratives about the world, to make it sound
commonsensical. She argues that the myth function in IR theories seeks to transform
the cultural particularity of the dominant tradition into universal and natural accounts of
the world order. In doing so, it tries to manufacture a fact out of an interpretation.

Check Your Progress

3. What is the central objective of the post-structuralist approach?
4. Who is associated with the development of the theory of ‘Intertextuality’?

8.5 SUMMARY

In this lesson, you have learnt about Post-Modernism and Post-Structuralism.

Modernism refers to a cultural and intellectual movement that emerged in the late 19th
and early 20th centuries. It was characterized by a break from traditional forms and
conventions, embracing innovation, experimentation, and a focus on individualism. It
profoundly impacted political theory, reshaping how we think about governance,
individual rights, and social justice. The rationalist ideals of modernism influenced political
thought by promoting evidence-based decision-making and scientific progress in
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NOTES governance. It fostered a sense of global interconnectedness, encouraging international

cooperation and the recognition of shared challenges.
The post-modernists challenge liberalism for its abstract categories—like the
universal rights of all people and emphasise the rights of specific groups—women,
tribals, blacks, and the colonial people. Identity politics has become the most crucial
element in these movements. It also marks a shift from macro abstract political, social,
and economic issues to culture. Since the mid-1980s, political theorists have moved
beyond the relatively underdeveloped character of previous reflections on the
compression or annihilation of space to offer a rigorous conception of globalisation
and its impact on political theory.
Michel Foucault was a French philosopher. He was primarily associated with
different dimensions of knowledge and the development of the human subject. He was
an important thinker. His notable work went beyond the philosophy of thinking and
wanted to include the areas of psychology and psychopathology. He tried to develop
a ‘history of the present’ which mixed together philosophy with the presentation of the
history of ideas. He was also famous for his outstanding philosophical work “Madness
and Civilization” published in 1961. He examined the birth of the asylum through a
transformation in the social approach towards insanity.
Michel Foucault fundamentally developed and refined the idea of power. Foucault
in his “Knowledge and Power”, observes power as developmental which can produce
uniqueness and subjectivity rather than going for objective analysis. Foucault talked
about governmentality. It is in the sense of governance. He talked about the concept of
homogenization and the hierarchy of the society in modern age through the over-
activism of bureaucratic machinery. In the backdrop of Knowledge and Power,
Foucault said that he does not merely mean that knowledge is being treated as power.
Foucault said that power is not a fixation or essence, it is not personified in an institution
or a group of people. The only way it can be identified is when it is trained by some
people over others. In the opinion of Foucault, post-modernization is a global
phenomenon in the sense that at any point in time, it has arrived or will arrive at some
part of the globe.
Jacques Derrida (1930-2004) was a French philosopher known for his significant
contributions to the field of post-structuralism and deconstruction. Derrida is most
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examining the underlying assumptions and binary oppositions in texts and discourse. NOTES
He coined the term “différance” to highlight the dual nature of language. On one hand,
it suggests the act of deferring meaning, as language relies on differences between
words to convey meaning.
Post-structuralism was introduced into international relations (IR) in the 1980s.
The post-structuralist approach in IR is indebted to the work of post-modern
philosophers like Michel Foucault and Jacques Derrida. It takes a post-positivist,
constitutive, and anti-foundationalist position, wherein it debunks the empirical method
of the mainstream IR theories. Knowledge relies on power relations and the central
focus of post-structuralism is to explore which kind of knowledge justifies what kind
of power relations. The enunciator of knowledge yields power over the enunciated.
Edward Said, for instance, in his seminal work ‘Orientalism’ (1978) borrows Foucault’s
idea of power-knowledge interlinkage to expose and challenge the caricaturing of the
Orient by the occident as inferior, irrational, and superstitious.
Post-structuralist thinkers have significantly contributed to the area of linguistics
and hermeneutics. They concord with realists in considering the state as central to IR,
but unlike the realists, they rather engage in understanding the constitutive factors of
the state. They consider states’ foreign policy as constituting the self’s identity.

8.6 KEY WORDS

 Governmentality: It is Foucault’s idea of governance involving the normalisation

of identities and social practices through various means.
 Late Capitalism: It is a concept linked to post-modernism, referring to the
advanced stage of capitalism marked by information and consumerism as key
drivers of economic systems.
 Academic Movement: It refers to the spread of post-modernism and related
ideas in the academic sphere, particularly within social sciences and humanities.
 Constitutive Process: It is the process of defining and shaping the state and
international system through human actions instead of assuming their existence
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NOTES  Deconstruction: It is a method by Jacques Derrida that challenges the objectivity

and neutrality of language, highlighting its instability and the biases in dichotomous
thinking.
 Genealogy: It is a method popularised by Foucault, focusing on the history of
the present and uncovering the politics behind the construction of historical
narratives.

8.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

QUESTIONS

1. Modernism profoundly impacted political theory, reshaping how we think about

governance, individual rights, and social justice.
2. Madness and Civilization, published in 1961, was the famous philosophical
work of Michel Foucault.
3. The central objective of the post-structuralist approach is to bring into the limelight
those themes, issues and policies that are sidelined and marginalised in the
mainstream theories of IR.
4. Julia Kristeva is associated with the development of the theory of ‘Intertextuality’.

8.8 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS AND

EXERCISES

1. What does Modernism refer to? What are the rationalist ideals of modernism?
2. Give a brief account of identity politics.
3. State the three kinds of survival next to power, according to Foucault.
4. Who coined the term “différance” and what does it mean?
5. Mention the two themes defining the nature of post-structuralist theory. Who
mapped out these themes?
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6. Discuss Michel Foucault’s perspective on power and knowledge. Also, highlight NOTES
its contribution to the development of post-modern thought, and what implications
did he draw regarding the relationship between power and discourse?
7. Identify the key concepts associated with Jacques Derrida’s philosophy (notion
of deconstruction and critique of logocentrism). How have these ideas influenced
various academic disciplines and intellectual discourse?
8. Describe the challenges of post-structuralism in the traditional understanding of
power in international relations, in terms of the power-knowledge interlinkage.
Also, provide examples from the text to illustrate this perspective.
9. Explain the key textual strategies employed by post-structuralist thinkers, such
as discourse, deconstruction, genealogy, and intertextuality. How do these
strategies contribute to a re-evaluation of established international relations
theories and the construction of knowledge in the field?
10. Analyse the ways by which post-structuralists critique the concept of state
sovereignty in international relations. How does the post-structuralist perspective
on state sovereignty differ from that of realists?

8.9 FURTHER READINGS

Brown, Chris and Kirsten Ainley. 2005. Understanding International Relations.

New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Jackson, Robert and Georg Sorenson. 2013. Introduction to International Relations:
Theories and Approaches. United Kingdom: Oxford University Press.
Goldstein, S. Joshua and Jon C. Pevehouse. 2014. International Relations. London:
Pearson.
Malhotra, Vinay Kumar and Alexander A. Sergounin. 1998. Theories and Approaches
to International Relations. New Delhi: Anmol Publication.

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LESSON 9 NOTES

NEO-MARXISM
Shahnawaz Afaque
Research Scholar,
Department of Political Science,
University of Delhi
Structure
9.0 Introduction
9.1 Objectives
9.2 Core Features of Marxist Theory of International Relations
9.3 Schools of Neo-Marxism
9.4 Summary
9.5 Key Words
9.6 Answers to Check Your Progress Questions
9.7 Self-Assessment Questions and Exercises
9.8 Further Readings

9.0 INTRODUCTION

In this lesson, you will learn about Neo-Marxism. The fall of Soviet Union in 1989
marked the end of history according to Francis Fukuyama. The ‘end of history’ thesis
entailed that the progression of history as a struggle between ideologies had ended
with the defeat of communist Russia at the hands of western capitalist nations. Political
commentators across the western landscape hailed the ‘end of history’ thesis so much
so that it became common sensical to think that any resistance to the free market was
not just futile but also an attack on the natural order of things. The naturalisation of the
free market, in the minds of the people, along with the forces that keep it running is the
core area of exploration and critique in the neo-Marxist tradition of International
Relations.
Neo-Marxism aims at exposing the underlying contradictions of the global
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NOTES in the interest of a minute section of people, i.e., the bourgeoisie. These underlying
contradictions manifests from time to time in the form of economic and political turmoil
across the globe. The US invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan, the 2008 global recession,
the systematic underdevelopment of the post-colonial nations, wars in West Asia, and
rise of the global Right, are but some of the manifestations of the crisis underlying the
global capitalist regime. Climate change and the near possibility of human extinction if
the climate change factors are not controlled, makes us reconsider if an unbridled
capitalism is a natural socio-economic order or not.
With the failure of classical Marxism in explaining the new socio-political and
economic changes, neo-Marxism aims to rectify the theoretical fault lines of classical
Marxism, making it less deterministic and predictive, and more explanatory.

9.1 OBJECTIVES

After going through the lesson, you will be able to:

 Discuss the core features of Marxist theory of IR
 Evaluate the features of Gramscian School, Dependency School and Frankfurt
School of Neo-Marxism.

9.2 CORE FEATURES OF MARXIST THEORY OF

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Marxism came as an antidote to the prevalence of Darwinism in the social sciences.

The English philosopher Herbert Spencer introduced the Darwinian concept ‘survival
of the fittest’ into the social sciences. This social Darwinism entailed that competition
came natural to human societies, and victory of the fittest was seen as just and necessary
condition of socio-economic advancement. This theory was used to legitimise the
claim of the capitalist mode of production as a natural socio-economic order.
Competition was based on the logic of the human society divided into rational and
Self-Instructional self-interested individuals, who wants to maximise their profit and avoid loss.
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This conception of the ‘rational man’ was extrapolated and applied to the NOTES
conception of nation-states in the mainstream IR theories like realism and liberalism.
States became the primary actors in a competitive and anarchic international system
that functions on the logic of survival. National security and national interest thus became
the primary concerns of the state actors. Thus, Marxism in IR emerged as a critic of
such mainstream theorising. Discussed below are the core features in the Marxist
theory of IR:

Class Analysis

Marxism viewed the mainstream theories in IR as highly superficial and full of

contradictions. It aimed at exposing the hidden structure of the world order that is
based on a global capitalist system. This system, as Marxism claims, was designed to
benefit the few at the cost of the multitude. Marxist thinkers argue that the international
system is structures on the lines of class divide. Such a class divide is a common theme
of analysis in the works of all Marxist and neo-Marxist thinkers.
For Marx and Engels, class anaysis is the bourgeoisie-proletariat class conflict;
for dependency theorists like Frank and Wallerstein, it is the core-periphery class
divide; and for Neo-Marxists like Hardt and Negri, it is the Empire-multitude class
contestation. Thus, class analysis remains the focal point of the Marxist and neo-
Marxist theories in IR. As against the realist/idealist perspective, the class divide makes
the nature of the international system conflictual and not anarchic.

Historical Method

Classical Marxism relies on a materialist conception of history. Marx argued that

historical changes are determined by the changes in the material condition of humankind.
The material condition is determined by a timeless conflict between the means of
production and the relations of production. The conflict between the two constitutes
the economic base. The political and the cultural manifestation of the economic base
constitute the superstructure.
Classical Marxism gives primacy to the role of the base in determining the nature
of the superstructure. Therefore, we see in classical Marxism a strict economic
determinacy. The point of departure in neo-Marxism is the enhanced role of the
superstructure in shaping and reshaping the relations of production, thus leading to the Self-Instructional
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NOTES restructuring of the economic base. Neo-Marxists like Gramsci and Cox, without
denying the importance of the base, contend that the superstructure is equally important.
To them, the base and the superstructure are mutually constituting and interdependent,
and one of the biggest flaws in the classical Marxist theoretical structure was a complete
neglect of the role of superstructure in shaping the domestic and the international system.
Horkheimer, in his seminal essay ‘Traditional and Critical Theory’ categorised
theories on the basis of their ontology. For Horkheimer, traditional theories are forged
to legitimise the unjust and oppressive conditions of the status quo, while the purpose
of critical theories is to denounce this attempt to legitimacy, and expose the status
quoist nature of the traditional theories. On a similar line as Horkheimer, Robert Cox
presented his distinction between the problem-solving theories and critical theories.
For Cox, the primary purpose of problem-solving theories is to reinforce the status
quo by presenting its premises as given facts and natural. Such theories suggest that
change is inevitable and undesired, thus persisting the unjust conditions of the
contemporary system. Critical theory argues that change is not just possible but also
necessary for realising an emancipatory world system. Marxism and neo-Marxism
theories in IR can be classified as a strand of critical theory, while realism and liberalism
as types of problem-solving theory.

Dialectical Theory

Marxist dialectic is a form of Hegelian dialectic which applies to the study of historical
materialism. It purports to be a reflection of the real world created by man. Marxist
dialectic is thus a method by which one can examine social and economic behaviours.
In his book “Das Capital”, he emphasizes the importance of real-world conditions
and the presence of functional contradictions within and among social relations, which
derive from but are not limited to the contradictions that occur in social class, labour,
economics and socioeconomic interactions.

Marx and Critique of Capitalism

Marx was one of the most incisive critics of a peculiarly modern form of social life –
capitalism. For Marx, capitalism represented a form of social life in which
commodification had proceeded to such a degree that human labour itself was bought
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One of Marx’s critical insights was that this situation presupposed the NOTES
development of historically specific class-based relations and powers.
Marx’s critique of capitalism hinged upon the claim, intelligible within the context
of dialectical theory of social self production, that capitalism simultaneously involves
historically unique form of human freedom and unfreedom, empowerment and
disempowerment. Marx believed that capitalism is exploitative.

Check Your Progress

1. Name the theory which legitimized the capitalist mode of production.
2. What, according to Marx, determines the material condition of mankind?
3. What, according to Neo-Marxists, was one of the biggest flaws in the classical
Marxist theoretical structure?

9.3 SCHOOLS OF NEO-MARXISM

Neo-Marxism is a term used to describe various strains of Marxist theory and political
thought that have developed and evolved beyond the original ideas put forth by Karl
Marx and Friedrich Engels. The three prominent schools of Neo-Marxism are
Gramscian School, Dependency School and Frankfurt School.

Gramscian School

The Gramscian school refers to the intellectual tradition and body of thought associated
with the Italian Marxist theorist Antonio Gramsci. Gramsci is well known for his seminal
work ‘Prison Notebook.’ Gramsci was occupied with the question that why didn’t
revolutions occur in the most advanced of western European nations. Marx had
predicted that proletariat revolution was highly likely to occur in the most industrialised
nation of his time, namely Great Britain. But contrary to his prophecy, revolution
occurred in a relatively non-advanced Russia, which at the time was a feudal society.
According to Marx, a fully developed industrial society was a precondition for
revolution. Gramsci thus, came to the conclusion that there was a fundamental fault
line in its theoretical framework of the base-superstructure model. He realised classical Self-Instructional
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NOTES Marxism had given too much emphasis on the importance of the base factor, while the
area of superstructure remained relatively unexplored.
Gramsci contented that the reason that prevented revolution in Western Europe
despite the presence of all catalyst factors was ‘hegemony.’ To understand hegemony,
we need to understand the two components of the superstructure as noted by Gramsci,
namely, the political system and the civil society. The former runs on the logic of fear or
coercion which is embodied in the institutions of the bureaucracy, the police and the
army. On the other hand, the civil society functions via the legitimisation of norms and
principles. The legitimisation or consent is established via the agency of the family,
educational institutions and the religious community.
Hegemony thus, can be defined as the political and cultural values of the dominant
class that is instilled in the civil society via coercion or consent. However, it is only
when consent fails to discipline an individual member or a group, that the state employs
the institutions of coercion. Hegemony consequentially makes the ideology of the
bourgeoisie appear common sensical in the minds of the common masses. In the end,
Gramsci suggested the need for a counter-hegemonic struggle.
Robert Cox employed the Gramscian notion of hegemony to critique the dominant
theories of IR. Cox was a critique of the positivist methodology in social sciences and
the division of social sciences into sub-disciplines. Cox contended that all theories are
value laden and that there is no scope for objective knowledge in social sciences. His
popular statement, “theory is always for someone and for some purpose,” describes
the ideological nature of theories.
The grander theories in IR, that are essentially status quoist, tend to serve the
interests of the global elites. Such theories, he classifies as problem solving theories.
Theories like realism, that claim the static or unchangeable nature of the international
system, basically tend to reinforce the hegemony of the contemporary ruling elites.
Critical theories like neo-Marxism, as based on the logic of emancipation, aim at
exposing the status quoist nature of these dominant IR theories. Cox, like Gramsci
believed in the possibility of change via building up counter hegemonic visions.

Dependency School

Lenin brought up the idea of imperialism, in his popular essay ‘Imperialism, the Highest
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the depleting rate of return on investment had compelled European capitalists to search NOTES
for new markets, cheaper labour and raw materials elsewhere. This had resulted in the
search for colonies which was marked by imperial wars between the colonisers to
acquire new colonies outside Europe. This had resulted in the world getting divided
into core and peripheries, the latter being dependent on the former in an exploitative
relationship. Lenin concluded that imperialism would ultimately end with a proletariat
revolution.
Lenin’s view on imperialism was borrowed by the Dependency school of Latin
America. The Dependency School, also known as the Dependency Theory, is a critical
theory and framework of analysis that emerged in Latin America in the 1960s and
1970s.
Raul Prebisch developed the idea of ‘declining terms of trade’ to explain how
the unfair terms of trade had created a dependency of the underdeveloped nations on
the developed nations. Andre Gunder Frank showed how the liberal notion of
cooperation between unequal states had pushed the peripheral nations into dependence
on the core.
Immanuel Wallerstein’s ‘World’s System Theory’ was an adaptation and slight
modification of the dependency model. He introduced the intermediate category of
‘semi-periphery’ as a buffer zone between the core and the periphery. The semi-
periphery functions to stabilise the tension between the core and the periphery by
providing cheap labour to the core and by being the home to those industries that have
crashed in the core.

Frankfurt School

The Frankfurt School, also known as the Institute for Social Research (Institut für
Sozialforschung), was a group of intellectuals and scholars associated with the University
of Frankfurt in Germany. The Frankfurt School was founded in the early 1920s and
became influential in the fields of critical theory, social philosophy, and cultural critique.
Frankfurt school of critical theory developed in the context of the crisis facing classical
Marxism in explaining the more complicated phenomena of the early twentieth century,
like the failure of revolutions and the rise of fascism. This school was more interested
in exploring areas related to culture, ethics, totalitarianism, security, etc. It can be
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NOTES Habermas, a second generation critical theorist, is a big name in the tradition of
critical theory who introduced the idea of communicative action as the means to attain
his cosmopolitan version of radical democracy. This democratic vision is not confined
within the borders of the state and is open to international participation. Linklater
applied this idea of Habermas in IR. He found the entity of the nation-state both
inclusionary and exclusionary. It is inclusionary in the sense that it grants equal citizenship
to all its individual members. It is exclusionary as it denies equal worth to the non-
citizens.
Thus, Linklater calls for the individuals to possess two sets of moral duty, one
as a citizen of a country and one as an international citizen. He also emphasises for the
need to develop multiple platforms for the purpose of public debates and dialogues.

Post-modern Version of Neo-Marxism

Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt’s ‘Empire’ was an attempt to revive the Left after
the fall of Soviet Russia. It made an attempt to bring neo-Marxism as a relevant discourse
in the age of postmodernism. In Empire, Hardt and Negri have incorporated the ideas
of several postmodern philosophers into the neo-Marxian discourse. For instance,
they have used Foucault’s notion of ‘biopower’ and Deleuze and Guattari’s idea of
Nomadism to explain the nature of Empire.
The Empire is a new form of sovereignty that marks the end of history. It is a
foundationless, decentred and deterritorialised form of rule which does not have any
real centre, but only a virtual centre. The Empire is marked by the exploitation of the
‘multitude,’ which is Hardt and Negri’s version of a globalised and postmodern
proletariat. The identity of the multitude is fluid, foundationless and globalised. This is
one of the reasons why the multitude is unable to unify as a single body of resistance
against the Empire.
Hardt and Negri see communism as desirable but not an inevitable outcome of
the conflict between the Empire and the Multitude. However, the multitude as the
creators of the postmodern world of Empire is capable to transform the Empire into
some form of an emancipatory order.

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NOTES
Check Your Progress
4. Name the three prominent schools of Neo-Marxism.
5. Who developed the idea of ‘declining terms of trade’?
6. How, according to Linklater, is the entity of the nation-state both inclusionary
and exclusionary?

9.4 SUMMARY

In this lesson, you have learnt about Neo-Marxism, which is just one of the many
alternative critical perspectives to engage with the problems in mainstream IR theories.
However, neo-Marxism like any other theory comes with its own share of flaws,
which draws critique from various other standpoints. The feminist critics find the school
of Marxism and neo-Marxism silent on the particular question of women’s exploitation.
Critical theorists are skeptical of the revolutionary potential of the proletariat class,
while decolonial thinkers find the Marxist/neo-Marxist perspective as entailing a
Eurocentric vision.
Marxism viewed the mainstream theories in IR as highly superficial and full of
contradictions. It aimed at exposing the hidden structure of the world order that is
based on a global capitalist system. Neo-Marxism is a term used to describe various
strains of Marxist theory and political thought that have developed and evolved beyond
the original ideas put forth by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. The three prominent
schools of Neo-Marxism are Gramscian School, Dependency School and Frankfurt
School.
The Gramscian School refers to the intellectual tradition and body of thought
associated with the Italian Marxist theorist Antonio Gramsci. Gramsci was occupied
with the question that why didn't revolutions occur in the most advanced of western
European nations. Lenin's view on imperialism was borrowed by the Dependency
school of Latin America. The Dependency School, also known as the Dependency
Theory, is a critical theory and framework of analysis that emerged in Latin America in
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NOTES the 1960s and 1970s. Raul Prebisch developed the idea of 'declining terms of trade'
to explain how the unfair terms of trade had created a dependency of the
underdeveloped nations on the developed nations.
The Frankfurt School was founded in the early 1920s and became influential in
the fields of critical theory, social philosophy, and cultural critique. Frankfurt school of
critical theory developed in the context of the crisis facing classical Marxism in explaining
the more complicated phenomena of the early twentieth century, like the failure of
revolutions and the rise of fascism.

9.5 KEY WORDS

 Neo-Marxism: It is a term used to describe various strains of Marxist theory

and political thought that have developed and evolved beyond the original ideas
put forth by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels.
 The Gramscian school: It refers to the intellectual tradition and body of thought
associated with the Italian Marxist theorist Antonio Gramsci.
 The Frankfurt School: Also known as the Institute for Social Research, it
was a group of intellectuals and scholars associated with the University of
Frankfurt in Germany.
 The Dependency School: Also known as the Dependency Theory, it is a
critical theory and framework of analysis that emerged in Latin America in the
1960s and 1970s.

9.6 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

QUESTIONS

1. The theory of social Darwinism entailed that competition came natural to human
societies, and victory of the fittest was seen as just and necessary condition of
socio-economic advancement. This theory was used to legitimise the claim of
Self-Instructional the capitalist mode of production as a natural socio-economic order.
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2. The material condition of mankind is determined by a timeless conflict between NOTES

the means of production and the relations of production. The conflict between
the two constitutes the economic base.
3. According to Neo-Marxists, one of the biggest flaws in the classical Marxist
theoretical structure was a complete neglect of the role of superstructure in
shaping the domestic and the international system.
4. The three prominent schools of Neo-Marxism are Gramscian School,
Dependency School and Frankfurt School.
5. Raul Prebisch developed the idea of ‘declining terms of trade’ to explain how
the unfair terms of trade had created a dependency of the underdeveloped
nations on the developed nations.
6. Linklater found the entity of the nation-state both inclusionary and exclusionary.
It is inclusionary in the sense that it grants equal citizenship to all its individual
members. It is exclusionary as it denies equal worth to the non-citizens.

9.7 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS AND

EXERCISES

1. How would you differentiate classical Marxism from Neo-Marxism?

2. What is the Post- Modern Version of Neo-Marxism?
3. Write a short note on Frankfort School of Neo-Marxism.
4. Discuss the core features of Neo-Marxism.
5. Evaluate the features of prominent schools of Neo-Marxism.

9.8 FURTHER READINGS

Brown, Chris and Kirsten Ainley. 2005. Understanding International Relations.

New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
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NOTES Jackson, Robert and Georg Sorenson. 2013. Introduction to International Relations:
Theories and Approaches. United Kingdom: Oxford University Press.
Goldstein, S. Joshua and Jon C. Pevehouse. 2014. International Relations. London:
Pearson.
Malhotra, Vinay Kumar and Alexander A. Sergounin. 1998. Theories and Approaches
to International Relations. New Delhi: Anmol Publication.

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Feminism

LESSON 10 NOTES

FEMINISM
Shahnawaz Afaque
Research Scholar,
Department of Political Science,
University of Delhi
Structure
10.0 Introduction
10.1 Objectives
10.2 Feminism: An Introduction
10.2.1 Feminism in IR
10.2.2 Challenges of Gender in IR
10.3 Summary
10.4 Key Words
10.5 Answers to Check Your Progress Questions
10.6 Self-Assessment Questions and Exercises
10.7 Further Readings

10.0 INTRODUCTION

This lesson will introduce you to the feminism theory of International Relations. Feminism,
a multifaceted and dynamic social and political movement, has been a driving force for
gender equality and women’s rights for over a century. Rooted in the belief that all
individuals should have equal opportunities, regardless of their gender, feminism has
challenged and reshaped societal norms, laws, and attitudes that perpetuate gender-
based discrimination and oppression. This powerful movement has not only illuminated
the pervasive inequalities women face but also inspired countless individuals worldwide
to advocate for justice, equity, and the dismantling of patriarchal systems. In this
exploration of feminism, we will delve into its history, principles, and ongoing struggles,
highlighting the profound impact it continues to have on our evolving understanding of
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NOTES
10.1 OBJECTIVES

After going through this lesson, you will be able to:

 Discuss the concept of feminism in IR
 Analyse the challenges of gender in IR

10.2 FEMINISM: AN INTRODUCTION

Feminism, the advocacy of equality and just treatment amongst the genders, is a vast
area that covers not just a particular philosophical commitment but also an expansive
political and social movement. Ann Tickner points out how the decisive entry of feminist
thought and action in the discipline of IR can be seen in the period after the end of the
Cold War, along with the rise of the global new social movements. The feminist theory
in and for IR can be understood to be two-pronged, firstly corresponding to the
critique of the dominant ‘malestream’ scholarship of IR and secondly, a reconstruction
and reinvention of the field itself.
The questions that deal with this area then include, ‘Where does the study of
people call ‘women’ and ‘men’ or the social construction of masculine and feminine
genders fit within international relations? How is the international system and the
international relations field gendered? To what extent do feminist perspectives help us
to explain, understand, and improve international relations?’ (Jacqui True, 1996).
Understanding the feminist theory of IR then involves answering these questions.

Typology of Feminist Theories

There are a wide variety of feminist theoretical perspectives; while they may disagree
about the reasons, all of them are trying to address women’s subordination. We note
that there is significant overlap between these perspectives but this typology is better
to understand the different perspectives of International Relations. Some of the types
are given below.
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Liberal Feminism NOTES

Liberal Feminism believes that men and female are not judged by sex, but as ‘individual’
as person. They believe that sex is the biological difference but gender is socially
constructed by male society. As French philosopher and feminist Simone de Beauvoir
(1908-86) put it, ‘Women are made they are not born.”

Radical Feminism

Radical Feminism presents female subordination as pervasive and systematic, stemming

from the institution of patriarchy. Radical feminist believes in complete division of man
and woman. They took up the cause and advocated for a variety of women’s issues
including abortion rights, equal rights, amendments, access to credit and equal pay,
etc. It holds gender division to be the most politically significant of social cleavages
and believes that these are rooted in the structure of family or domestic life.

Postmodern Feminism

Postmodern feminist focuses on more gender equality both in private and personal life.
They want to abolish patriarchal institutions. Postmodern feminists analyse these nations
and attempt to promote equality of gender through critiquing, logocentrism, supporting
multiple discourses, deconstructing texts and seeking to promote subjectivity.

Waves of Feminism

1. First Wave Feminism

First Wave Feminism emerged primarily in the nineteenth century in countries like the
United States and western European countries. It was shaped by the campaign for
female suffrage, the right to vote. The core belief of First Wave Feminism was that
women should enjoy the legal and political rights as men.

2. Second Wave Feminism

Second Wave Feminism emerged in the 1960s and 1970s all over the world. It believes
that the achievement of political and legal rights had not solved the woman problem. Self-Instructional
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NOTES The goal of second wave of feminism was not merely political emancipation but women
liberation in all the fields. While first wave feminism had been primarily concerned with
reform in the public sphere of education, politics, and work, second wave feminism
sought to restructure the ‘private sphere’ of family and domestic life reflecting the
belief that ‘personal is the political’.

3. Third Wave Feminism

The Third Wave Feminism began in the early 1990s. It was a period of political activism
that sought to expand civil rights and social equality for women. It succeeded first and
second wave feminism. Third wave feminists sought to question, reclaim and redefine
the ideas, words and media that transmitted ideas about womenhood, gender, beauty,
sexuality, femininity and masculinity.

Development of Feminist Thought in IR

Spike Peterson describes how the internally diverse and complex field of gender in IR
is held together by the idea of a gendered global hierarchy, its meanings, features and
relevance. The major features of the mainstream field of IR have to be understood in
order to bring out the basic understanding of a gendered global hierarchy and its
relevance. Peterson goes on to describe this as follows:
 The discipline is dominated by Anglocentric and Eurocentric men and their
masculine constructions (sovereignty, national security, Realpolitik, military
might, etc.).
 A division of international and domestic, which also exclusively focuses on
public sphere activities (power politics, foreign policy, militarism, and war,
which are again male-dominated and defined), is included.
 In the scholarship of the globalisation of world politics, the active role is
played by the global financial market as well as MNCs and TNCs that
include male-dominated activities.
 The overall representation and assumption in IR, as the space, is owned and
operated by competitive and power-seeking nation-states in a hierarchical
socially ordered world (Peterson, 2000).
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Therefore, it can be seen that the discipline has made women invisible, along NOTES
with the activities associated with them, and ideas, constructs, identities, practices and
institutions associated with femininity. Such a practice becomes problematic not just
because it is an erroneous picture and understanding of masculinity, but also because
it would effectively legitimise masculine attitudes and acts while making anything feminine
look inferior and something that has to be controlled.
The development of feminist theory in IR can be situated against this backdrop.
Peterson describes the historical context that helped in the emergence of feminist IR. It
includes, first and foremost, the emergence of feminist activism which shed light and
politicised gender oppression, and secondly, global activities associated with the UN’s
Decade for Women (1975-1985). Here not just the platform to represent concerns
was provided but also data-gathering techniques on the realities of women around the
globe were facilitated. Finally, it includes where the linkages between knowledge
production and power, and its subjective nature have influenced feminist thought as
well. Gender is not exclusively associated with identity, i.e., who we are and how we
act, and instead goes beyond knowledge perception and production, i.e., how we
think, what we think and why. However, it becomes significant to note how these
processes helped in the development of a feminist theory in IR, but this development
was still struggling and resisting mainstream IR. As mentioned above, it was not just
the absence and making gender invisible in studies of IR, but the gendered nature of
the discipline that itself is capable of reproducing the conditions of its survival and
dominance.

10.2.1 Feminism in IR

Let us study the various aspects of feminism in IR in detail.

I. Gender as a variable/empirical feminism

This starts with asking the question, ‘Where are the women?’, bringing out the long-
standing absence of women; both as doers of IR and as concerns addressed. Here,
criticism comes in the form of exclusion and visibility. Conventional IR theories were
focused on conflict, anarchy and state politics, which became the area of high international
politics, and the domestic low politics became feminized and unaddressed. Gender as
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NOTES variable or empirical feminism discusses the extent and effects of such androcentrism,
and the next step in the scholarship was then to ‘make women visible’ or ‘add women’.
Examples of such variables in the field of IR where feminists made women visible are
given as follows:
 International political economy: This subfield also turns out to be highly
gendered, where the division of public and private makes women’s labour invisible
both domestically as well as internationally. Birgit Brock-Utne says, “Men’s
work gets organised into paid labour while women’s work is kept invisible and
unpaid.” Another feature here is the role of women in development, especially
in developing countries, and the withdrawal of state support and increasing
privatisation and informalisation of work, revealing a feminisation of poverty.
 Gendered constitution of international organisations: In basic words,
international organisations look like a world made by men and for men.
Therefore, the agendas, goals and priorities as well as decision-making fall into
the hands of men, reinforcing patriarchal values and practices.
 Foreign policy-making: IR as the area of states and men prevents us from
seeing the other non-state actors and the role of women here. Women are
providers of different military support services (domestic, psychological, medical
and sexual) and beyond that, there is a gap in the foreign policy beliefs of men
and women, where men resort to war and violence, women have a tendency to
manage conflicts without the use of violence. Moreover, making the impact of
war visible on women in the form of rape and violence has been a significant
contribution to feminist theory in IR.
 Gender in the making of political identity: Gender plays a huge role in the
making of identities which is applied to ideas of nationalism and citizenship.
Ideas of nationalism and citizenship occupied the public space, which was
masculine in character. Feminists pointed out this bias and threw light on how
women were seen as the biological and social reproducers who have to be
protected from external threats.
 Women as transnational actors in social movements, organisation for
peace, environmental justice and women’s liberation: Feminist political
movements have had a long history addressing concerns ranging from securing
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II. Gender as constitutive/analytical feminism NOTES

While trying to add women into the discourse of IR, it was seen that the conceptual
frameworks, i.e., the variables themselves were gendered and masculine in nature.
For example, while trying to make women more visible in relation to state and state
activities, the whole idea of the state and its functions were found to be masculine and
patriarchal. The results of patriarchy and the way it has historically institutionalised and
structured society have made all aspects of household, social, and international life
masculine. Therefore, the challenge was to deconstruct and reconstruct these categories
of analysis. Spike Peterson argues, “Gender as an analytic category enabled feminists
to criticize not only the exclusion and/or denigration of females (as a sex category), but
also the masculinist constructs that underpin philosophy (reason, abstraction), political
theory (atomistic individualism, sovereignty), economic models (waged labour, rational
choice), and science (objectivity, dichotomies).” (Peterson, 2000).
A few of such foundational categories of IR analysed in such manner are discussed
as follows:
 Man: Man is the universal model whose nature and actions are extended to
understand the state. The man is independent, rational and egoistic. Here
the human gets replaced by man and therefore excludes the women and
others. Feminists have brought out not just the exclusion of women, but a
model of woman that is connected, interdependent and mutually cooperative.
 State: The state centrism of IR has been criticised by various critical theories.
The feminist contribution here points out the gendered construction of the
concept of the state itself and its consequences. This modern state is
understood based on the foundation of the private and public which effectively
places women within the private. In addition, the boundaries of IR differentiate
between the domestic and the international, again placing the domestic out
of scope. Finally, such an idea of the concept itself reinforces the masculine
domination associated with the concept, which has not just theoretical but
real-life effects.
 Other categories- Sovereignty, rationality, power and security: The
field of feminist IR is rich in the deconstruction of these concepts based on
their gendered nature. Sovereignty is a feature of not just the man but the
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NOTES state system itself, whereby independence and authority over self are
emphasised, which does not extend to the woman and does not reflect
feminine values of interrelatedness and interdependence. The typical behaviour
of the sovereign man/state is rational which is based on masculine values of
maximum benefits to the self, situated in an insecure and competitive world.
The ideas of power and security too are gendered where domination is
practised, whereas the capability and power to do something are either
excluded or considered inferior. Finally, security which has been an important
aspect of IR is studied in relation to violence and conflict as an objective and
universal concern of the world which then again reinforces such practices.

III. Gender as transformative/normative feminism

All feminist theories are normative. This means that there is an understanding of what
ought to be or what should be the case. The norm here is the equality between the
genders. Therefore, normative feminism coming from a critical perspective seeks to
transform the subject of IR based on gender equality and justice. From the initial
empirical feminism which focuses on ontology (describing the world as it is) to the
epistemology (where knowledge comes from, why and how) of analytical feminism,
gender as transformation follows the post-modern and post-positivist turn to criticise
essentialism, both in IR and an understanding of gender as an essence.
Here, not just the essentialist categories of state, man, power, etc. are studied
and deconstructed but also dichotomies are analysed, i.e., how our knowledge and
understandings are made in two oppositional ideas. For example, order-anarchy,
sovereignty-dependency, international-domestic, culture-nature, fact-value and
masculine-feminine. Another process in these dichotomies is the superior nature given
to one (order, sovereignty, international, culture, fact, masculine) and the inferior nature
to the other (anarchy, dependency, domestic, nature, value, feminine).
Therefore, against dichotomies, multiplicities are advocated by the post-modern
feminists. The feminist literature also follows multiple epistemologies/perspectives. For
example, Cynthia Enloe (author of Bananas, Beaches and Bases) focuses on a feminist
approach that looks for the absent voices in knowledge, whose voices are not heard

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from where, and Christine Sylvester points out how space is still coming from a gendered NOTES
and masculine space. Genuine space and construction are needed for the feminist
knowledge that is created by the self, not governed by others representing the multiple
voices.

10.2.2 Challenges of Gender in IR

Diversity and differences within women are the major strengths and weaknesses of a
theory of feminism. “The diversity among the world’s women – differences of class,
ethnicity/race, nationality, sexuality, and so on – includes major problems for feminists
who implicitly or explicitly make universalizing claims about women.
Among feminists, the significance of differences and, especially, hierarchies among
women is a challenging and politically crucial dilemma (Peterson, 2000). Moreover,
the positivist and masculinist constructions in IR have influenced some of the feminist
theories, which in the development of the theory have been addressed. As one
consequence, feminism can appear to be limited to advancing only ‘women’ (and, too
often, elite women) into existing positions of power.
Other criticisms of feminist IR have been with regard to the research produced,
that the research and studies produced are not enough. Secondly, the diverse nature
of the works produced is not easily understood and grasped, and is difficult to apply.
Thirdly, the existence of conflicting understandings and epistemologies also contributes
to the lack of popularity and applicability of feminist IR. Finally, feminist IR also faces
the criticism of having an idealist or utopian agenda because of the large-scale change
and restructuring that is aimed at. However, these challenges and criticism point out
the continued relevance of a feminist approach to IR.

Check Your Progress

1. Who conceptualized gender in IR as a ‘gendered global hierarchy’?
2. What does Ann Tickner point out?
3. What was the focus of conventional IR theories?

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10.3 SUMMARY

In this lesson, you have learnt about the feminism theory of IR. Feminism is the
advocacy of equality and just treatment amongst the genders. It covers not just a
particular philosophical commitment but also an expansive political and social
movement. Ann Tickner points out how the decisive entry of feminist thought and
action in the discipline of IR can be seen in the period after the end of the Cold War,
along with the rise of the global new social movements. Spike Peterson describes how
the internally diverse and complex field of gender in IR is held together by the idea of
a gendered global hierarchy, its meanings, features and relevance.
Conventional IR theories were focused on conflict, anarchy and state politics,
which became the area of high international politics, and the domestic low politics
became feminized and unaddressed. While trying to add women into the discourse of
IR, it was seen that the conceptual frameworks, i.e., the variables themselves were
gendered and masculine in nature.
Man is the universal model whose nature and actions are extended to understand
the state. The man is independent, rational and egoistic. The state centrism of IR has
been critiqued by various critical theories. The feminist contribution here points out the
gendered construction of the concept of the state itself and its consequences. The field
of feminist IR is rich in the deconstruction of these concepts based on their gendered
nature.
All feminist theories are normative. This means that there is an understanding of
what ought to be or what should be the case. Diversity and differences within women
are the major strengths and weaknesses of a theory of feminism. Among feminists, the
significance of differences and, especially, hierarchies among women, is a challenging
and politically crucial dilemma (Peterson, 2000).

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10.4 KEY WORDS

 Feminism: It is a socio-political and cultural movement that seeks to achieve

and advocate for gender equality, primarily focusing on addressing the historical
and ongoing discrimination and oppression faced by women due to their gender.
 Gender: It refers to the social, cultural, and psychological attributes, roles, and
expectations associated with being male, female, or another gender identity.
 Anarchy: It is a political and social philosophy that advocates for the absence
of centralized government and hierarchical authority.

10.5 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

QUESTIONS

1. Spike Peterson conceptualized gender in IR as a ‘gendered global hierarchy’.

2. Ann Tickner points out how the decisive entry of feminist thought and action in
the discipline of IR can be seen in the period after the end of the Cold War,
along with the rise of the global new social movements.
3. Conventional IR theories were focused on conflict, anarchy and state politics,
which became the area of high international politics, and the domestic low politics
became feminized and unaddressed.

10.6 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS AND

EXERCISES

1. What do you understand by feminism in IR?

2. State the challenges of gender in IR.

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NOTES 3. Discuss the major features of the mainstream field of IR given by Spike Peterson.
4. Explain the different aspects of feminism in IR.

10.7 FURTHER READING

Tickner, J. Ann. 1992. Gender in International Relations Feminist Perspectives

on Achieving Global Security. New York: Columbia University Press.
Sjoberg, Laura. 2013. Gendering Global Conflict: Toward a Feminist Theory of
War. New York: Columbia University Press.
Whitworth, Sandra. 1997. Feminism and International Relations in International
Political Economy Series. London: Palgrave Macmillan.

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LESSON 11 NOTES

POSTCOLONIALISM
Shahnawaz Afaque
Research Scholar,
Department of Political Science,
University of Delhi
Structure
11.0 Introduction
11.1 Objectives
11.2 Postcolonialism: An Introduction
11.2.1 The Intellectual Roots of Postcolonialism
11.2.2 Postcolonialism in International Relations (IR)
11.3 Summary
11.4 Key Words
11.5 Answers to Check Your Progress Questions
11.6 Self-Assessment Questions and Exercises
11.7 Further Readings

11.0 INTRODUCTION

This lesson will introduce you to the concept of postcolonialism in international politics.
Postcolonialism is a complex and multifaceted intellectual and cultural movement that
emerged in the wake of decolonization. It is a critical framework that seeks to understand
and analyse the enduring effects of colonialism on societies, cultures, politics and
economies. Postcolonialism challenges the Eurocentric narratives that have historically
dominated discourse and aims to give voice to formerly colonized peoples, their histories
and their struggles for self-determination. This intellectual perspective encompasses a
wide range of disciplines, including literature, anthropology, sociology and political
science, and it invites us to explore the intricate web of power dynamics and legacies
left behind by centuries of colonial rule. In this introductory exploration of
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11.1 OBJECTIVES

After going through this lesson, you will be able to:

 Discuss the concept of postcolonialism
 Describe the intellectual roots of postcolonialism
 Analyse the concept of postcolonialism in international relations

11.2 POSTCOLONIALISM: AN INTRODUCTION

Postcolonialism is an alternative and unique way to look into the problems of the
global system. Some scholars of postcolonialism may argue that postcolonialism is not
a period after colonialism but has existed from the very beginning of colonialism. The
post-colonial scholar, Hamza Alavi contends that the ‘post’ in postcolonialism does
not signify leaving behind colonialism, but a response to the continued relevance of
colonialism. Robert Young traces the roots of colonialism to the event of 1492 when
Vasco da Gama landed on the western coast of India. For Young, postcolonialism is a
political, economic and intellectual response to colonialism and has been a part of
colonialism ever since its inception. However, postcolonialism as a concretised
perspective in the social sciences is only a twentieth-century phenomenon and its
introduction into international relations is a much later phenomenon. In simple terms,
postcolonialism is a theory in the social sciences, which engages with the problem of
European colonialism and imperialism and gives a voice to the people of the world
outside the purview of Western civilisation. It provides us with a critical lens to uncover
and expose the different ways in which Eurocentric epistemology clouds our judgement
of the nature of reality.

11.2.1 The Intellectual Roots of Postcolonialism

Postcolonialism has its intellectual roots in a variety of disciplines, philosophical traditions,

and historical events.
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Postcolonialism as Third World Marxism NOTES

Postcolonialism can be said to have emerged loosely from the tradition of Marxism,
but it goes way beyond the strict economic determinacy of Marxism in analysing the
interaction between the developed and the underdeveloped parts of the world.
One of the earliest usages of the term ‘postcolonialism’ could be credited to the
Marxist sociologist, Hamza Alavi. In his conceptualisation of postcolonialism, Alavi
tries to modify the classical Marxian theory to employ it in the context of ex-colonial
South Asian nations like India, Pakistan and Bangladesh. However, he limits his
understanding of postcolonialism to the societies of the newly decolonized South Asian
nations only. Alavi argues that these nations do not just face the external challenge of
colonialism/imperialism, but they are also susceptible to the recurring problem of coups
and military dictatorships. He chalks out socialism or a communist revolution as the
solution to such problems.
The postcolonial theorist, Robert Young expands the geographical relevance of
postcolonialism to include the ex-colonies of Asia, Africa and Latin America, and thus
making his approach tricontinental. He defines postcolonialism as the political, economic
and intellectual resistance of the people in these colonies. He traces the intellectual
seeds of postcolonialism in the thoughts of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Trotsky, Mao, Fanon,
Che, Castro, Gandhi and Nehru.
Another major proponent of postcolonial thought is the subaltern group of
historians. Subaltern historians, like Ranajit Guha, are sceptical of the mainstream
history telling. The history of the struggle for Indian Independence has mostly been
narrated from the perspectives of either the Colonial elites or Nationalist elites. What
is missing in such history is the voice of the common people who constitute the nation.
As a result, subaltern history focuses on the history of ordinary people in their everyday
lives. Such an analytical framework, as employed by Guha, is heavily influenced by the
thoughts of the Italian Marxist thinker, Antonio Gramsci.

Troika of the Postcolonial Thought

This prepares the ground for introducing the thoughts of the troika of postcolonialism,
namely, Edward Said, Homi K. Bhabha and Gayatri Spivak. These thinkers can be
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NOTES was informed by the knowledge-power interlinkage as explored in the work of Foucault.
Bhabha’s analysis of the fractured self reflects the influence of Lacanian Psychoanalysis,
while Spivak was heavily indebted to Heidegger and Derrida for her deconstructivist
postcolonial theory.
Edward Said’s seminal work Orientalism made him the most popular literary
critic of his time. Said associates power with the process of production of knowledge.
The process of colonialism was marked by the drive to comprehend the non-Western
civilisations by the European colonisers. In the caricaturing of the image of the non-
Western people as inferior, irrational and superstitious, the enunciator of knowledge
yielded real power.
In such a knowledge system, the Western civilisation was portrayed as superior
and scientific, while the non-Western world was depicted as uncultured and barbaric.
As Said argues, this depiction of the orient by the occident was referred to as factual
knowledge and the product of authentic theorising. Even the orients started to consider
this depiction about them as true. Such knowledge justified the act of invasion and
colonialism by Europe, and was seen as part of the European mission to civilise the
orients.
Homi Bhabha is another big name in the tradition of postcolonialism. He tried to
understand the process of colonialism from the lens of psychoanalysis. He focussed
on the notion of the fractured self that was created from the very point of the colonial
encounter. The splitting of this sense of selfhood occurs on both sides of the encounter,
i.e., on the side of the colonisers as well as the colonised. This ambivalent self is the
space from which all creativity, politics and writing emanate. Bhabha does not look for
a solution to the problem of ambivalence in grand theories and transcendental politics.
He proposes the politics of resilience or everyday survival as the antidote to
ambivalence.
Another prominent thinker in the area of postcolonialism is Gayatri Spivak.
Spivak contends that it is not possible to abandon the structure of modernity or to go
back in time to authentic nationhood. What we can do is inhabit that structure and
simultaneously critique it from within. This condition of being she calls the ‘double
negative’, which she articulates as the condition in which one does not want to inhabit
a structure, and yet one is obliged to criticise it from within. She calls this criticism from
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within the deconstructivist method. Deconstruction as a method aims to expose the NOTES
contradictions of a hegemonic structure without taking a transcendental position.

11.2.2 Postcolonialism in International Relations (IR)

In international relations, postcolonialism is a criticism of the dominant theories that

shapes its landscape. Realism/neo-realism and liberalism/neo-liberalism are the two
dominant perspectives in IR. Both realism and liberalism look at the international system
as a state of continuous anarchy. The primary actors in the international system are
nation-states. The primary concern before the state actors is to preserve sovereignty
and secure the boundaries of the state against external threats.
Therefore, the only considerations for state actors must be national security and
national interests. The dominant IR theories, however, deprive themselves of a historical
and sociological understanding of international system by treating its anarchic nature
as an eternal and unalterable reality. In the following section, we will look at the three
areas in which the mainstream IR theories lag.

Ahistoricism in the Mainstream IR

The dominant IR theories lack a historical and sociological grasp of the international
system in their methodologies. They use history as a source of information about people,
places, and things, cherry-picking details to support their argument. Such theories
contend that the fundamental nature of the international system has changed very
insignificantly in the course of history, and is very likely to remain the same in the future
also. Postcolonialism, on the other hand, employs history as a theoretical lens of inquiry
to understand the nature of reality in IR. In doing so, postcolonialism escapes the two
problems of ‘chronofetishism’ and ‘tempocentrism’, as conceptualised by the historical
sociology theorist, John M. Hobson.
Understanding the present as unchanging, independent of history, and self-
constituting is a defining characteristic of chronofetishism. Tempocentrism, on the
other hand, implies the extrapolation of the present onto our imagination of the past, to
make it look isomorphic or homologous. For instance, realism not only considers the
anarchic view of the international system as static or unchangeable in the future, but it
also extrapolates the understanding of the present onto the past, making it resemble
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NOTES As against the mainstream IR, the English school has made some effort to
excavate the historical origin of the contemporary system. However, their ‘expansion
of the international system’ thesis lags in presenting the full picture of the expansion.
The expansion theory argues that the contemporary international system was formalised
by the Westphalian settlement, and then it expanded beyond Europe to cover the
entire globe.
This expansion, as the English school argues, was necessitated and enabled by
the Industrial Revolution. The postcolonial theory contends that the expansion was
based on the logic of colonialism. Sanjay Seth argues that the expansion of the
international system occurred around the same time as the adventures of the East India
Company, or the Dutch East India Company, the subjugation of the aborigines, the
rise of the slave trade, the scramble for colonies and the carving of the African continent
along the lines of a scale.
This was the darker side of modernity that postcolonialism wanted to highlight.
It tries to look at the development of the international society through the history of the
interaction between the colonisers and the colonised.

Postcolonial Critique of European Culture

The liberal/neo-liberal approach to IR gives primacy to international organisations in

maintaining peace and order. This is achieved by certain rules and procedures that
must be followed by all the state actors. These rules and procedures, like equal state
sovereignty, the right to self-determination and the policy of non-interference, to name
a few, are supposed to have achieved international acceptance, and thus considered
universalistic principles. However, postcolonial critics expose the Eurocentric natures
of these norms and procedures, and argue that these favour European Christian values
over others, male-centric values over females, and so on. Seth contends that these
norms and procedures are essentially the representative of the cultural particularity of
the West. As a result, the universal claim of these values has been used to realise the
‘white man’s burden’ i.e., the responsibility of the European men to civilise the unruly
and barbaric non-Europeans. Moreover, the mainstream IR theories try to make the
diversity of cultures and micro-cultures homologous to nation-states. This has backfired
in a lot of cases, wherein national minorities find it hard to fit in the national imagination
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Problem of the Eurocentric epistemology NOTES

Professor Sankaran Krishna contends that mainstream IR is Eurocentric as it is written

from the perspective of the West. It works with the agenda to normalise, depoliticise
and even sanctify the western domination over the others. The liberal/neo-liberal theory
of IR caricatures the nation-states as equal members of the international system.
Postcolonialism brings into light the extremely unequal and hierarchical nature of the
interaction between the supposedly equal nation-states.
The international system is favourably biased towards what we call the ‘first
world’, and through the discourse of the mainstream IR theories, this hierarchy is
normalised and depoliticised. Sankaran Krishna also argues that it is very difficult to
think of an alternative international system as the Eurocentric episteme is ingrained and
naturalised in our psyche. Completely transcending this Eurocentric view of the world
is not a possibility. However, the job of a postcolonial thinker is to critically interrogate
the system and not to accept it as the truth.
Postcolonialism has not emerged in a vacuum, it influences and is influenced by
a lot of other perspectives in IR. Postcolonialism aims at giving a voice to all those
groups and communities that have been silenced and marginalised in the writing of
international theory and history.

Check Your Progress

1. Who gave the concept of ‘double negative’?
2. Who is the author of ‘Orientalism’?
3. When did Vasco da Gama reach the western shore of India?
4. What is the aim of postcolonialism?

11.3 SUMMARY

In this lesson, you learned about the concept of postcolonialism in IR. Postcolonialism
is an alternative and unique way to look into the problems of the global system. The
post-colonial scholar, Hamza Alavi contends that the ‘post’ in postcolonialism doesn’t Self-Instructional
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NOTES signify leaving behind colonialism, but a response to the continued relevance of
colonialism. Robert Young traces the roots of colonialism to the event of 1492 when
Vasco da Gama landed on the western coast of India. He expands the geographical
relevance of postcolonialism to include the ex-colonies of Asia, Africa and Latin America,
thus making his approach tricontinental.
In simple terms, postcolonialism is a theory in the social sciences, which engages
with the problem of European colonialism and imperialism and gives a voice to the
people of the world outside the purview of Western civilisation. It can be said to have
emerged loosely from the tradition of Marxism, but it goes way beyond the strict
economic determinacy of Marxism in analysing the interaction between the developed
and the underdeveloped parts of the world.
Subaltern historians, like Ranajit Guha, are sceptical of the mainstream history
telling. The history of the struggle for Indian Independence has mostly been narrated
from the perspectives of either the Colonial elites or Nationalist elites. Bhabha’s analysis
of the fractured self reflects the influence of Lacanian Psychoanalysis, while Spivak
was heavily indebted to Heidegger and Derrida for her deconstructivist postcolonial
theory. Gayatri Spivak contends that it is not possible to abandon the structure of
modernity or to go back in time to authentic nationhood.
Both realism and liberalism look at the international system as a state of continuous
anarchy. The primary actors in the international system are nation-states. The primary
concern before the state actors is to preserve its sovereignty and secure its boundaries
against external threats. The dominant IR theories lack a historical and sociological
grasp of the international system in their methodology. They use history as a source of
information about people, places, and things, cherry-picking details to support their
argument. Understanding the present as unchanging, independent of history, and self-
constituting is a defining characteristic of chronofetishism. Tempocentrism, on the
other hand, implies the extrapolation of the present onto our imagination of the past, to
make it seem isomorphic or homologous.

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The liberal/neo-liberal approach to IR gives primacy to international organisations NOTES

in maintaining peace and order. Professor Sankaran Krishna contends that mainstream
IR is Eurocentric as it is written from the perspective of the West. It works with the
agenda to normalise, depoliticise and even sanctify the western domination over the
others. Postcolonialism aims at giving a voice to all those groups and communities that
have been silenced and marginalised in the writing of international theory and history.

11.4 KEY WORDS

 Postcolonialism: It is an intellectual and cultural perspective or movement that

emerged in the mid-20th century as a response to the legacies of colonialism. It
focuses on the analysis of the impact of colonial rule, the dynamics of power,
and the consequences of imperialism on formerly colonized societies and their
cultures.
 Eurocentric epistemology: It refers to a worldview and knowledge system
that centers on European or Western ways of thinking, knowing, and
understanding the world.

11.5 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

QUESTIONS

1. Gayatri Spivak gave the concept of ‘double negative’.

2. Edward Said is the author of Orientalism.
3. Vasco da Gama reached the western shore of India in 1492.
4. Postcolonialism aims at giving a voice to all those groups and communities that
have been silenced and marginalised in the writing of international theory and
history.

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11.6 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS AND
EXERCISES

1. Define postcolonialism.
2. Write a short note on the universalisation of European culture.
3. Discuss the concept of postcolonialism given by different scholars.
4. Analyse the intellectual and philosophical roots of postcolonialism.
5. ‘The dominant IR theories lack a historical and sociological grasp of the
international system in their methodology.’ Explain the given statement.

11.7 FURTHER READINGS

Seth, Sanjay, ed. 2012. Postcolonial Theory and International Relations: A Critical
Introduction. London and NY: Routledge.
Gandhi, Leela. 2020. Postcolonial Theory: A Critical Introduction. NY: Routledge.

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UNIT IV: NON-WESTERN PERSPECTIVES IN
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

LESSON 12 STATE

LESSON 13 ETHICS IN IR
State

LESSON 12 NOTES

STATE
Hema Kumari
Research Scholar,
Department of Political Science,
University of Delhi
Structure
12.0 Introduction
12.1 Objectives
12.2 What is the Modern Nation-State?
12.3 State in International Relations (IR)
12.4 Exploring Beyond the Western Perspective: Plural Understandings of the State
12.4.1 Examining Alternative Views of the State from Non-Western
Perspectives
12.5 Summary
12.6 Key Words
12.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Questions
12.8 Self-Assessment Questions and Exercises
12.9 Further Readings

12.0 INTRODUCTION

International relations (IR) is the study of how nation-states cooperate in a variety of

contexts, including those involving politics, economy, conflict, and security. The disciple
discusses conflict and peace and serves a wide range of functions in modern society.
As a discipline, IR is said to have started in the West after the Treaty of Westphalia in
1648. The current IR primarily represents the West. The non-Western world received
little attention from the discipline of international relations, which is dominated by Western
standards and theories. The non-western globe served as the colonized region, the
docile subjects, and the students of the superior west. Even despite extensive cultural
and civilizational exchanges, non-westerners have not yet actively contributed to the
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NOTES and Liberalism) ideas. Therefore, it is inappropriate to explain the occurrence in the
global south.
It is not new for IR researchers to discuss the Western centrism of international
relations theory. The Dependency School and World System theorists have attacked
Western-centric IR since the 1960s and 1970s, particularly during the decolonisation
era. However, recent years have seen a rise in initiatives to develop a non-Western IR
Theory among periphery governments (Sune, 2016). Despite these ongoing efforts,
Western-centric IR theories still rule the field. Major components of IR are understood
from the perspective of the Western perceptive. One of the most important components
is the State which is understood from the west ideas and theories. It is often believed
that state-nation was never a part of the non-western countries, and the West taught
the non-west to build a state. The traditional IR thinking has been shaped by Machiavelli,
Hobbes, Locke, and Kant, but not Ashoka, Kautilya, Sun Tzu, Ibn Khaldun,
Jawaharlal Nehru, Raul Prebisch, Franz Fanon, and many others (Acharya, 2014).
Since then, the global IR has looked for a route to recognise the non-Western
experience. This lesson following the same line looks for the non-Western perspective
on state and sovereignty. The concept of the state is a foundational element in
international relations, serving as a key factor in the international system. It is deeply
embedded in international law, academic literature, and major international organisations’
documents and resolutions.
Understanding the state’s nature, behaviour, and interactions is crucial for
comprehending the dynamics and complexities of global politics. It gained prominence
after the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, which marked the beginning of the modern
state system. Since then, the nation-state has become the dominant form of political
organisation in the international arena. Nation-states play a crucial role in international
relations, as they are the primary actors that engage in diplomatic negotiations, sign
treaties, and participate in various international organisations. They also interact with
each other on a range of issues, including trade, security, human rights, and environmental
concerns. But scholars of global IR claim that the Westphalia phenomenon is not the
ultimate or universal or only truth about the present world rather colonisation, and
Eurocentrism have curtailed the histories and significance of the non-Western world
and their idea of state. For instance, ancient Chinese philosophers such as Confucius
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state’s role and functions. African and Indigenous political traditions have provided NOTES
their own understandings of governance and community organisation. Contemporary
postcolonial and decolonial theories have critiqued and challenged Western-centric
views of the state and offered alternative perspectives based on diverse cultural and
historical contexts.
In conclusion, the concept of the state is not limited to a singular Western
perspective. It is a fluid and evolving idea with diverse interpretations across cultures,
regions, and historical periods. Recognizing this diversity is crucial for developing a
more inclusive and comprehensive understanding of the state and its role in the world.
This lesson argues that the concept of the sovereign state cannot be fully comprehended
without taking a multi-dimensional perspective. To properly redefine its boundaries,
we must move away from the traditional use of Westphalia as a universal reference
point. Instead, we must acknowledge and accord significance to diverse interpretations
of political authority, statecraft, and statehood (Behera, 2020).

12.1 OBJECTIVES

After going through this lesson, you will be able to:

 Explain the concept of the State and the Nation-State
 Discuss the state system in international relations
 Describe the different theoretical understandings of state
 Identify the different ways of the global IR
 Examine the multiple ethnicities and the colonial past of the non-Western world

12.2 WHAT IS THE MODERN NATION-STATE?

The study of international relations must take into account the complicated political
and legal idea of the state, which serves as the fundamental building block of our
contemporary global state system. Self-Instructional
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NOTES According to international law, every state has a legal personality, and even the
smallest and weakest state must meet a set of fundamental requirements in order to be
accepted as a member of the international system of states. It must have a defined
territory, a stable population, and a government that can effectively manage its area
and handle interactions with other governments on an international level. The concept
of the State refers to a political and territorial entity that exercises sovereign authority
over a defined geographic area and its population. It is a fundamental unit of governance
and administration, responsible for maintaining law and order, providing essential
services, and representing the interests of its citizens on both domestic and international
levels (Wilkinson, 2007). The concept of the nation-state began to take shape during
the Renaissance and Reformation periods in Europe. The idea of a shared identity
based on language, culture, and ethnicity emerged, leading to the formation of nation-
states where the political boundaries aligned with these cultural and linguistic boundaries.
It’s a concept that’s stated in connection to what it isn’t, specifically a Western conception
of the state and a Western conception of government (Mohamedou, 2020). Political
performance of that conceptualisation in (mainly European) countries.
The Treaty of Westphalia, which marked the end of the Thirty Years’ War, is
often considered a crucial turning point in the development of the modern state system.
The treaty recognised the principle of state sovereignty and non-interference in the
domestic affairs of other states. It laid the foundation for the Westphalian state system,
which emphasised the notion of sovereign, territorially defined states (Creveld, 2015).
According to David Easton, the state’s authority is legitimised through a social
contract with its citizens, wherein individuals surrender certain freedoms and obey
established laws in exchange for protection and governance. The state’s sovereignty is
recognised by other countries, enabling it to engage in international relations and
diplomacy (Easton, 1953).
The idea of the modern state to which we adhere today is not contextual to
many non-western regions rather it is sometimes an alien concept to them. For example,
the idea of secularism is different for both India and America and how it is adopted in
two countries is different. Similarly, the ideas of nation-states are different for different
regions. The Western concept of the state has a lengthy history, which helped shape
the features of what would eventually be accepted as the ‘modern state’ and later
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The three key moments generally recognised as constitutive of that genesis are NOTES
the classical Greek, Greco-Roman, or Hellenic system; the Reformation and Renaissance
periods; and the nation-state processes of the 19th and 20th centuries. This centuries-
long trajectory has passed through a number of waystations (Mohamedou, 2020).
We should ask ourselves some questions before we go any further whether the state
of homogenous countries in Europe or multiethnic countries can be the same. Absolutely
not, the contextualization of the state is very important for both external and internal
affairs. The state in IR is the most important entity. According to Western scholars, a
state in an international system has major components as discussed in the subsequent
sections.

Check Your Progress

1. When did the concept of Nation-State begin to take shape?
2. What are the three key moments generally recognised as constitutive in a
State?

12.3 STATE IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS (IR)

The state system is a distinctive form of political community, which in the contemporary
international system is the primary unit that has the legitimacy, authority and recognition
for organising international life (Behera, 2020). Many IR scholars talk about the
importance of the state in international relations. Hans J. Morgenthau claims in his
well-known book “Politics Among Nations: The Struggle For Power And Peace” that
international relations is a fight for power among nations. Charles Reynolds asserts
that international relations are the method by which conflicts arise and are resolved on
a global level. Nation-states in this situation make choices and take acts that can be at
odds with those of other nations in an effort to further their own political goals. As a
result, the study of IR uses topics linked to conflicts, such as their causes, how the
parties involved handle them, and how they are ultimately resolved.
International relations are the relationship between states, according to
Professor Charles Schleicher. The process through which governments adapt their
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NOTES relations, according to Hartman (Ibid). Grayson Kirk also specifies the importance of
the state while defining five key areas of international relations (IR) in 1947: the nature
and purposes of states; the factors that affect state power; the status and conduct of
Great Powers in the international arena; the development of a more stable international
system and the growth of contemporary IR.
While discussing the fundamental characteristics of IR, Bailys and Smith have
also defined Nation State as a major state actor since Westphalia has served as the
basis of the subject foundation. The nation-state had various meanings in all the other
regions of the world, including South Asia, Latin America, and Africa, which are currently
being theorised but as questioned by various Global IR scholars. The definition of a
nation-state is majorly derived from Western experience. Stanley Hoffman says that
traditional IR can be described as American Social Science. Global IR challenges this
idea and looks for the voices of those who have gone unheard, making IR a genuinely
inclusive field. ‘Global IR’ looks beyond the Westphalia form and crosses the divide
between the West and the Rest (Acharya, 2014). It calls for the incorporation of the
non-Western perspective rather than seeking to replace the existing IR theoretical
underpinning (Acharya, 2017). According to Amitav Acharya (2014), the
underdevelopment of non-western IR is due to a number of factors, including limited
resources, political intervention, and a lack of freedom of expression, which have all
hampered the field’s global expansion. Since there is no non-Western IR, we do not
understand the state from the experience of the West.
Three historical turning points that represent significant turning points in the
development of the state as we see it today are emphasised (Behera, 2020):
(i) Peace of Westphalia treaties, which were signed in 1648, introduced the
notion of ‘free exercise of territorial right’. As a result, political power or
sovereignty is linked to land and territory.
(ii) The founding of the United Nations in 1945, whose Charter established
the principle of sovereign equality (refraining from interfering in one
another’s internal affairs) as the cornerstone of the post-World War II
international system, and the principle of sovereignty as a requirement for
the recognition of new states.

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(iii) The third benchmark covers the decolonisation period. We encounter NOTES
that decolonization led to new state formation but theoretically, the western
states are considered superior.
Other than this, Behera also talks about how the Western idea of state and
sovereignty is not applicable universally. The history of state creation processes outside
of Europe is not researched, and a certain period of European history is thought to
suffice as the sole basis for formulating a universal theory. Behera talks about different
theoretical understating of state in the discipline of IR as follows:

Realism

It is one of the dominant theories in international relations. Realists perceive the state
as the primary actor in the international system. States are seen as rational, self-interested
entities primarily concerned with their survival and security. Key assumptions of realism
include:
 Anarchy: Realists argue that the international system lacks a central authority,
resulting in a state of anarchy where states must rely on their own capabilities to
survive.
 Balance of power: States aim to achieve a balance of power to prevent
domination by any single state or group of states, ensuring their security.
 Self-help: States rely on their military strength and alliances to protect their
interests in the absence of a higher authority.

Liberalism

It offers an alternative perspective, emphasizing the significance of both state and non-
state actors in international relations. Liberals believe that states are not solely driven
by security concerns but also by economic, social, and ideological factors. Key features
of the liberal theory include:
i. Interdependence: States are mutually dependent on each other, especially
economically, and cooperation can lead to mutual gains.
ii. International institutions: Liberals argue that international organizations and
regimes can foster cooperation, promote peace, and manage conflicts between
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NOTES Democratic Peace Theory

Democracies are less likely to go to war with one another due to shared norms,
institutions, and public accountability.

Constructivism

Constructivism is a newer approach that focuses on the role of ideas, norms, and
identities in shaping international relations. Unlike realism and liberalism, constructivists
argue that state behaviour is not solely determined by material interests, but rather by
socially constructed beliefs. Key elements of constructivist thinking include:
(i) Norms and identities: States’ actions are influenced by shared norms and
identities, as well as changes in these ideas over time.
(ii) Socialisation: States can be socialised into adopting new behaviours and norms
through interactions with other states and international institutions.
(iii) Discourse and language: Constructivists pay attention to how state leaders
frame issues and use language to construct meaning and understanding in
international relations.

Feminism

Feminism in International Relations (IR) is a theoretical approach that seeks to

understand and critique the role of gender and patriarchy in shaping international politics
and the global order. When examining the concept of the state from a feminist
perspective, several key insights emerge:
(i) Gendered Nature of the State: Feminist scholars argue that the state is not a
neutral entity but a gendered institution that reflects and perpetuates gender
norms and hierarchies. Traditional notions of the state often prioritize masculine
traits and characteristics, reinforcing the marginalization of women and non-
binary individuals in the political sphere.
(ii) Public/Private Divide: Feminist IR challenges the conventional public/private
divide by highlighting the interconnectedness of domestic and international politics.
While the state is traditionally seen as operating in the public sphere, feminists
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argue that the private sphere, including issues related to family, reproduction, NOTES
and care work, significantly influences state behaviour and international relations.

Postmodernism

Postmodernism in International Relations challenges conventional understandings of

the state by viewing it as a socially constructed and fluid entity. In contrast to traditional
theories that treat the state as a fixed and stable actor, postmodernism emphasizes the
role of language, discourse, and power in shaping the state’s identity and behaviour. It
deconstructs the idea of a unified and coherent state identity, recognizing that states
are heterogeneous and composed of diverse elements. Moreover, postmodernism
highlights the interconnectedness of global forces, which challenges the state’s traditional
functions and boundaries.
This approach also shifts the focus from states as the sole actors in international
relations to include individuals and non-state actors. It acknowledges the agency and
influence of various social groups, transnational organisations, and networks in shaping
global politics. Postmodernism embraces complexity and uncertainty, rejecting the
idea of a single grand theory that can fully explain international relations. Instead, it
encourages scholars to critically examine the power dynamics, multiple narratives, and
diverse perspectives that shape our understanding of the state and global politics.
Overall, postmodernism offers a nuanced and reflexive approach to studying the state
in the ever-changing landscape of international relations.
It’s important to note that these theoretical perspectives are not mutually
exclusive, and scholars often use a combination of these approaches to analyse different
aspects of international relations. Each theory offers a unique lens through which to
understand the complexities of state behaviour in the global arena. Our next section
explores the other way of seeing state and sovereignty.

Check Your Progress

3. In which book does Hans J. Morgenthau claim that international relations is a
fight for power among nations?
4. Define feminism in International Relations (IR).

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NOTES
12.4 EXPLORING BEYOND THE WESTERN
PERSPECTIVE: PLURAL UNDERSTANDINGS OF
THE STATE

As the state of the USSR broke down, Francis Fukuyama named it the End of History.
No options were considered but Liberalism and its conception state were announced
as the winner.
To objectively and clinically account for the nature of the state, or at the very
least how its construction has been attempted or conceptualised by others outside the
West, an understanding of non-Western statehood is urgently required because the
alternative literature is not available and even recognised. This category itself needs to
be unpacked, and a focus on the diversity of experiences, which can be too cavalierly
classified under it, should be given special attention.
There hasn’t yet been a legitimate global investigation into the state’s complete
ancestry. Discussion of statehood in other parts of the world continues to be largely
derived from Western conceptions of what the state is, can, and should be. When it
does occur, discussion of the broader scope of statehood is restricted to a discussion
among Western scholars of various disciplines and their historical effect on and centrality
over the international debate on the concept of the state due to a strong Western claim
to universality. Expanding one’s horizons in such an intellectually incestuous and self-
centred environment has frequently resulted in debates being limited to a small, elite
group, mostly from Europe, North America, and the Global South (Mohamedou,
2020; Waley, 1938). There isn’t just one way to comprehend the idea of a state, and
it’s not just from a Western viewpoint.
The idea of the state is intricate and varied, and it has been interpreted and
comprehended in numerous ways throughout various cultures, eras in history, and
political philosophies. Throughout history, numerous civilizations and communities have
had different views of the state. These civilizations and societies range from ancient
Eastern empires through African tribal groups, indigenous populations in the Americas,
and various Asian and Middle Eastern civilizations. Each of these had distinctive political
systems and notions of the rule of law. In addition, contemporary political theory and
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philosophers and traditions have also made significant contributions, the Western NOTES
perspective, notably from European political philosophy, has had a tremendous impact
on how the state is currently understood. For instance, Confucius and Laozi, two early
Chinese philosophers, had opinions on politics and the place of the state in society.
Insightful viewpoints on the purpose and operations of the state have also been provided
by Islamic political philosophy and legal doctrine. Indigenous political traditions and
African political traditions both have unique perspectives on how to organise a
community and run a government.
Modern postcolonial and decolonial ideas have disputed and criticised Western-
centric conceptions of the state and presented substitute viewpoints based on various
cultural and historical settings. The cornerstone of the majority of international relations
(IR) theories, sovereign states are the essential pillars of the global order. Most states
in the non-Western world are looked upon as creatures of colonialism, artificial culturally
and therefore inappropriately downgraded (Puchala, 1997). However, the popular
narratives, which portray them as eternal, primordial, and largely unproblematic entities,
are fundamentally at odds with how statehood has developed and how political authority
and statecraft are perceived and used around the world. These narratives demonstrate
how statehood and sovereignty are perceived by their respective residents in different
ways across historical time periods and geographic regions, despite the fact that IR’s
disciplinary discussions have not taken these varied global realities into consideration
(Behera, 2020).
The significance of the ‘reason of state’ (ragione di stato), as it will be called:
the predecessor to national interest and national security—emphasises the state as a
natural subject of international relations, enjoying the right to uphold order and use
force in a legal manner, and being defined by important factors related to sovereignty,
territory, population, and recognition. But throughout, the idea of the state in this Western
tradition remained persistently unclear. In spite of the fact that we continue to be quite
unsure about what the state is, we have grown to take it for granted as an object of
political practice and political analysis, as Philip Abrams (1998) noted.
According to one viewpoint, which is strongly supported in the writings of
historians like Mohammed Ayoob, the state in South Asia needs to be viewed more
favourably given the short amount of time that governments have had to establish
control, at least in comparison to their European counterparts. The overarching lesson Self-Instructional
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NOTES Ayoob wants to impart is that we shouldn’t be hasty or dismissive of South Asian
states since they are likely to keep their commitments and solidify their positions over
time. The limitations of statehood in South Asia have also been significantly different
from how states developed in the European environment (Mallavarapu, 2012).
Wallerstein defines five different ways in which social science is said to be
Eurocentric. The first method is historiography, which explains how individual
European accomplishments led to Europe’s supremacy in the contemporary world.
The second is the assertion of universality, which is the idea that there are scientific
facts that are true regardless of time or place. These theories are able to assert their
universality because of positivist epistemology. The third is civilisation, which refers
to equating some Western traits with those of the civilised world and contrasting them
with those of primitivism and barbarism. The fourth is what is known as orientalism,
which is a stylized and abstracted description of the traits of non-Western cultures.
The final point is optimism for the future, which may be related to Enlightenment
thought (Sune, 2016).

12.4.1 Examining Alternative Views of the State from Non-Western

Perspectives

Exploring the non-Western perspective of the state would be a Global IR project.

Acharya (2017) calls for six ways of doing Global IR:
(i) Global IR calls for a fresh understanding of universalism or universality.
(ii) Global IR should subsume the existing IR knowledge rather than supplant it.
(iii) Global IR should see history through a truly global lens.
(iv) Global IR gives centre stage to regions and provides the acknowledgement of
regional diversity and agency.
(v) Global IR must abstain from cultural exceptionalism and parochialism.
(vi) Global IR adopts a broad definition of various forms of agency and concepts in
IR.
Similarly exploring the non-western perspective of the state would require a
relational turn in understating the concepts. Knowing/being/seeing/doing IR needs a
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much wider approach. Contemporary IR looks at the discipline as a ‘one-world-
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world’ without looking at the pluriverse of time and space (Trownsell, 2022). The NOTES
majority of the time, western concepts inform theoretical thinking about international
relations in the west, for instance, the state, power, regimes, interconnectedness, etc.,
The implicit premise that western analytical concepts are both widely accepted and
absolutely valid is one that permeates this work much too frequently (Puchala, 1997).
The non-western state has a lengthy, intricate, dynamic, and developing past. It
does not mean that history is irrelevant to current affairs, both western and non-western,
just because it is not included in the dominant canon of international relations or is
placed on the back burner. Instead, such invisibilisation just serves as an example of
the greater state of international politics, which is one of needing to be freed from the
suffocating Westphalia reference. Statehood has been studied and practised for ages
throughout Africa, Asia, the Arab-Islamic world, and elsewhere, pointing to a variety
of diverse imaginaries and practices of societal governance over time, space, and
history.
Since the scope of traditional IR theories is thus constrained, the Westphalia
paradigm’s definitions of the state, sovereignty, and civil society suffer from the problem
of a constrained scope. It might be beneficial to think back on those philosophical
projects that approached the issue of the state, and power from a different angle
(Khatab, 2011).
Non-western states were seen as uncivilised and backwards. Modernity is looked
at as a part and parcel of the West and thus rejecting the whole idea of non-Western
understating of components like state and sovereignty. Rationalisation and efficiency
have become the cornerstones of modernity and the symbols of our age as a result of
advancements in science and technology, to the point where the reality of modernity is
frequently mistaken with what seems to be the modernist ideal (Khatab, 2011).
Modernity, which is defined by the emergence of the nation-state, industrialisation,
capitalism, socialism, democracy, science, and technology, is thus viewed as a condition
of European history. Modernity is represented by the processes of European reform
that, in part, arose from the fifteenth-century religious uprising against the Vatican and
was followed by the Enlightenment in the eighteenth century. These reforming movements
altered and embraced all facets of human life in Europe and had an impact on how
religion related to politics and society. It contains all of the greatest human
accomplishments, including industrialisation, autonomy, democratisation, and Self-Instructional
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NOTES pluralisation, which had an impact on all societal sectors (ibid). We can look for different
ways of seeing the state in non-western parts of the world.
First of all, multiple ethnicity and the colonial past of the non-Western world
makes them hugely different from the West. They have been forced to adopt the
Western idea by projecting their own ideas onto barbarians. It is crucial to shift the
emphasis from searching for a single, universal definition of a sovereign state to
acknowledging the possibility of different conceptions of political authority, varying
degrees of states, and multiple formulations, all of which are shaped by the various
histories of state formation and which in fact constantly exert influence from both
within and without.

Dharma in Indian context

The first and foremost endeavour should be taken up from Kautilya who is portrayed
as Indian Machiavelli. Benoy Kumar Sarkar (1919) discussed Kautilya, who is also
regarded as one of the first realists in history, in relation to sovereignty and the balance
of power. Sarkar makes a similar argument by examining the doctrine of the mandala
(Sarkar,1919). It is important to note that Kautilya’s work predates many Western
political theories by several centuries. Kautilya’s approach to statecraft is pragmatic
and rooted in the ancient Indian philosophical tradition of dharma (duty/righteousness).
While he emphasised the importance of a righteous ruler, his concept of righteousness
was utilitarian, focusing on the welfare and stability of the state. In contrast, many
Western political thinkers, such as Plato, Aristotle, and later Enlightenment philosophers,
explored the moral and ethical foundations of governance and sought to establish just
and ideal societies based on principles of virtue and rights. The West calls for the
separation of the state and dharma.
Behera too emphasises that the state should be seen as a living entity which is
constantly in process. Sudipto Kaviraj, for example, cites a theory of the state that,
‘recognises the importance of the three major theoretical books and epics of the Indian
tradition—the Manusmriti, the Arthashastra by Kautilya, and the Mahabharata’,
as well as other sources that the unrestricted royal authority was limited by putting out
a morally transcendent order. Kaviraj states Manu is able to create a theoretical
framework where the monarch does not have unconditional absolute authority over
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the lives of his subjects since there is a moral framework of dharma to which he is, in NOTES
turn, deferential (the law) and a fallible human agent (the king).
Political authority and control under the old Indian system tended to be
distributed, in contrast to the European statecraft that firmly ingratiated itself into
people’s lives by imposing the state religion and disarming if not outright eradicating,
any rival actors, as opposed to a centralized political unity of the contemporary sovereign
state and spread amongst multiple levels of authority: vassal states, regional kingdoms,
and empires. Another important contrast was that vassals often acquired their status
by “lawful conquest,” also known as dharamvijya, rather than “contract,” which
significantly avoided absorbing the vanquished state (Behera, 2020).

Middle Eastern hakimiyyah

In the Middle Eastern setting, Qutb defined hakimiyyah as ‘the highest governmental
and legal authority’ which is derived from the Quranic verb hokum (to govern and to
rule). Although this might imply ‘sovereignty’, it is frequently interpreted to mean ‘God’s
rule’—a theocratic idea that Qutb vehemently denounced. He asserted, citing a number
of verses from the Quran that government in Islam is limited to regulations laid down in
the Quran and sunnah the primary sources of ‘shari’ah law’ but that this represents
a profound commitment to democracy. This preserves the rule of law for the entire
population, in contrast to an elected government that receives its legitimacy from the
majority vote (Khatab, 2011). Khatab points out that if the sovereignty (hakimiyyah)
of the law is accepted the government should observe justice, freedom, power sharing,
human rights, and consultation between the ruler and the ruled.

Latin America

The historical growth of Latin America, which was solidified during the first wave of
globalisation, has been markedly distinct from that of other developing regions like
Asia and Africa. The case of Latin America offers an interesting contribution to thinking
about the state and nation-state, both in International Relations and in other fields, by
examining those elements that distinguish the region’s experience with and reflections
on the state (López-Alves, 2012 ). Latin America adopted liberalism and modern
economics but felt and went through an identity vacuum.
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NOTES Confucianism and the Chinese State

In Chinese tradition, Confucianism has profoundly influenced the understanding of the

state. Confucian teachings emphasise moral leadership, social harmony, and filial piety
as essential elements of governance. The ruler is expected to embody virtue, and the
legitimacy of the state is derived from the moral qualities of its leaders. The concept of
the “Mandate of Heaven” (Tianming) illustrates this notion, where the ruler’s legitimacy
is believed to be based on divine approval, contingent upon benevolent governance
(Waley, 1938).
With the colonial period, South Asia drifted closer to the Westphalian model we
have come to associate with the modern state (Mallavarapu, 2012) and the existing
knowledge was either dropped or became extinct because it is not being recognised.

Check Your Progress

5. Name the five different ways defined by Wallerstein in which social science is
said to be Eurocentric.
6. What are the three major theoretical books and epics of the Hindu tradition?

12.5 SUMMARY

In this lesson, you have learnt about the concept of state which is central to
understanding modern governance and international relations, but it is crucial to recognise
that diverse cultures and civilizations have distinct perspectives on the state that may
differ from the dominant Western models.
The concept of the State refers to a political and territorial entity that exercises
sovereign authority over a defined geographic area and its population. It is a fundamental
unit of governance and administration, responsible for maintaining law and order,
providing essential services, and representing the interests of its citizens on both domestic
and international levels. The state system is a distinctive form of political community,
which in the contemporary international system is the primary unit that has the legitimacy,

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authority and recognition for organising international life (Behera, 2020). Many IR NOTES
scholars talk about the importance of the state in international relations.
Non-Western perspectives of the state are rooted in unique historical, cultural,
and philosophical contexts, which offer alternative insights into governance and political
organisation. Non-Western perspectives of the state offer rich and diverse insights
into governance and political organization. These perspectives emphasize moral
leadership, community values, religious principles, and cultural specificity, providing
alternative lenses through which to understand and analyze state structures and
behaviour.
Embracing the plurality of non-Western perspectives in the study of international
relations can enhance our understanding of the complexities of statehood and contribute
to a more inclusive and comprehensive approach to global politics. Nonwestern
Scholars claim that the state is not a constant entity but a living one.

12.6 KEY WORDS

 State Sovereignty: It is the legal and political authority of a state over a defined
geographic area and its population, as recognized by international law.
 Westphalian State System: It is a system of state sovereignty and non-
interference in domestic affairs, established by the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648.
 Global IR: It is an approach to international relations that seeks to incorporate
non-Western perspectives and challenges the dominance of Western concepts
and theories.
 Sovereign Equality: It refers to the principle that states are equal in legal
status and have the right to non-interference in each other’s internal affairs, as
established by the United Nations Charter.
 Eurocentric: It is a perspective that centres on Europe and European
achievements as the standard by which other regions and cultures are judged.

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12.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
QUESTIONS

1. The concept of the nation-state began to take shape during the Renaissance
and Reformation periods in Europe.
2. The three key moments generally recognised as constitutive of that genesis are
the classical Greek, Greco-Roman, or Hellenic system; the Reformation and
Renaissance periods; and the nation-state processes of the 19th and 20th
centuries.
3. In his book, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle For Power And Peace,
Hans J. Morgenthau claim that international relations is a fight for power among
nations.
4. Feminism in International Relations (IR) is a theoretical approach that seeks to
understand and critique the role of gender and patriarchy in shaping international
politics and the global order.
5. The five different ways defined by Wallerstein in which social science is said to
be Eurocentric are historiography, assertion of universality, civilisation, orientalism,
and optimism for the future.
6. The three major theoretical books and epics of the Hindu tradition—the
Manusmriti, the Arthashastra by Kautilya, and the Mahabharata.

12.8 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS AND

EXERCISES

1. What are the necessary requirements for a state to be recognised as a member

of the international relations of states under international law?

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2. According to Behera (2020), what is the primary unit in the contemporary NOTES
international system that holds authority and legitimacy responsible for organising
international life?
3. How does the feminist perspective in International Relations challenge traditional
notions of the state and its gendered nature?
4. Mention the five different ways in which social science is considered Eurocentric,
as defined by Wallerstein.
5. List the six ways of doing Global IR as proposed by Acharya.
6. Discuss the concept of the state which evolved throughout history, from classical
Greece to the nation-state processes of the 19th and 20th centuries. Also, how
has this development shaped the modern understanding of the state?
7. Examine the crucial moments in history, such as the Peace of Westphalia, the
establishment of the United Nations, and the decolonisation era, which played a
significant role in establishing the state as the central player in international
relations. How do these historical events shape the Western and non-Western
perspectives of the state?
8. Explain the main theoretical perspectives in International Relations. How do
these perspectives shape our understanding of the state and sovereignty in the
global arena? Also, highlight how do these perspectives differ in their approaches
to analysing state behaviour and international politics.
9. Describe how the non-Western perspective of the state challenges the dominant
Western understanding of statehood, sovereignty, and governance. Provide
examples from different regions to support your answer.
10. Discuss the influence of non-Western philosophical traditions, such as
Confucianism and Indian dharma, on the understanding of the state and
governance. How do these traditions vary from Western political thought and
what are the implications of these differences for present-day international
relations?

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12.9 FURTHER READINGS

Brown, Chris and Kirsten Ainley. 2005. Understanding International Relations.

New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Jackson, Robert and Georg Sorenson. 2013. Introduction to International Relations:
Theories and Approaches. United Kingdom: Oxford University Press.
Goldstein, S. Joshua and Jon C. Pevehouse. 2014. International Relations. London:
Pearson.
Malhotra, Vinay Kumar and Alexander A. Sergounin. 1998. Theories and Approaches
to International Relations. New Delhi: Anmol Publication.

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Ethics in International Relations

LESSON 13 NOTES

ETHICS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Hema Kumari
Research Scholar,
Department of Political Science, University of Delhi
Aditi Vashistha
Research Scholar, University of Delhi
Structure
13.0 Introduction
13.1 Objectives
13.2 Ethics in IR: An Overview
13.3 Historical Perspective of Ethics in IR
13.3.1 Everyday Ethics in IR
13.4 Theories of Ethics in IR
13.5 Positivist and Post-Positivist Ethics in IR
13.6 Summary
13.7 Key Words
13.8 Answers to Check Your Progress Questions
13.9 Self-Assessment Questions and Exercises
13.10 Further Readings

13.0 INTRODUCTION

Ethics in international relations revolves around the moral principles that guide interactions
among nations and actors in the global arena. It encompasses respecting human rights,
upholding just war principles, and promoting diplomacy over conflict. The responsibility
to protect vulnerable populations from atrocities and the pursuit of global justice and
environmental sustainability are central ethical considerations. Balancing the sovereignty
of states with the imperative to address transnational issues poses ethical dilemmas.
International law and norms play a critical role in shaping ethical behavior among
nations and entities. In a world marked by diverse cultures and values, navigating Self-Instructional
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NOTES ethical complexities remains fundamental to fostering peaceful, just, and cooperative
international relations.

13.1 OBJECTIVES

After going through this lesson, you will be able to:

 Discuss the historical perspective of ethics in International Relations (IR)
 Describe the types of issues which have ethical convictions
 Explain the different theories of ethics in IR
 Analyse the positivist and post-positivist ethics in IR

13.2 ETHICS IN IR: AN OVERVIEW

The term ‘ethics’ refers to behaviours and a viewpoint concerning questions of what is
morally right or wrong, acceptable or unacceptable, just or unfair to conduct, as well
as a consideration of those behaviours and viewpoints. It is sometimes used
interchangeably with ‘morality’ and falls under the umbrella term ‘normative’, which
includes both the institutions that support and obstruct behaviour as well as the morality
of interactions between people and groups. We all have opinions about what, from an
ethical standpoint; we believe ought to be done in daily world politics, a sphere in
which we all engage to some extent (Hutchings, 2018).
Ethics in International Relations (IR) represents the moral compass that guides
the behaviour of states, non-state actors, and international institutions on the global
stage. It delves into the ethical considerations and dilemmas that arise in navigating
complex international interactions, shaping foreign policy, and addressing pressing global
challenges. The study of ethics in IR seeks to strike a balance between the pursuit of
national interests and the promotion of universal moral values, highlighting the delicate
interplay between power politics and normative principles.

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of international relations. However, a pervasive conventional wisdom maintains that NOTES

ethics play a minor role in international affairs and is limited in its scope. The moral
principles applied in different world situations revolve around fact and objectivity with
a less humanitarian perspective. Joseph Hoover (2015) talks about how a number of
well-known academics with a realistic perspective on ethical issues started to dominate
the subject after World War II, while the field of international relations was developing
in the UK and the US. In this space, the realist scholars claimed that the International
system was anarchic with no space for international morals and also rejected the
values and norms in the field of IR.
In The Twenty Years’ Crisis, E. H Carr (1939) stated that there is no moral
component to realism, success is good and failure is wrong in the eyes of realists.
According to Carr, there is a constant conflict between the economically advantaged
‘have’ powers and the economically underprivileged ‘have not’ powers.
Hans J. Morgenthau in Politics Among Nations (1948) argued that the central
concern of states in international politics is the pursuit of their national interests, which
he defined as power and security. States act to maximize their power and protect their
security, and these interests should guide their foreign policy decisions. Morgenthau
believed that there are objective laws of politics that govern the behaviour of states,
and these laws are independent of subjective moral judgments. He sought to understand
international politics through a scientific, value-neutral analysis.
During the post-war years, we saw that several United Nations (UN) agencies
worked to advance some universal values that go beyond national boundaries and the
moral standards that different nations uphold. An international ethic is more than just a
dominating country’s moral code or a powerful country’s responsibility to others as a
result of its influence over others. Nonwestern scholars argue that ethics cannot be just
a reflection of the West.
Kymlicka (2007) talks about the Globalization of Ethics rather than one single
universal ethical notion. He says that at one level, we have a self-standing universal
international discourse such as human rights that is majorly agreeable to all.
Secondly, there are many distinct ethical traditions, each of which has its own
view of what is required in addition to human rights. The process of learning, sharing,
and inspiration will lead to any convergence at this second level, which is probably
going to be a sluggish and uneven one. It is necessary to make space for this kind of Self-Instructional
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NOTES education and persuasion to occur through the expression and dissemination of many
ethical viewpoints. History demonstrates unequivocally that people from many cultures
are capable and eager to share knowledge, not just regarding technological concerns
but also about fundamental moral principles.
Thus, Kymlicka says that without assuming or enforcing a single ethical viewpoint
and without confining the ethical discussion to the shallow and minimum vocabulary of
international human rights, it is essential for globalised ethics to consider the circumstances
in which such exchange might occur.
Amitav Acharya (2002) is an IR scholar known for his work on non-Western
perspectives and postcolonial ethics in IR. Acharya emphasizes the importance of
inclusivity and cultural diversity in ethical debates and decision-making at the international
level (Acharya, 2002).
The importance of ethics cannot be ignored in many places. One may argue that
international ethics fills this requirement for global action. International relations and
conflict resolution are governed by international ethics. The worldwide environmental
effort to combat issues like ozone depletion, global warming, etc., which are widely
shared challenges and demand measures from many nations that are important
contributors to forces causing such problems, is guided by international ethics.

13.3 HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE OF ETHICS IN IR

The historical perspective of ethics in International Relations (IR) is a complex and

evolving one. Throughout history, various ethical theories and principles have influenced
the conduct of states and their interactions with one another on the global stage. The
discipline of IR has been immoral and with no presence of ethics as it focuses on flaws
in nature, power struggles and war. But it’s not the case, we can trace back two
tendencies in international ethical thinking: Universalism and Contextualism. Universalist
ethical thought has its roots in the Stoicism of the ancient Greeks and Romans. They
saw themselves as citizens of the world rather than of the state. They supported the
notion that moral standards and values applied equally to all people regardless of
boundaries. This is directly related to modern cosmopolitan theorizations of global
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Contextual approaches to international ethics have their roots in Aristotelian NOTES

(384-322 BCE) ethical thinking, with its emphasis on practical reason and the relation
of ethical values to the role played in Greek society. This Aristotelian legacy has been
viewed as continuing through the incorporation of Aristotle into scholastic thought and
culminating in Hegel’s (1730–1831) contextualist ethics, which is linked directly to
modern contractual and communitarian approaches to global justice, democracy, and
human rights (ibid). Roman law, Christian philosophy, particularly the writings of
Augustine (354–430) and Aquinas (1225–1274), and international law experts like
Grotius (1583–1645) and Vattel (1714–1767) are the most significant canonical
reference points in the most widely accepted version of the history of just war theory.
The history of just war theory is depicted as the formation of a set of moral prohibitions
on starting wars (ad bellum) and acting in a warlike manner (in Bello). Among many
historical traditions, including Confucian, Islamic, Hindu, African, and Native American,
there has started to be a demand for increased consideration of ethical challenges in
international relations.
In the beginnings of IR, the systematic study of international relations was
fundamentally intertwined with the geopolitical concerns of policymakers and citizens
of the great powers (Germany, Britain, and the United States). The ethical consideration
came from a viewpoint of Western civilization. Today, we think that racism and liberalism
are not compatible but back then, it was normal for liberal and even socialist philosophers
to embrace notions of racial hierarchy and support imperialism on the basis of a
pedagogic trusteeship, according to which it was the responsibility of the civilized to
teach less advanced races the skills necessary for self-determination (Hutchings, 2018).
The Treaty of Versailles 1919 is also seen as one the foremost ethical projects
of liberal internationalism’s success, but even it had a bias towards some nations,
mainly the non-Western nations. The League of Nations was instrumental in broadening
the horizons of international relations by taking up projects that covered a vast array of
global issues. These initiatives were aimed at tackling problems related to global health,
massive population migration, gender equality, and the rights of people living in colonised
territories. The international space of the inter-war period saw the importance of the
ethics of war. A key ethical issue for international relations scholars in the 1930s became
the question of the rights and wrongs of war and preparation for war.

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NOTES According to scholars, disarmament and appeasement were seen as the basis
of ethics of the war period.
Ethics was only a minor component of IR as a subject of study. By the end of
the Cold War, there were still sizable international ethics pieces of literature in existence.
The journal Ethics and International Affairs was established in 1987 with the intention
of serving as a cross-disciplinary platform for the debate of ethical concerns in
international relations but with the dismantling of the USSR. The existing ethics were
questioned and the need to explore the other side which is beyond the English-speaking
population was seen. In this setting, a window of opportunity emerged for more
interdisciplinary collaboration and for ethics to be fully acknowledged as a subject of
IR rather than being on the periphery of what IR researchers could be interested in. It
is noteworthy that works by IR academics begin to bridge gaps between the categories
of international relations theory and ethical theorizing that had previously taken place
in theology, philosophy, and political theory only in the early 1990s.
Thus, the evolution of IR is not unilateral or we can also say that it has been
studied only from the perspective of the West. The ethics of Indian discourse or Chinese
confusions are often ignored or sidelined. The normative issues in IR have re-emerged
in the 1990s. Mervyn Frost’s iconic 1998 study on a ‘turn not taken’ brings out the
perceptive of the famous positivist and post-positivist debate in ethics. Will Kymlika
(2007) talk on the same notes say that as Globalisation increases, ethics must itself
become globalised? People from Western liberal cultures must learn to communicate
with those from Southeast Asian Buddhist civilizations or Latin American indigenous
tribes in order to debate ethical concerns (Kymlicka, 2007).
Such international ethical discussions are becoming more and more inevitable
given the level of cross-cultural connection that exists today.

13.3.1 Everyday Ethics in IR

Everyday ethics in International Relations (IR) refers to the ethical considerations and
dilemmas that arise in the interactions and decision-making processes of individuals,
organisations, and states on the global stage. While high-level international diplomacy
and grand strategies often dominate the discourse on IR, everyday ethics play a crucial
role in shaping the behaviour and outcomes of various actors in the international arena.
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terrorism (when, if ever, is it justified?), human rights (what rights do people have and NOTES
who should do what to protect them?), the environment (who is responsible for it?),
distributions of basic necessities like food, water, housing, education, and health care
both at home and abroad (who ought to do what about these?) (Frost, 1998). The
issues are discussed below:

1. Human Rights and Humanitarian Interventions

Particularly since the conclusion of the Cold War, the topic of humanitarian intervention
has dominated discussions of international relations. It has been a hotly debated topic
that has affected millions of individuals in several countries and governments (Rashid,
2012). ‘The purpose of the UN Charter is to protect individual human rights, not to
protect those who abuse them’, as succinctly stated by former UN General Secretary
Kofi Annan. The scope of ethics in IR with an aspect of humanitarianism holds vital
importance. The vocabulary of human rights has been appropriated by people from all
corners of the globe, as well as from various religious and cultural backgrounds, allowing
them to express their moral concerns. It now serves as the ‘gold standard’ of
international morality in many aspects (Kymlicka, 2007).
The international reaction to the Rohingya issue in Myanmar brought to light the
difficulties in striking a balance between moral principles and geopolitical objectives as
well as the difficulties of multilateral action.

2. Global Health and Pandemic Response

The COVID-19 pandemic affected all countries and it showed why the ethics in IR
cannot be ignored. World Health Organization (WHO) is the guiding agency which
regulated the COVID-19 pandemic (Wenham, 2020).
The global response to COVID-19 has brought to light the ethical challenges of
vaccine nationalism, vaccine diplomacy, and the need for a more inclusive and
collaborative approach to health security.

3. Environmental Ethics and Climate Change

Environmental ethics and climate change are increasingly significant topics in the field
of International Relations (IR). As climate change poses a global challenge with far-
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NOTES policymaking at the international level. For instance, the USA is one of the biggest
greenhouse gas-producing nations but the federal government has not been able to put
a cap on it even after the Kyoto Protocol The United States have not been able to
follow it. The environmental ethics in this case presents that the rule must be similar for
every state.

4. Emerging Technologies and Cyber Ethics

The rapid development of emerging technologies, such as artificial intelligence (AI),

autonomous weapons, and cyber capabilities, has profound implications for global
politics. These technologies offer new opportunities for economic growth, scientific
advancement, and security, but they also raise ethical questions related to human rights,
privacy, security, and accountability. Cyber ethics in IR focuses on the ethical dimensions
of cyber warfare, espionage, and the responsible use of digital tools in international
relations. Balancing national security with ethical considerations becomes crucial as
states and non-state actors leverage cyber capabilities for various purposes, including
influence operations, information warfare, and cyber-attacks. The responsible
governance of emerging technologies and adherence to ethical principles are essential
in promoting international stability, protecting human rights, and preventing the escalation
of cyber conflicts (Kello, 2017) .

5. Global Economic Ethics

The global economic system is characterized by interconnectedness and

interdependence among nations. Ethical considerations in this context revolve around
promoting economic practices that prioritize human welfare, reduce inequality, protect
the environment, and respect the rights and dignity of workers and communities. Global
economic ethics emphasizes the responsibilities of states, international institutions,
corporations, and individuals in fostering economic justice, sustainable development,
and inclusive prosperity (Singer, 2011). This perspective calls for ethical decision-
making in trade agreements, investment policies, financial regulations, and economic
cooperation to ensure that economic activities align with broader moral values and
contribute to the well-being of people around the world.

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6. Ethical Leadership and Foreign Policy NOTES

Leadership transitions and shifts in foreign policy stances in various countries have
drawn attention to the role of ethical considerations in shaping international relations.
In Joseph S. Nye Jr.’s chapter titled “What is Ethical Foreign Policy Leadership” in
the book Ethics, The Heart of Leadership: Third Edition (edited by Joanne Cuilla,
published in 2014), Nye likely discusses the concept of ethical leadership in the context
of foreign policy (Nye, 2014). Nye is a prominent scholar known for his work in
international relations and coined the term “soft power.” He explores how ethical
considerations play a crucial role in shaping foreign policy decisions and the leadership
qualities necessary for conducting foreign policy ethically. Nye discusses the
interconnectedness of ethical values, national interests, and global responsibilities in
shaping a nation’s actions on the international stage.

Check Your Progress

1. Which journal was established in 1987 to discuss ethical concerns in
International Relations?
2. What does ‘everyday ethics in IR’ refer to?

13.4 THEORIES OF ETHICS IN IR

‘International conflicts are not so much moral events as they are the clashing of
social forces.’ – Professor H. C. Warren, 1997.

I. Realist Ethics in IR

Realist ethics, also called realist moral theory, or moral realism in international relations,
is a theoretical approach that seeks to analyse and understand ethical considerations
within the context of international relations from a realist perspective. The idea of
ethical realism was formulated by Reinhold Niebuhr and Hans Morgenthau.
The principles underlying this approach generally point in the opposite direction
to those advocated by liberal interventionists today. Ethical realism implies an
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NOTES international strategy based on prudence. Focus on possible outcomes rather than
good intentions; careful study of the character, views and interests of other countries
and a willingness to accommodate them where possible. (Lieven, 2005). The portrayal
of realism as a purely cynical intellectual position divorced from ethics and morality is
a highly misleading one. (Hulsman, 1997). Morgenthau summarises the ethical realist
view,
‘The equation of political moralizing with morality and of political realism with
immorality itself untenable. The choice is not between moral principles and the national
interest, devoid of moral dignity, but between one set of moral principles divorced
from political reality and another set of moral principles derived from political reality.’
(Lieven, 2005)
In IR, realist ethics attempt to reconcile national interests and the pursuit of
power with moral and ethical considerations. It acknowledges that nations operate in
a competitive and often anarchic international system where selfishness and survival
are paramount. However, realist ethicists argue that ethical principles and moral values,
though often subordinated to strategic interests, play a role in shaping state behaviour
and international interactions. Realist ethicists recognise that states put their own interests
and security first in the international arena. Ethical considerations can influence how
countries define and pursue their interests, including when making decisions about
war, diplomacy, and cooperation.
Realism emphasises prudence and the need for states to make rational and
pragmatic decisions to ensure their survival and strengthen their power. Ethical
considerations are often compared to practical consequences. The realist ethic respects
the principle of state sovereignty, meaning that states have the power to make decisions
within their borders without undue external interference. However, this sovereignty is
not absolute and may be constrained by international norms and interests.
Realist ethicists argue that moral principles must be understood within the specific
context of international relations. Here, countries are often faced with conflicting values
and limited choices. This can lead to morally complex decisions. Realist ethics criticizes
more idealistic or normative approaches to international relations that may prioritize
universal moral principles over national interests (Donnelly, 2008). Realists argue that
such an approach may be impractical and ineffective in a complex and competitive
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It is important to note that realist ethics does not propose a fixed set of moral NOTES
principles or a comprehensive moral system. Instead, it provides a lens for analysing
and understanding how ethical considerations interact with the pursuit of power and
national interests in international relations. Realist ethics can be seen as a pragmatic
and nuanced approach that seeks to navigate the complexities of international systems
while acknowledging the role of ethics in shaping national behaviour.

II. Liberal Ethics in IR

The Ethics of Liberalism in International Relations refers to a perspective that emphasises

the importance of certain moral principles and values in shaping the behaviour of
states and other international actors on the world stage. This approach is based on
liberal political philosophy and is one of the main theoretical frameworks used to
analyse and understand international relations.
There are two major theories within Liberal Internationalism, communitarian
particularism and cosmopolitan liberalism. The distinctions between
communitarian particularism and cosmopolitan liberalism have been extensively
discussed in the literature on international ethics. While communitarians voice concerns
over the paternalism and abstraction of universalist ethical theories, cosmopolitans
contend that communitarianism is too tightly bound to regional or local interests. The
cosmopolitan and communitarian viewpoints, in contrast, are captured by the covenant
paradigm in both their universal and particularistic aspects. (Gismondi, 2008)
The liberal ethic focuses on protecting individual rights and freedoms at home
and abroad. States insist on respecting the rights of the individual within their own
country and promoting these rights in the international arena. Liberals believe that the
international system must be governed by the rule of law and that international institutions
such as the United Nations and international courts play an important role in facilitating
cooperation, conflict resolution, and human rights advocacy. But the primary question
faced by liberalism in the post-Cold War world order is, ‘whether or not the sovereign
state is compatible with the highest of liberal goals, individual freedom.’ (Franceschet,
2016)
Liberal ethics promotes the belief that democratic governance and the protection
of human rights contribute to more stable and peaceful international relations. States
that respect the rights of their citizens and engage in democratic practices are seen as Self-Instructional
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NOTES less likely to engage in aggression and conflict. The liberal ethic also emphasises the
benefits of free trade, economic interdependence, and cooperation. States argue that
through economic interaction, they can achieve mutual prosperity and reduce the
possibility of conflict. Liberals often advocate a cosmopolitan perspective that
emphasises global citizenship and solidarity. This perspective encourages individuals
and nations to consider the interests and welfare of people beyond their own boundaries.
In conclusion, liberal ethics in International Relations offer a dynamic and
multifaceted framework that emphasizes cooperation, human rights, and global
governance. Rooted in principles of individual freedom, democracy, and international
institutions, liberal ethics seek to mitigate conflicts through diplomacy, economic
interdependence, and the rule of law.

III. Feminist Ethics in IR

Feminist Ethics aims ‘to understand, criticize, and correct’ how gender operates
within our moral beliefs and practices (Lindemann, 2005). Feminist Ethics in International
Relations is a theoretical framework for applying feminist perspectives to international
politics and ethics studies. It examines and critiques the way gender shapes and is
shaped by international relations while advocating for a more inclusive and equitable
approach to global issues.
Feminist ethics in international relations challenge traditional theories and practices
within international relations that often overlook or marginalize the experiences and
contributions of women and other marginalized groups.
IR’s Feminist Ethics highlights the importance of understanding how gender
roles, norms, and power dynamics affect international relations. It aims to reveal how
traditional notions of masculinity and femininity shape decision-making, conflict, and
cooperation on a global stage. This perspective recognises that individuals have multiple
identities and that systems of oppression such as gender, race, class, and sexuality
intersect and influence each other. IR’s Feminist Ethics examines how these intersections
contribute to unequal power relations and shape global politics.
Feminist ethics in IR challenges the predominant focus on traditional notions of
rationality and self-interest in international relations by introducing the ethics of care.
This approach emphasises empathy, interconnectedness, and relationships, and it
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nature of morality, moral motivation, and moral interactions may be found in feminist NOTES
moral theory, notably notions around “relational” or “care” ethics. These insights have
the potential to expand the IR debate’s existing boundaries. (Robinson, 2012)
Feminist scholars in the field of IR advocate for the representation and
participation of women and other marginalized groups in decision-making at local,
national and international levels. They argue that different perspectives can lead to
more comprehensive and effective solutions to global challenges. In IR, feminist ethics
question common notions of justice and advocate for a more inclusive and socially just
international order. IR’s feminist ethic challenges traditional notions of peace and security
by highlighting the impact of gender-based violence and the role of women in conflict
resolution and peacebuilding. A more comprehensive approach to security is needed,
including addressing these issues.
IR’s Feminist Ethics critically evaluates existing international norms, institutions
and policies through a gender lens. It aims to expose prejudice, inequality, and blind
spots that can arise from a male-centred perspective.

IV. Post-modernist Ethics in IR

Postmodernist ethics in International Relations is a theoretical approach that challenges

traditional ethical frameworks and assumptions within the study of international politics.
It is part of the broader postmodernist perspective, which emerged as a reaction to
modernist theories that claimed to offer objective and universal truths about the world.
Postmodernist ethics seeks to deconstruct and critique established norms, values, and
power dynamics in IR, questioning the authority of grand narratives and exploring
alternative ways of understanding ethics and morality in the international realm.
The prevalent view of international relations as a system of sovereign states
separating within from outside, order from chaos, and identity from difference is
challenged by postmodern theories. They question the idea of sovereignty as an
ahistorical, universal, transcendent concept in general, whether it is used to refer to the
sovereign state, the sovereign person, or the sovereign truth. The mechanisms of
dominance and closure provided by sovereignty and the dichotomies controlled by its
authority restrict the scope of political conduct. Post-modern wants to break down
these restrictions and make room for numerous and diverse political activities. (Cochran,
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NOTES Postmodernist ethics rejects the idea that there are fixed, universal moral
principles that can guide international behaviour. Instead, it emphasises the contextual
and contingent nature of ethics, arguing that moral norms are constructed within specific
historical, cultural, and social contexts. Postmodernist ethics seeks to deconstruct
dominant ethical discourses and narratives in IR. It challenges the binary oppositions
often present in traditional ethics, such as good vs. evil or friend vs. enemy, and reveals
the underlying power dynamics and interests that shape these concepts.
Postmodernist ethics often promotes ethical relativism, which suggests that ethical
judgments are subjective and vary across different cultures and perspectives. This
challenges the notion of a single, objective ethical framework that should guide
international behaviour. Postmodernist thinkers emphasize the role of language and
discourse in shaping ethical understanding. They argue that language constructs our
reality and influences how we perceive and evaluate ethical issues in international politics.
Postmodernist ethics explores how identity and agency influence ethical decision-
making. It considers how different actors, such as states, non-state actors, and
individuals, construct their identities and how these identities inform their ethical choices.
Postmodernist ethics focuses on exposing and critiquing power dynamics and hierarchies
that underlie international relations. It questions the legitimacy of dominant actors and
norms, seeking to empower marginalized voices and perspectives. Postmodernist ethics
values diversity and embraces the multiplicity of ethical viewpoints and experiences. It
challenges the homogenizing tendencies of traditional ethics and promotes the recognition
of difference and plurality.
It is important to note that postmodern ethics is not a monolithic or unified
theory, but rather a diverse and evolving set of ideas. It has been criticized for its
potential to undermine moral principles and for its emphasis on scepticism and
deconstruction. However, proponents argue that it provides a valuable lens through
which to critically examine and challenge existing ethical frameworks in the field of
international relations.

V. Constructivist Ethics in IR

Constructivist ethics is a theoretical approach in International Relations that emphasises

the role of ideas, norms, identities, and social structures in shaping ethical principles
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broader institutionalist school of thought in IR, which argues that international relations NOTES
are not determined solely by material factors (such as power, resources, and geography)
but are influenced by ideational factors.
Constructivist ethics examines how shared norms and identities among states,
non-state actors, and individuals influence their ethical judgments and actions. These
norms can include issues such as human rights, environmental protection, humanitarian
intervention, and more. Constructivists argue that ethical values and principles are
socially constructed through interaction, discourse, and shared understanding. In this
view, ethical values are not fixed or absolute but can change based on changing
perceptions, interpretations and interactions among actors. (Heinze, 2018)
Constructivist ethics also examines how the identity of a state or actor can
shape ethical behaviour. A state’s self-concept and understanding of its role in the
international system can influence its ethical choices. Identity can include cultural,
historical and political aspects that inform how a state defines its interests and
responsibilities in the global arena. It pays close attention to the role of ideas and
discussions in shaping ethical debates and decisions.
The way issues are framed and debated can influence the construction of ethical
norms and the subsequent behaviour of states and actors. Constructivist ethics suggest
that international ethics are not static but can change and progress over time. Through
the dissemination of new norms and the revaluation of existing ones, ethical behaviour
in international relations can change as societies and actors adapt to new situations.
In conclusion, the integration of constructive ethics into the realm of International
Relations presents a pathway towards a more equitable, peaceful, and prosperous
world. While the challenges are formidable, the potential benefits – including enhanced
diplomatic relationships, increased security, and improved human well-being – make
the pursuit of constructive ethics a worthy endeavour for all stakeholders on the global
stage.

VI. Just War Theory and Ethics in IR

Just war is the idea that using force is acceptable under certain circumstances (jus ad
bellum), as well as the idea that using force should be constrained in certain ways (jus
in bello). Just war emerged as a coherent body of thought and practice during the
Middle Ages as a byproduct of canon law and theology, the concepts of jus naturale Self-Instructional
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NOTES (Latin: “natural law”) and jus gentium (Latin: “law of nations”) from Roman law,
established practices of statecraft, and the chivalric code. It is rooted in classical Roman
and biblical Hebraic culture and contains both religious and secular elements.
Theologians like St. Augustine and St. Thomas Aquinas, whose ‘Summa
Theologiae’ detailed the arguments for war and analysed the actions that are acceptable
to perform during the war, provided justifications for war based on Christian ethics.
Marcus Tullius Cicero, a Roman jurist and philosopher, is one example of a secular
theorist who made the claim that righteous wars must be openly declared, have a good
purpose, and be conducted justly. In De Jure Belli ac Pacis (On the Law of War
and Peace), Dutch jurist Hugo Grotius argued that a government may only justify
going to war if it is in immediate danger and using force is both necessary and appropriate
given the threat.
The majority of academics concur that a war must fulfil many jus ad bellum
standards in order to be justified. The four most crucial prerequisites are as follows:
 The war must be openly declared by a proper sovereign authority (such as
the ruling body of the political community in question);
 the war must have a just cause (such as the defence of the general welfare or
a response to serious injustice);
 the warring state must have just intentions (i.e., it must wage the war for
justice rather than for self-interest); and
 the war must be fought in accordance with international law and the aim of
the war must be the establishment of a just peace.
Since the end of World War II, it has become customary to add three other
conditions:
(i) There must be a reasonable chance of success;
(ii) force must be used as a last resort; and
(iii) the expected benefits of war must outweigh its anticipated costs.
There has been a persistent attempt in international law since the Peace of
Westphalia (1648), which put an end to the Thirty Years’ War, to create legally binding
laws of war and military codes of conduct. Since the 1860s, these have increasingly
taken the form of laws governing the conduct of war, such as the Geneva Conventions
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(1864–1949) and their protocols (1977), rules of engagement for national military NOTES
forces, and various treaties, agreements, and declarations regulating the methods
permitted in war.
These are the major approaches towards ethics in IR. The next section deals
with showing that liberalism and Realism which depend on facts rather than values
have dominated the world and we look for an answer to how we need a post-positivist
in IR.

Check Your Progress

3. What are realist ethics also called as?
4. Name the two major theories within Liberal Internationalism.

13.5 POSITIVIST AND POST-POSITIVIST ETHICS IN

IR

We cannot escape the ethical question while we are doing IR. Some are about how to
behave in a given context like helping someone in a feminine situation. Others can be
members of social institutions such as governments, churches, or international
organisations. When we are asked to evaluate the fundamental institutional structures
within which we live—structures like families, churches, civil society, states, and the
system of states—ethical questions of a third kind emerge (Frost, 1998). Nevertheless,
“International conflicts are not so much moral events as they are the clashing of social
forces” (Tufts, 1918). Actors in the international scenario have all done something or
the other which has harmed one or another but we now turn to the discipline of IR we
find a strikingly different picture. Our everyday concern with ethical issues is not
reflected in the discipline.
Mervyn Frost (1998) brings two reasons for this:
1. The positivist bias in the discipline is based on a strong fact/value dichotomy.
The objective of IR scholars is to explain occurrences in world politics by
covering laws that are, in the end, grounded in observable factual data.
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NOTES 2. Second, there is a general scepticism regarding the epistemological status

of value judgments, which are generally presented as being subjective,
arbitrary, relative, and not based on anything resembling the firm foundation
of observable data which underlies factual judgments. This is about what
ought to be done in IR. The normative theory deals precisely with values
and value preferences but is not seen as a basis of decision in IR.
Although the majority of IR still adheres to a strict fact/value distinction, there
have been a number of recent developments that, at first glance, seem to indicate that
normative theory may one day be accepted as a legitimate approach and integrated
into IR. For instance, Gregory Raymond’s ‘Problems and Prospects in the Study of
International Norms’ discusses norms as variables to be included in standard
explanations of international affairs.
Audie Klotz argues that conventional approaches to conducting international
relations are insufficient for the job in “Norms in International Relations: The Struggle
against Apartheid” by using the example of the global struggle against apartheid. She
argues that in order to understand issues in international affairs, we need to pay attention
to the role of norms, and she claims that the current dominant IR approaches fail to do
this. Both neorealism and neoliberalism use structures that compel actors to pursue
their material interests to explain how international politics works (Klotz, 1995). She
contends that these methods are flawed because they fail to take normative salience
into account.
The bandwagon of Post-Positivist Theory is led by critical, feminist, post-
structuralist, social constructivist and post-modern approaches amongst others. Frost
emphasises that these approaches are different from the positivist approaches as they:
 Research into how people behave and interact.
 Emphasises that the social wholes under study are the result of the belief that
the world was created by humans and is not a given.
 These approaches emphasise that our self-understandings are human
constructs made for specific purposes and contribute to our world’s making,
not just reflect it.

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 The social wholes in which we find ourselves and which are themselves NOTES
constituted by us serve as the framework within which our identities, or who
we believe ourselves to be, are constructed.
 What we consider “reason” is a part of the social structures we have
constructed for ourselves. Any appeal to reason should always be
accompanied by the question, “Whose reason, when, and where?”
 All these methods emphasise how important language is to the processes
we use to create our identities.
 The contexts of rules within which we act are understood to be both enabling
and limiting. For instance, the set of rules that make up our interstate practice
permits a vast array of possible actions for states, but on the other hand,
they also forbid a vast array of potential actions as being inappropriate for
state actors.
Frost calls these theories constitutive theories. The task of IR to constitutive
theory, according to theorists, is to reveal the international social order as a human
construct where certain chosen US values are embedded and to demonstrate how this
by constructing some benefits and others oppresses. (Frost, 1998). The main distinction
between positivist and post-positivist IR relates to the standards for judging statements
about the nature of the world. Post-positivists believe that the fundamental data of the
social sciences need to be interpreted, contrary to positivists who believe that these
data are directly observable and quantifiable. Regarding the proper method of perceiving
the object under investigation, they are different. The complex social structures that
we are constituted by and that we act within are well-explained by the post-positivists.
They have demonstrated how these structures are dynamic and constantly changing.
They emphasize the crucial part that normative considerations play in the practices
that we study and in our scholarly practices. The post-positivist theory let us see
beyond number and power while making a decision.

Check Your Progress

5. What does Gregory Raymond’s ‘Problems and Prospects in the Study of
International Norms’ discuss?
6. Name the approaches which contribute to the Post-Positivist Theory.
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13.6 SUMMARY

In this lesson, you have learnt about the significance of ethics in International Relations.
The historical perspective of ethics in International Relations (IR) is a complex and
evolving one. Throughout history, various ethical theories and principles have influenced
states’ conduct and interactions with one another on the global stage. Everyday ethics
in International Relations (IR) refers to the ethical considerations and dilemmas that
arise in the interactions and decision-making processes of individuals, organisations,
and states on the global stage. The types of issues we have ethical convictions about
are war (when is it justified?), terrorism (when, if ever, is it justified?), human rights
(what rights do people have and who should do what to protect them?), the environment
(who is responsible for it?), distributions of basic necessities like food, water, housing,
education, and health care both at home and abroad (who ought to do what about
these?) (Frost, 1998).
Whatever the future of the discipline holds, it is crucial to acknowledge that
using power is necessary for both theorizing and applying ethics and IR because without
it, nothing can be done, no one can be saved, and nothing can be accomplished.
However, to control and influence people’s behaviour internationally, governments,
international organizations, and NGOs have also embraced the conventional language
of humanitarianism, human rights, justice, security, and resilience (Bulley, 2018). The
future of IR not only holds the post-positivist view but also a non-Western philosophical
tradition which offers unique perspectives on ethics in international relations, often
emphasizing harmony, interconnectedness, and cultural context. These traditions can
provide alternative lenses through which to analyse and approach global issues.

13.7 KEY WORDS

 Universalism: It is the ethical thought rooted in the belief that moral standards
and values apply equally to all people, regardless of boundaries or nationality.

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 Contextualism: It is the ethical approach influenced by practical reason and NOTES

the relation of ethical values to specific societal roles and contexts. League of
Nations:
 Vaccine Nationalism: It is the practice of countries prioritising their own
population’s access to vaccines over equitable distribution to the global
community, often seen as ethically problematic.
 Positivist Bias: It is the inclination in the discipline of IR to emphasize empirical
data and observable facts over normative or value-based considerations.
 International Norms: It is the shared expectations and standards of behaviour
among states and international actors which can influence state behaviour and
interactions in the international system.

13.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

QUESTIONS

1. The journal Ethics and International Affairs was established in 1987 with the
intention of serving as a cross-disciplinary platform for the debate of ethical
concerns in international relations but with the dismantling of the USSR.
2. Everyday ethics in International Relations (IR) refers to the ethical considerations
and dilemmas that arise in the interactions and decision-making processes of
individuals, organisations, and states on the global stage.
3. Realist ethics is also called realist moral theory or moral realism in international
relations.
4. There are two major theories within Liberal Internationalism, communitarian
particularism and cosmopolitan liberalism.
5. Gregory Raymond’s ‘Problems and Prospects in the Study of International
Norms’ discusses norms as variables to be included in standard explanations of
international affairs.
6. The bandwagon of Post-Positivist Theory is led by critical, feminist, post-
structuralist, social constructivist and post-modern approaches amongst others. Self-Instructional
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NOTES
13.9 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS AND
EXERCISES

1. What are some ethical dilemmas and considerations in contemporary International

Relations, and how have they evolved over time?
2. What are the two major theories within Liberal Internationalism? Provide a
distinction between the two.
3. Give a brief account of Feminist ethics in IR.
4. State the three kinds of ethical questions of positivist and post-positivist ethics
in the context of international relations.
5. How does Audie Klotz argue that conventional approaches to international
relations fail to address the role of norms in global affairs?
6. Discuss the historical evolution of ethics in International Relations.
7. Distinguish between realist ethics and constructivist ethics in international relations.
8. Analyse the ‘just war theory and ethics’ in IR.
9. Explain the two reasons given by Mervyn Frost in 1998 for the limited attention
given to ethical questions in the field of international relations. Additionally, how
do these reasons relate to the distinction between fact and value, and the
epistemological status of value judgments in IR?
10. Analyse the International relations’ post-positivist approaches that differ from
positivist ones by assigning a role to normative considerations and social constructs
in understanding international politics. Also, highlight the key characteristics of
post-positivist approaches.

13.10 FURTHER READINGS

Brown, Chris and Kirsten Ainley. 2005. Understanding International Relations.

New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
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Jackson, Robert and Georg Sorenson. 2013. Introduction to International Relations: NOTES
Theories and Approaches. United Kingdom: Oxford University Press.
Goldstein, S. Joshua and Jon C. Pevehouse. 2014. International Relations. London:
Pearson.
Malhotra, Vinay Kumar and Alexander A. Sergounin. 1998. Theories and Approaches
to International Relations. New Delhi: Anmol Publication.

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UNIT V: FUTURE DIRECTIONS IN INTERNATIONAL
RELATIONS THEORY

LESSON 14 THE PROBLEMATIC OF ‘INTERNATIONAL’

LESSON 15 THE END OF IR THEORY

The Problematic of ‘International’

LESSON 14 NOTES

THE PROBLEMATIC OF ‘INTERNATIONAL’

Gowri S
Research Scholar,
Department of Political Science,
University of Delhi
Structure
14.0 Introduction
14.1 Objectives
14.2 Meaning of International: Evolution and Development of IR
14.2.1 Idealism and Realism: Establishing the Foundations of International
Relations
14.2.2 Traditionalism v/s Behaviouralism: Enquiry on Methodology
14.2.3 Neo-Realism, Neo-Liberalism and Radical International Theories
14.3 Positivism and Post-Positivism: Epistemology of IR
14.4 Disciplinary Boundaries and Borrowings of the International
14.5 State, Sovereignty and the International
14.5.1 Generalising the International
14.6 Expanding Meaning and Scope of IR
14.7 Summary
14.8 Key Words
14.9 Answers to Check Your Progress Questions
14.10 Self-Assessment Questions and Exercises
14.11 Further Readings

14.0 INTRODUCTION

Everyone has an idea of what ‘International’ and ‘International Relations’ means and
does, however with very few being able to give well-defined answers. This is because
we all have an idea about the international, we live in an international world, and face
international crises, be it terrorism, the environment or the effects of a global economy.
All of us have heard or read about international events and affairs, international Self-Instructional
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NOTES conferences, and international movie festivals and tune into international/world games.
In all these cases, the international becomes that space where the entire world
participates.
However, the discipline of international relations moves beyond these general
ideas of the global. An attempt to bring out a clear-cut definition of the international
fails because, every time such an attempt is made, its defining constituent parts falter
(become weak). That is, if one says that the international is the relation between nations
(‘inter’ and ‘nations’), we are forced to ask if nations are the only active feature in the
international. Did no international relations exist before the establishment of nations?
How can the relevance of transnational organizations in international affairs be explained?
How can global movements for the environment or gender justice be explained with
just the unit of nations? Therefore, if it is not nations, but the politics between various
levels in the globe that defines the international, how can we understand this politics
and how is international politics different from national or domestic?
Apart from these problems in defining the international, there is also the additional
challenge of the nature of international relations. It is a field that undoubtedly has
theoretical as well as practical applications, that is, there are theories and philosophies
of international relations and there are also international relations at the level of policies,
events and real incidents with actors, organizations and institutions. Then again, what
is the relation between the theory and practice of international relations, does theory
come first or is theory and philosophy constructed from events which have happened?
What plays a larger role in international relations? In this lesson, you will learn about
the definition, methodology and scope of the international.

14.1 OBJECTIVES

After going through this lesson, you will be able to:

 Discuss the evolution and development of International Relations
 Describe the great debates of IR
 Analyse the epistemology of IR
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 Identify other discipline methods of IR NOTES

 Interpret the ideas of state and state sovereignty
 Discuss the restrictive nature of conventional theories

14.2 MEANING OF INTERNATIONAL: EVOLUTION

AND DEVELOPMENT OF IR

One of the explanations for the difficulty in defining the international has been the
changing nature of international. The meaning of the word international has at times
been solidified and at other times expanded. The reasons for this dynamic nature have
been both internal to the scholarship of IR as well as external, related to the events of
world history. For example, the understanding of the international word had different
meanings after the First World War and the Second World War and there was another
transformation in its meaning post the Cold War too. Similarly, scholarly challenges
from within the subject from behaviouralists or the feminists and or post-positivists
impacted the understanding and scope of the international. Therefore, exploring and
explaining the evolution of international relations, and the way its perception,
methodology and objectives have changed become significant. Miles Kahler points
out the three important objectives that such a study takes:
 Exploring the various alternative theories of a particular time and analysing the
ones that have a presence and those that have been sidelined. Kahler writes,
‘The privilege of particular approaches to international relations may result from
both an internal logic of scholarship and from the social and political context of
intellectual production.’ (Kahler, 1997)
 Understanding the history of international relations will influence the future outline
of the field. How the traditions of the field emerged, and the way it changed
practices and perspectives are very significant to understand the international.
 Finally, examining the past would help us judge and get beyond the problems of
today. Therefore, finding an explanation as to why are we the way we are,
(what explains our present ideas, institutions and interests) and at the same time
why have we done what we have (what were the motivating factors, internal
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NOTES This section, therefore, tries to trace the changes in the idea of the international
along with the great debates in international relations. These great debates bring about
the different principles and norms regarding the international environment, the different
actors and their features as well as the actor’s interests and goals and means of achieving
them. It is generally accepted that there have been four such great debates, namely:
Idealism v/s Realism, Traditionalism v/s Behaviouralism, the inter-paradigm debate
between neo-realism, neo-liberalism and radical international theories, and finally
positivism v/s post-positivism.

14.2.1 Idealism and Realism: Establishing the Foundations of

International Relations

The context of the period after the First World War is significant to understand this
debate. The idealists are conventionally understood as those scholars (Woodrow
Wilson, Immanuel Kant etc.) that promote international institutions and a liberal world
order which would in turn promote peace. They argue how in an interdependent world
order, war and conflict become too costly and democracy and cooperation can lead
to perpetual peace. However, Kahler points out that this romanticism of the idealists
has been largely misrepresented. He takes the case of scholars such as Norman Angell
and James Shotwell, to say how the underlying argument of these idealists was
materialist. That is, the economic interdependence amongst the industrialized world is
what in turn makes war costly and were also aware that this material trend did not
eliminate war or lead to an inevitable cooperation among states. The realists of the
time, scholars such as Morgenthau, Nicholas Spykman, and John Herz presented a
theory where power politics dominated. The nasty world of the theoretical state of
nature and human nature there was extended to the international, where anarchy and
realpolitik dominated, bringing out a world of unavoidable insecurity and conflict. The
failure of the League of Nations and a second world war meant the decisive victory of
the realists, however, only to face challenges from the behaviouralists.
The debate between the idealists and realists had the impact of a formal
introduction to the discipline of international relations. What IR is, what is international,
the basis of analysis for the international (states and sovereignty), its structure,
components and motivations were defined.
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14.2.2 Traditionalism v/s Behaviouralism: Enquiry on Methodology NOTES

An impact of the idealist school has also been its commitment to the principles of
science and international relations as a young academic field faced its institutionalisation
and professionalisation during this period. The natural science model provided the
unavoidable and desired maturity to IR, which was headed by the Chicago school and
scholars like Charles Merriam, Harold Laswell and Quincy Wright. Here, power
became the organizing principle, without a significant role of states and military, leading
to a broader analysis. While the traditionalists approached international politics through
a normative methodology and philosophical foundations of international anarchy and
human nature, the behaviouralists approached it through science in describing the world
as it is. The larger behavioural movement and spread of empirical studies as well as
institutions of such study in social sciences are an external factor of influence here.
By the end of the era of this debate, IR visibly took on a positivist and behavioural
turn. That is the subject of IR faced with a problematic methodology, evolved and
incorporated this empirical turn, which can be seen in the nature of studies as well.
Security, rationality and decision-making were analyzed on objective and experimental
terms.

14.2.3 Neo-Realism, Neo-Liberalism and Radical International Theories

This inter-paradigm debate, at times not considered a great debate, involves the various
paradigms or frameworks for understanding global politics. The various frameworks
here include neo-realism, neo-liberalism and Marxist theories, the debate is also referred
to as between realists, institutionalists and structuralists. The important thing to note is
the effect of how choosing a particular framework can have an impact on the study of
IR and has the influence of shaping global policy decisions. While Kenneth Waltz and
his structural realism provide an account of realism with positivist values, focussing on
the structure of anarchy and the need for a balance of power, the neo-liberals gave
attention to the complex interdependence from international trade and the role
international institutions play in the world order. Radical international theories coming
in the form of the dependency theory and later the world systems theory with its
Marxist foundations, broadened the scope of the international. Complex
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NOTES interdependence in the form of domination and dependence unlike what the liberals
argue, became a serious enquiry with its relation to the third-world countries and their
development. Trade conceptualised in terms of free trade and contributing to overall
development was criticised for its hidden exploitation and unequal development.
The scope of the international widened with this debate, in terms of its actors
and widened from issues concerning a Euro-American centric world and their concerns
universalised in the form of power politics, military and trade. It now broadened to
include the third world, as well as to the concern of development. The arrival of a
variety of theories and frameworks enriched the field of IR and widened its relevance.

14.3 POSITIVISM AND POST-POSITIVISM:

EPISTEMOLOGY OF IR

The post-positivist challenge that IR faced is in no way limited to the field of IR but a
larger theoretical movement of post-modernism and post-structuralism. Here, the
empirical basis of research as well as the value of objectivity and facts-only was
problematised. The critical theory of IR reflects this challenge through the question of
‘theory by who and for what purpose’. Therefore, the conventional theories of IR had
to face the challenge of explaining the epistemological roots of its basic assumption,
which when analysed critically fails. For example, the basis of questioning why
international arises out of the national and why and how politics is understood in terms
of realpolitik which then structures and reproduces such a world is addressed. Various
theories of IR such as feminism, critical theory, post-modernism and or post-colonialism
performed this role. These theories although internally diverse and different became a
challenge to the way IR was conceptualized, it also provided a drive towards enlarging
and decentering IR. Feminist theory for example brought out the gendered hierarchy
in the global order, critical theory went beyond the state-centrism and the accepted
rationality and brought out the agenda of emancipation. Post-modernism played its
part in bringing out the relevance of language and the way it re-enforces the already-
ordered principles of the world and post-colonialism brought out the changes and
impact of imperial thought and practices.
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Epistemology, which examines the basis of knowledge and became a tool to NOTES
look into the roots of the international, also examined what alternative concepts were
there, and what was silenced along with what purpose a theory serves was questioned.
The light was shed on the biases of the international and ways it could be transformed,
promoting a multiplicity of units, frameworks, methods and goals.

14.4 DISCIPLINARY BOUNDARIES AND

BORROWINGS OF THE INTERNATIONAL

As mentioned previously, international relations have had their influence from wider
movements in social sciences, from the impact of positivism, post-positivism, and
decolonisation among others. Moreover, IR has simultaneously developed its principles
and methods from other disciplines such as history, economics or political science
while at the same time developing a discipline of its own.
IR went through a phase of popularisation when the perspective that security
and military matters should be known and decided by only the ruling elites was replaced
by the international being a concern and responsibility of all citizens. This increasing
popularisation of international relations reinforced the idea that general education should
include instruction in foreign affairs and that knowledge should be advanced in the
interests of greater public control and oversight of foreign and military policy. This new
perspective was articulated by U.S. President Woodrow Wilson (1913–21) in his
program for relations between the Great Powers following a settlement of World War
I. His ‘Fourteen Points’ laid emphasis on how research, teaching and universities should
be established that would study international relations, cooperation, war and peace.
Previously, international relations were a part of diplomatic history and
international law. Here, diplomatic history emphasized the uniqueness of international
events and the methods of diplomacy as it was actually conducted. International law—
especially the law of war—had a long history in international relations and was viewed
as the source of fundamental normative standards of international conduct. The
emergence of international relations was to broaden the scope of international law

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NOTES beyond this traditional focal point. (Pfaltzgraff, 2022). Attempts at a scholarly explanation
of the war brought an international analysis through history and diplomatic history
( Sidney Bradshaw Fay’s The Origins of the World War (1928), Bernadotte E.
Schmitt’s The Coming of the War, Winston Churchill’s The World Crisis (1923–
29); and Arnold J. Toynbee’s The World After the Peace Conference (1925),
focus on international organisations and law and finally, sociological, psychological
and economical questions looking at ‘why war’ had developed post-war.
The areas of interest that had emerged at the time, inter-state, transnational and
system and structure-related, today have allowed for various additions and specialisation
in IR. These include strategic studies, peace and conflict studies, foreign policy analysis,
international political economy, issues relating to war such as obligation, sovereignty
and rights, and issues relating to the state. Further in the 1980s, a new range of
international issues was added such as sea use and ocean politics, the question and
politics of gender, international relations and the third world, ecological issues, technology
and communication and others (Halliday, 1994). Such a wide disciplinary field then
requires an interdisciplinary nature and method which can be seen in IR. The use of
history, economics or political science has always been dominant in IR and recently
sociology as well.
Charles R. Beitz in his book Political Theory and International Relations
deals with the linkages between political science, political theory, and international
relations and brings about the challenges and relevance of theorising the international.
Although political science and international relations from the above would seem like
very similar subjects, or as one being part of the other (discussions on state, power,
institutions, ideologies, justice and more), the level of the international and domestic
differs both. Neither one can be extended or reduced to include the other.
Beitz writes about how the changes in international relations have relevance to
political theory. Firstly, in order to understand and analyse the contemporary world,
an approach away from state-centrism is relevant. States are no longer self-sufficient
political orders and the idea of a global state of nature extrapolated from the national
becomes incorrect in representing the current world order and relations amongst various
actors in this world order. The orthodox theoretical image of international relations
and many practical principles thought to follow from it require critical examination and
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Secondly, this revision of the idea of international would require asking many NOTES
new questions that have been previously unanswered. The fact that these questions
were answered or considered as not so important then raises concerns regarding the
status quo in the international sphere. Therefore, asking and answering these questions
would also work to redefine the international normative principles for the better. Political
theory and international relations need to come together for this objective.
Finally, the relationship between political theory and international practice is
looked at. Beitz says, ‘An international debate is underway concerning the future
structure of world order, but political theorists have failed to provide the kinds of
guidance one normally expects from theory in times of political change. Recognising
this, it would be irresponsible not to try to work out the implications for our moral
ideas of a more accurate perception of the international realm than that which informs
the modern tradition of political theory. For only in this way can we more rationally
understand our moral identities and assess the modes of political practice in which we
engage. (Beitz, 1979)
He also identifies different challenges in bringing out such an international
normative theory. They include the belief that an international normative theory would
not be possible and is moreover inappropriate to make moral judgements about
international affairs. Secondly, what the program of this theory would be is still unclear,
does the international have a well-defined set of political issues away from conventional
analysis or state and politics? Next, the fluid and diverse nature of moral principles that
apply them universally would be impractical and unjust. Finally, lack of information
and knowledge to construct such a satisfactory and relevant contemporary international
normative theory. However, these challenges seem to be the challenges of transformative
politics and they do not reduce the need to approach international relations in a new
normative light, away from the restrictive nature of conventional theories and thought.
(Beitz, 1979).

Check Your Progress

1. Name the great debates in international relations.
2. Mention the book of Charles R. Beitz which deals with the linkages between
political science, political theory, and international relations and brings about
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NOTES
14.5 STATE, SOVEREIGNTY AND THE
INTERNATIONAL

The discipline of IR has been wedded to the ideas of state and state sovereignty, an
understanding of the international is itself constituted in such terms. Justin Rosenberg
evaluates Rob Walker’s claims of how state sovereignty and the mutually reinforcing
separation of domestic and international political theory are relevant to understanding
the international. This refers to how the international is framed and understood by
reference to the domestic, there is a differentiation as well as a unity which is talked
about here. What holds them together is their political nature that is the issues that arise
from geopolitics, a relationship between politically organised societies (Brown, 2004).
This could be political (war, diplomacy, international law), economic and technological
(trade, investment, communication, transport) and socio-cultural (shared or contested
norms, ideas and culture). Here the problem of the international has three features:
 The political regulation of ungoverned interaction
 The differentiated moral standing of insiders and outsiders and
 The intellectual and philosophical issue of the whole is made up of the parts
(Rosenberg, 2000).
What this means is that it is the relations and interactions between politically
ordered communities form the crux of the international, and these political communities
have predominantly taken the form of a sovereign state. Therefore, the emergence of
the modern system of states is also seen as the emergence of the international. The
most famous of this analysis is by Martin Wight who identified how the politics of the
nation-states have the law of linear progress inside (domestic) and recurrence and
repetition, which is cyclical outside the state, which holds together the international
and the national. Therefore, there is an analysis from the inside to the outside.
Micheal Donelan on the other hand, inverted this understanding from the inside
to the outside, he asks ‘If international theory was incapable of getting beyond a
worldview peoples by states rather than by human beings, the ultimate cause of this lay
with the political theorists themselves; for at the deepest level they had presupposed,
as the unacknowledged condition of their accounts of “the good life”, that human life is
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this down, firstly Walkner and conventional political and international theorists argue NOTES
how the politics within and outside states draw the boundaries of domestic and
international, which is governed by the universal laws of political interaction and
engagement. Donelan, on the other hand, asks how it is that politics is conceptualised
only with the model of the state, and it is because theorists had assumed without
analysis that the good human life rests in a social and political life, practised through a
particular political community, i.e., the state.
For Donelan, there is a division of humanity into a plurality of political communities
that the Western political theory has not addressed enough and so the problems of the
international come from a transhistorical idea of politics. While for Walkner, there is no
transhistorical idea of politics defining the international, he says that the international is
an invention and a product with historically specific developments of the modern state
system in Europe. The question is that, if Walkner is right then the globalisation theory
that is predicting the end of state and therefore the end of the international might be
true. But, if Donelan is right, then the post-international world will still continue to be
international.
Two ways the problem of the international can be traced here, a generalising of
the historically particular into transhistorical universals and the second, the collapsing
of the transhistorical universal into a historically specific particular. The concepts of the
transhistorical universal and the historical specific must be understood here.
These ideas come from Marx’s understanding of production, production is a
transhistorical universal, that is, a concept or process that is not restricted by a particular
time or one that is not limited to a particular space. Production is something that is
present throughout the times, in every society around the globe. Marx comes to this
analysis however combining the historically specific with general abstractions, that is,
in the various forms of production we can see in different societies (different spaces
and different times), a general underlying principle and process can be found. Applying
this reasoning to the international, we can see that, although the international has in its
current form developed from the contemporary modern state system, general
international relations have existed in varying forms at different times and spaces. What
is required is then to identify the features of the current international system and examine
what are the particular features with are historically specific and what are the general
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NOTES In order to do this, the first and most important question is ‘Can the international
in general be a rational abstraction?’ Is international such a transhistorical concept? To
answer this, we can say that in the general totality of human existence, there has always
been an international. That is our society and an outside society with which there are
relations. But without the existence of the states, can we imagine such an inside and
outside and how is it exactly international? An example that asks this question is, in
European feudalism, where is this boundary between inside and outside, domestic and
international? This brings a challenge to understanding the international.
However, transhistorically the concept of political communities and the relations
between and within them can be a successful abstraction of the international. Coming
from an abstraction of the political. Our understanding of politics is not limited to the
particular modern state but goes further and deeper in various other forms. This political
and therefore international deal with collectively binding decisions and rules, the question
of who is supposed to follow these decisions and rules, marks the difference between
the inside and the outside. The international of these collectives to the whole create the
international. With the changes in the contemporary world and the insufficiency of the
state as a complete system in itself, such a transhistorical conception of international,
changes and transforms international but does not dissolve it.

14.5.1 Generalising the International

In their article, ‘Generalising the International’, Jenny Edkins and Maja Zehfuss discuss
alternative ways of understanding the division between the international and the domestic.
They take the case of security and terrorism with reference to the September 11
attack on the Twin Towers and how IR has changed after. They use Judith Butler to
say how the events of 2001 provided an opportunity for a fundamental rethinking of
politics and political action, both within international relations scholarship and among
academics more broadly. One such voice has been that of Judith Butler. She argues
that the fact that ‘US boundaries were breached, that an unbearable vulnerability was
exposed, that a terrible toll on human life was taken, was, and are, cause for fear and
for mourning; they are also instigations for patient political reflection.’ What Butler
calls for instead is a reflection on what the experience of vulnerability can teach us
about forms of political community that are not dependent on the sovereign state and
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its exclusions but that acknowledge ‘inevitable interdependency…as the basis for global NOTES
political community.’ Mary Midgley, commenting on Butler’s work, reminds us that
the notion of invulnerability that was shattered on September 11th was in any case
‘part of a huge structure of illusion, a structure that centres on the idea of the US as a
fortress civilisation, isolated in a sea of evil which it has somehow to subdue.’ The
blow that the destruction of the twin towers dealt to that illusion provided an opportunity
for a deep reshaping of that whole ideology, a return to the reality of a complex world.
‘What we are attempting in this paper is an intervention that demonstrates how the
illusion of the sovereign state in an insecure and anarchic international system is sustained
and how it might be challenged.’ (Zehfuss, 2005)
They do this by using Hedley Bull’s “The Anarchical Society”, where he discusses
the relationship between order and justice as fundamental principles of IR. This is then
related to how the order conceptualised by him and the contemporary focus on security
are interrelated and how generalising the international can bring about an alternative
analysis of international relations that does not replace politics with security and justice
with order. Order for Bull is that which, ‘The order which men look for in social life is
not any pattern or regularity in the relations of human individuals or groups, but a
pattern that leads to a particular result, an arrangement of social life such that it promotes
certain goals or values’ (Zehfuss, 2005).There are two factors related to order here,
firstly, intention, social life is purposive and not just co-existence and secondly, Bull
ignores order that does not lead to this goal or result. It is important to note how much
of politics in society is actually debates and discussions about these goals and purposes
that Bull seems to assume to have already been decided universally. Therefore, dismissing
the disorder which is the reality.
Coming to the relationship between order and justice, we can see that Bull has
prioritised order over justice, with order having more value. Coming to security, we
can therefore see how security gets valued over freedom and this has been reinforced
with the September 11 attacks. When justice and freedom are considered, it is seen as
secondary to order and security and as a means of promoting them. Looking at
international relations in such a way then paints a picture of a hierarchised world order
reinforcing a particular state-centric view resting on realist doctrines. What essentially
happens here is a ‘domestication of the international’, that is order in domestic society

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NOTES develops analysis or order in international societies. International order refers to a

‘pattern of activity that sustains the elementary or primary goals of the society of
states’. This is problematic because of the inherent different nature of the international,
its structure, goals and motivations cannot be equated to that of the domestic and such
ordering will end up compromising humanistic principles and an agenda for global
justice. Moreover, although the order in the domestic can be understood, it is disorder
that is characteristic of the international, this anarchical nature has been the object of
study for various dominant theories of IR as well.
Instead of an attempt to domesticate the international in such a way, an alternative
and transformative view to IR would be in generalising the international, that is the
domestic can be seen as a form of international. Here, instead of already assumed
intentions and goals, the public space (general and international) could be seen as
spaces where intentions, goals, norms and morals are diverse and contested, and the
various actors are in constant debates and discussions about its practices. For example,
in the case of security and terrorism, if the American response to its terror attack has
not been one of order at the cost of freedom and an inward state-centric approach, a
global discussion on the causes and ways to mitigate such use of violence and terror
could have been imagines. This is what Judith Butler mentions as an opportunity to
evaluate and bring together humanity.
This generalising of the international has various implications: firstly, the clear-
cut distinction between the international and the domestic would blur, and the idea of
an ultimate sovereign in a state would be challenged. This will be a move away from
state-centrism. Secondly, the idea that a domestic society is a homogenous group of
people sharing the same values, common culture and common aspirations will not be
taken as given. The real nature of diversity within societies and its relevance and
consequences would be justly addressed. As an example, the cost of securing security
for one might mean insecurity for the other would be adequately addressed and its
justifications and challenges could be understood. Therefore, generalising the international
would be an alternative way that also responds to the current challenges in the theory
of IR as well as in its contemporary practices. It would be reflective of the challenges,
and diversities and the anarchical international space would not be conceptualised in
terms of insecurity but as a global space for different voices, needs and politics.

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NOTES
14.6 EXPANDING MEANING AND SCOPE OF IR

The addition of new theories in IR posed not just a critique of the conventional
international theories and practices but also proposed new alternative ways of thinking.
Theories such as Critical theory, Neo-Marxism, Constructivism, Gender, Post-
Modernism and Post-Colonialism are some of such theories that highlighted the
restrictive nature of conventional theories and made the discipline more relevant
corresponding to contemporary events and at the same time brought alternative and
emancipative agenda to IR.
Although states and their interactions constitute the primary focus of IR, the
discipline is concerned with many more issues like non-state actors, international political
economy, international security, international environment, globalization, terrorism, area
studies, and military studies. Relations among states, in a broader sense, cover many
such issues, yet leave out many more to be analysed separately. For instance, in a
broader sense, international political economy, international security, globalization or
environment, to cite a few, are somewhat linked to interactions among states; yet these
issues may go beyond the sphere of relations among states. Non-state actors may also
influence these issues profoundly. Therefore, IR being viewed as interactions among
states is oversimplification, though helpful for a primary understanding. A broader and
more comprehensive definition of the subject would be this: International Relations as
a branch of social science is concerned with relations among nations, and other issues
like non-state actors, international political economy, international security, foreign
policies of major powers, globalization, international terrorism, international environment,
and area studies. This definition indicates that the scope and subject matter of IR has
become vast today, unlike earlier times when IR was mainly concerned with nation-
states and their interactions.
Today, the study of international relations can be said to broadly cover the
following areas.
1. Nation-States and their Relations: The operation of the nation-state system
and relations among nation-states have always made international politics possible,
and constituted the basic subject matter of IR. These would continue to remain
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NOTES 2. Non-State Actors: The importance of non-state actors in the study of IR has
been increasing over the years. Non-state actors like multinational corporations
(MNC), international non-governmental organizations (INGO), and inter-
governmental organizations (IGO) exert considerable influence in today’s
international relations. So, these non-state actors are important ingredients in
the study of contemporary IR.
3. International Political Economy (IPE): International political economy is the
study of international relations with the help of economic activities and analyses.
With the onset of globalization from the mid-1980s, a renewed interest in IPE
has developed among scholars. Along with political and security angles, the
study of international relations is frequently analysed today with the help of
economic views.
4. International Security: Security has always remained the primary concern of
nation-states. The concern for security had led to war and peace in the past and
would continue to promote these in the future. A peaceful international order is
always linked to the notion of international security that includes, among other
factors, non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and reduction of
tension among states. Studies on war and peace and strategic studies in IR are
also related to international security.
5. Foreign Policies of Important Powers: Foreign policies of major and medium
powers constitute important subject matter of IR because these powers are the
driving force in international relations. When the balance of power system was
prevalent, the study of foreign policies of major European powers was considered
important. In contemporary IR, analyses of foreign policies of the US, China,
Russia, Japan and India may be useful as these states have become major
actors in recent times.
6. Globalisation: This primarily refers to economic activities which have a serious
impact on political and social spheres. With the ascendance of the liberal economy
over the mercantilist economy since the early 1980s, the term globalisation has
assumed increasing popularity and usage, and become significant in the study of
IR. Although globalisation and IPE are closely related, these are not identical,
as subsequent lessons in this book will reveal.
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7. International environment: Environmental issues have now assumed greater NOTES

significance in the study of IR than ever before because industrialisation and
technological progress have enhanced concerns for environmental safety all
over the world. Environmental issues have made states across the world highly
interdependent today because carbon emissions from industrial plants in one
part of the world may affect other parts, or a shortage of river water in a state
may lead it to war with its neighbouring states. A stable and peaceful international
order is dependent on environmental issues in today’s world.
8. International terrorism: Terrorist activities involving citizens of more than one
country and having transnational impacts constitute international terrorism, an
important area of study in IR. It is also referred to as ‘cross border’ terrorism.
International peace and security are closely related to this issue.
9. Area studies: Sometimes it becomes rather difficult to study international political,
security, or economic issues from a broader perspective. So area studies have
become popular nowadays. Under it, such issues concerning different areas of
the world are taken up separately for analysis. For instance, West Asia, South
Asia or Central Europe may be taken up for exclusive analysis under area
studies, which has gained prominence in contemporary IR with the increasing
proliferation of regional organizations and free trade areas (FTA).
This expanding scope of international relations leads to the view, and also to the
controversy, that the discipline is becoming increasingly unmanageable, and that it
lacks a clear conceptual framework. But this view is born out of pessimism about the
discipline and is invalid. Today, the subject has a definite and useful theoretical framework
to support research in different areas, due to the varieties of focus and its inter-
disciplinary nature. The broad scope may actually be helpful for it because the varied
subject matter may lead to more research and analyses, as well as greater specialization
within the discipline.

Check Your Progress

3. Who is credited for the article ‘Generalising the International’?
4. Name some of the theories that highlighted the restrictive nature of conventional
theories.
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NOTES
14.7 SUMMARY

In this lesson, you have learnt what the subject of international relations and the
international refers to. The debate between the idealists and realists had the impact of
a formal introduction to the discipline of international relations.
The post-positivist challenge that IR faced is in no way limited to the field of IR
but a larger theoretical movement of post-modernism and post-structuralism. Here,
the empirical basis of research as well as the value of objectivity and facts-only was
problematised. The critical theory of IR reflects this challenge through the question of
‘theory by who and for what purpose’.
IR went through a phase of popularisation when the perspective that security
and military matters should be known and decided by only the ruling elites was replaced
by the international being a concern and responsibility of all citizens.
Charles R. Beitz in his book Political Theory and International Relations
deals with the linkages between political science, political theory, and international
relations and brings about the challenges and relevance of theorising the international.
The discipline of IR has been wedded to the ideas of state and state sovereignty,
an understanding of the international is itself constituted in such terms. Justin Rosenberg
evaluates Rob Walker’s claims of how state sovereignty and the mutually reinforcing
separation of domestic and international political theory are relevant to understanding
the international.
In their article, ‘Generalising the International’, Jenny Edkins and Maja Zehfuss
discuss alternative ways of understanding the division between the international and
the domestic, not from the domestic but from the international. They take the case of
security and terrorism with reference to the September 11 attack on the Twin Towers
and how IR has changed after.
The addition of new theories in IR posed not just a critique of the conventional
international theories and practices but also proposed new alternative ways of thinking.

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Theories such as Critical theory, Neo-Marxism, Constructivism, Gender, Post- NOTES

Modernism and Post-Colonialism are some of such theories that highlighted the
restrictive nature of conventional theories and made the discipline more relevant
corresponding to contemporary events and at the same time brought alternative and
emancipative agenda to IR.

14.8 KEY WORDS

 Idealism: It is a philosophical perspective that emphasises the primacy of ideas

and concepts in shaping reality, suggesting that the mind plays a central role in
defining and influencing the world.
 Behaviourism: It is psychological theory that focuses on observable behaviour
and how it is learned through conditioning, ignoring internal mental processes
and emphasizing environmental stimuli.
 Neo-Marxism: It is a contemporary adaptation of Marxist ideology that
integrates ideas from other social and economic theories, emphasising class
struggle and social inequality while considering cultural and structural factors.
 Neo-Realism: It is an international relations theory that contends that states
primarily act in their self-interest, assuming that the international system is anarchic
and characterised by a pursuit of power and security.
 Neo-Liberalism: It is a political and economic ideology promoting free-market
capitalism, minimal government intervention, and individual liberties, with faith
in market forces to optimise resource allocation and societal well-being.
 Constructivism: It is a theory in international relations and social sciences that
asserts that reality is socially constructed through shared beliefs, norms, and
ideas, highlighting the role of identity and perceptions in shaping international
relations.

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NOTES
14.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
QUESTIONS

1. It is generally accepted that there have been four such great debates, namely:
Idealism v/s Realism, Traditionalism v/s Behavioralism the inter-paradigm debate
between neo-realism, neo-liberalism and radical international theories and finally
positivism v/s post-positivism.
2. Charles R. Beitz in his book Political Theory and International Relations
deals with the linkages between political science, political theory, and international
relations and brings about the challenges and relevance of theorising the
international.
3. Jenny Edkins and Maja Zehfuss are credited for the article ‘Generalising the
International.’
4. Theories such as Critical theory, Neo-Marxism, Constructivism, Gender, Post-
Modernism and Post-Colonialism are some of such theories that highlight the
restrictive nature of conventional theories and make the discipline more relevant
corresponding to contemporary events and at the same time bring alternative
and emancipative agenda to IR.

14.10 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS AND

EXERCISES

1. What were the two primary schools of thought that emerged during the Idealism
and Realism debate in international relations after World War I?
2. What significant influence did the Behaviouralism movement have on the study
of international relations during the debate between Traditionalism and
Behaviouralism?

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3. What was the significant change in international relations perspective that took NOTES
place during Woodrow Wilson’s presidency, and how did it affect the international
relations discipline?
4. State how Charles R. Beitz emphasises the necessity for a new normative theory
in international relations.
5. What was the impact of the 9/11 terrorist attacks on International Relations,
and what perspective did Judith Butler present in response to these events?
6. Discuss the important objectives of studying the evolution of international relations
according to Miles Kahler.
7. Analyse the Traditionalism v/s Behaviouralism debate in international relations.
8. Describe the differences in methodology and approach between the traditionalists
and behaviouralists, and how the discipline of IR transitioned towards a positivist
and behavioural orientation. Also, highlight the influence of scholars like Charles
Merriam, Harold Laswell, and the Chicago school in this transformation.
9. Explain the concept of ‘generalising the international’ as discussed by Jenny
Edkins and Maja Zehfuss. How does this approach challenge the conventional
understanding of the division between the international and the domestic? Can
you provide examples to illustrate the implications of this perspective?
10. Examine the expanding scope of International Relations as a discipline, which
now encompasses various areas of study such as international political economy,
non-state actors, international security, and global environmental issues. How
does this broader scope reflect the changing dynamics of the international system?

14.11 FURTHER READINGS

Brown, Chris and Kirsten Ainley. 2005. Understanding International Relations.

New York: Palgrave Macmillan.

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NOTES Jackson, Robert and Georg Sorenson. 2013. Introduction to International Relations:
Theories and Approaches. United Kingdom: Oxford University Press.
Goldstein, S. Joshua and Jon C. Pevehouse. 2014. International Relations. London:
Pearson.
Malhotra, Vinay Kumar and Alexander A. Sergounin. 1998. Theories and Approaches
to International Relations. New Delhi: Anmol Publication.

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The End of IR Theory

LESSON 15 NOTES

THE END OF IR THEORY

Gowri S
Research Scholar,
Department of Political Science,
University of Delhi
Structure
15.0 Introduction
15.1 Objectives
15.2 IR Theory Today: Stumbling Towards a Pluralistic Framework
15.3 Beyond Paradigms and Research Programs to Pluralism
15.3.1 Bennett’s Way Out: Causal Mechanisms and Structured Pluralism in
IR Theory
15.3.2 Evaluating Integrative Pluralism v/s Disengaged Pluralism
15.4 Summary
15.5 Key Words
15.6 Answers to Check Your Progress Questions
15.7 Self-Assessment Questions and Exercises
15.8 Further Readings

15.0 INTRODUCTION

Studying international relations is without doubt linked to a study of the theories of

international relations. The reasons for this include the fact that the discipline of
international relations had developed in relation to global events, the First and Second
World Wars along with the Cold War, among others. Theories became a means to
understand and analyse these issues, which was to have policy implications and
institutional settings. In addition, the academic field itself is shaped by the great debates
of IR, each debate changed the nature of the theory itself. Therefore, the conventional
IR theory can be mainly summarised into theories of Realism, Liberalism, Neo-Realism,
Neo-Liberalism, Constructivism, Neo-Marxism, Critical Theory, Feminism, Post- Self-Instructional
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NOTES debate of Realism v/s Idealism, Traditionalism v/s Positivism, Inter Paradigm debate
as well as Positivism v/s Post-Positivism. Therefore, it can be rightly said that the
scholarship of IR theory has essentially been dominated and formed other various
isms as well as paradigms.
Problems arise in this scholarship in the contemporary setting, because of the
changing nature of the international. The theories at its core were based on the
conceptualisation of the sovereign state system as well as a strict division between the
domestic area of state and the international arena of the state system. However, the
currents of globalisation which has taken over the world today, cannot be sufficiently
theorized or explained with the assumption of the state system. The isms and the
paradigms therefore face challenges of theorisation, which has prompted questions of
the end of IR theory. Furthermore, the post-positivist challenge has also led to the
fragmentation of theories in IR into various camps without a unifying structure. The
insufficiency of theorising under the state system as well as the unregulated relativism
that comes from the post-positivist challenge has therefore meant dangers of extinction
for IR.
However, as will be discussed in this lesson, an ending of IR is a problematic
conception as IR is not going to disappear from the world. Instead what can be imagined
is a reconceptualization of the international and the theories of international relations
beyond the problematic assumptions of the isms and even a reformulation of the state
system in relation to globalisation. Similar to IR, globalisation does not mean the withering
away of the state but a reconceptualization of the state. Furthermore, the post-positivist
challenge and the challenge of methodology can be understood within the framework
of pluralism in an appropriately integrative or structural way.

15.1 OBJECTIVES

After going through this lesson, you will be able to:

 Discuss the challenges faced by the International Relations (IR) theories
 Describe the types of theories present in IR
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 Analyse Kuhn’s paradigm from Lakatos’s research programs NOTES

 Examine the concept of causal mechanisms proposed by Andrew Bennett
 Identify the difference between Integrative Pluralism and Disengaged Pluralism

15.2 IR THEORY TODAY: STUMBLING TOWARDS A

PLURALISTIC FRAMEWORK

Tim Dunne and others in their article, ‘The End of International Relations Theory’
contribute the contemporary challenges faced by IR theories today to the definitional
problem of theory itself. What this means is that, within the field of IR scholarship
itself, there is no one consensual definition of a theory, scholars of different camps,
isms and paradigms all have different views on what theory is, and what it does and
should do. This fragmentation of IR theory is made more persuasive by the fact of
what the authors call the era of ‘theory testing’ and theoretical peace. That is, from the
earlier period of theoretical debates between the different paradigms, which in ways
outlined the field of IR, the contemporary IR theory has moved to test those theories,
thereby remaining within the comfortable spaces of camp and not having to prove
credibility and relevance. This is also supplemented by decreasing interaction between
paradigms and isms, and hence, theoretical peace.
The problem then becomes the flourishing of innumerable theories on absolute
terms without an integrated or comprehensive framework, causing fewer theoretical
developments in the field as well. They suggest evolving such an integrated framework
that can strengthen the field of IR theory as well as provide pathways for future
theorisations. The first step towards such an attempt is to uncover the various kinds of
theories and how to determine their legitimacy.

Types of Theories and How to Determine their Legitimacy

On the outset itself, Tim Dunne and others bring about a working definition of theory
wherein they say that, ‘theories should be understood as abstractions from a complex
reality and that they attempt to provide generalizations about the phenomena under
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NOTES study’ (Tim Dunne, 2013). This has to deal with problems of the relationship between
abstraction and the object of study and secondly, the issue of, if the theory is drawn
from reality or if it is the other way round. The solution is the best kind of theory as
something that does both, that is explain the real world as well as influence it. For the
former problem of abstraction and the subject of study, a look at scholars like Kenneth
Waltz, James Rosenau and Patrick Jackson helps. For Waltz, theories are differentiated
from laws, and theories become statements that explain these laws. Rosenau and the
Rosenau Test follow a similar understanding, wherein a universal law or foundation
must be recognised through which theories can be derived and explained. Additionally,
legitimate theories and theory building must go beyond the aim of understanding the
world, they must be logically sequenced, must follow and not contradict, be systematic
and resolve differences related to constituent elements and finally must not shy away
from theorising and explanations that might seem different to experience.
Moving on to types of theories, we come to the dominant model of explanatory
theory, which explains a phenomenon in a chronological sequence, that is A happened
because of X, Y, and Z. An example from IR could be the question of, why was there
an arms race post-1945? Its reasons would be the context and competing ideologies
in the Cold War, the atomic bombing by the USA of Japan, among others. However,
here we are faced with a question of uniqueness, if the events and their causes are so
unique, how do we abstract theory from it? This challenge does not take away from
the fact that theories still explain, which is crucial, and the challenge therefore does not
make a theory invalid. The theory might precede reality; it could be an organisational
mechanism of knowledge and all theory is after all an abstraction.
A second type of theory can be understood to be critical theory, not to be
confused with the specific critical theory, this is a general critical theory where certain
structures, assumptions, social relations and their reproductions are questioned while
looking at how they were constructed. The famous dictum of, ‘Theory by whom and
for what purpose’. These theories not just explain why the world is a particular way or
why what events happened, but the aspect of how it came to be the way it is. Therefore,
the theory does overlap with explanatory theories. The third type of theory is normative
theory, here the moral aspects come under focus. This type of theory focuses on ‘how
something should be’ or in other words, ‘what ought to be’. An example would be,
how the international state system should be ordered. A second dimension should be
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the normative nature of all theories, the fact that there is no value-free theory and what NOTES
seems empirical or explanatory has normative assumptions lurking behind them.
Another type of theory can be understood as constitutive theory; here, the
question of forming contents of the subject is looked at. An example from science
would be that water consists of two atoms of hydrogen and one of oxygen. In IR or
social science theories, the constitution would get more complex and varied according
to the theoretical camp one belongs to. For example, regarding the question of what
are the components of the international, a classical realist would answer with the state
system and conceptions of power, whereas a liberalist would answer with international
organisations, international economy along with the state, and feminist theorisation
would comprise the masculinist components that are involved in the conceptualisation
of the international. Although there are other kinds of theory, a final important analysis
is understanding theory as a lens. That is considering the subjective nature of
knowledge, each theory colours our world in a different manner. An acknowledgement
of such a colouring would help us in the utility of a theory. What purpose does this
theory have, what are the lines and borders that can or cannot be crossed and finally
what other lenses could be there? Such an understanding of theory would then enable
interactions between theories, paradigms and isms by which a pluralistic way forward
can be envisaged.

Check Your Progress

1. Who was the writer of the article, ‘The End of International Relations Theory’
which contributes the contemporary challenges faced by IR theories today to
the definitional problem of theory itself?
2. Name any two types of theories in the field of IR.

15.3 BEYOND PARADIGMS AND RESEARCH

PROGRAMS TO PLURALISM

Andrew Bennett in his article, ‘The Mother of all Isms: Casual Mechanisms and
Structured Pluralism in International Relations Theory’ begins by elaborating how the
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NOTES field of IR theory has been subsumed by its theories of isms and at the same time of
paradigms. It is important to note how these theoretical frameworks contributed to the
development and the proliferation of the field, indeed providing valuable contributions
and easier comprehension. But they are also the cause of the current haphazard state
of theories in IR. Bennett explains how the debates in the philosophy of science have
been misread by the IR scholarship while at the same time refusing to update itself.
This is to mean that, the philosophy of science and its use of the Kuhnian paradigm has
a specific context of analysis, which IR theory in ways took for granted to structure the
entire fields on the basis of what is known as paradigm debate. The second accusation
of Bennett is on the question of why theory in IR did not go beyond conceptions of
Kuhn’s paradigm and Lakatos’s research program. He suggests the way forward in
scientific realism and a perspective of causal mechanisms that would enable and bring
out a structured and comprehensive pluralistic framework for IR theory. Let us read
what he means by such concepts of paradigm, research programs, scientific realism
and causal mechanisms (Bennett, 2013).
First of all, an understanding of Kuhn’s paradigm requires an understanding of
what he means by ‘normal sciences’ and scientific revolutions. Scientific revolutions
emerge when the basis of a theory itself becomes insufficient or is proven false and an
alternative theory emerges that would effectively explain the phenomena; therefore,
the earlier paradigm gets abandoned for the new one (paradigm shift), this is the
revolution that Kuhn talks about. A famous example from the philosophy of science is
the paradigm shift or scientific revolution wherein it was earlier assumed that the sun
revolved around the earth, geo-centrism and the Ptolemaic system. This conception
was falsified to ring about the new theory of heliocentrism, where it was found that the
earth revolves around the sun. Such a shift forced an overhaul of various other related
theories, thereby prompting a revolution in science. However, its application in IR
faces many challenges. Firstly, the paradigms of IR are in fact in agreement about the
basic constituents of the field, namely the importance of material power, institutions,
and or social relations. Secondly, paradigms of IR explain themselves and the research,
and not the theories that are derived from it. Finally, it is the problem that Kuhn himself
has not advocated abandoning empirical studies, however, this is something which can
be observed in IR scholarship.
Lakatos who critiqued Kuhn for his naïve falsification, believed that theory should
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of one anomaly because the anomaly could be from faulty assumptions. Research NOTES
programs would clearly have ‘hard core’ assumptions that will not be subject to empirical
testing. The outer belt of assumptions according to him can be tested and valid ones
from all the theory testing can be adopted. He brings about the concepts of using
novelty and background novelty for this purpose. In brief use, novelty is when a theory
is fully consistent with the facts of the research program even when not used, and
background novelty is that which no other theory can explain.
Although Lakatos’s ideas are a development of Kuhn, they are still problematic
for IR. Firstly, because the basic distinction between hardcore and outer belt cannot
be easily drawn and if drawn be acceptable for all in the IR field. And secondly, if the
paradigms of IR get transformed into the research program of Lakatos, it runs the
same problems that paradigms face. They are not mutually exclusive nor are they fully
autonomous continually in conflict with each other. Instead of a ‘this or that’, it becomes
‘this and that’ (Bennett, 2013).

15.3.1 Bennett’s Way Out: Causal Mechanisms and Structured Pluralism

in IR Theory

Research and theory based on casual mechanisms and formulating a structured pluralistic
framework is the solution to the problems of dogmatic paradigm-centric IR as well as its
contemporary fragmentation. In order to derive and explain causal mechanisms, it is
important to have an idea about scientific realism and anti-realism in the philosophy of
science. The former believes that there is an external world that is autonomous from the
mind, which can be studied and whose knowledge production is valid.
The anti-realists on the other hand maintain the position that, the world is divided
into the observable and unobservable, and knowledge produced on the unobservable
can and cannot be true. Various justifications and arguments are put forth from both
sides. For example, scientific realists claim that theory based on the unobservable has
produced observable results and impact and it is by no miracle that such effects have
come (no miracle argument). Anti-realists here make note of how in the history of
theories and scientific knowledge production, what was once accepted knowledge
about an unobservable, has been challenged and replaced by other theories, and so
questioned the validity of such theories. A further point of contention between the two
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NOTES (underdetermination argument), for example, does observation mean observation

directly by the senses or observation through apparatus count (Okasha, 2002).
However, the implication of scientific realism to international relations theory is what
will be looked at here.
Bennett extends scientific realism to the field of IR theory to say that an approach
of scientific realism would entail the following characteristics:
(i) Ontological Realism: That is ontologically there is a real world which can
be studied. That is, there is a real world of IR with real people, process,
institutions and effects that is separate and autonomous of the mind.
(ii) Epistemological Relativism: This means that our perceptions and beliefs
that we hold to be true are socially constructed. This is a meeting point for
the post-positivists and the scientific realists. The statement that anarchy is
what states make of it, can be an appropriate example.
(iii) Judgemental Rationalism: Therefore, when we are aware of the fact
of an independently existing reality that can be studied, and the socially
constructed nature of our perceptions and beliefs, theorists also possess
enough rationality to judge and choose from alternative and competing
theories.
Therefore, what exactly is the causal mechanism of theory building, it seeks to
explain a phenomenon not based on a preconceived paradigm or ism, to focus on the
mechanisms of its action and actors, the process whereby something becomes, founded
on principles of scientific realism. Bennett has defined causal mechanism as, ‘ultimately
unobservable physical, social, or psychological processes through which agents with
causal capacities operate, but only in specific contexts or conditions, to transfer energy,
information, or matter to other entities,’ thereby changing the latter entities’
‘characteristics, capacities, or propensities in ways that persist until subsequent causal
mechanisms act upon it’ (Bennett, 2013).
Bennett also develops the linkages between post-positivist theories and causal
mechanisms to explain social phenomena. Here, he maintains that the constitutive theories
of IR are indeed compatible with the notions of casual mechanism of theory. The
elements of discussion for both like; norms, rules, discourses and their formation,
along with the differentiation between structures and agents, plurality in evidence and
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processes, interpretation and against value-free theory are the same for critical theories NOTES
as well as causal mechanisms of explaining social phenomena. Finally, this method also
finds similar grounds with various dominant methodologies of Political Science. These
include the role of experimental methods, finding out the universal law or covering the
law of causal mechanism as well as statistical analysis. There is both the development
and testing of theory here. Table 15.1 depicts Bennett’s Taxonomy and Typology of
Theories in IR.
Table 15.1 A Taxonomy of Theories on Social Mechanisms

Source: The Mother of all Isms: Casual Mechanisms and Structured Pluralism in International
Relations Theory by Andrew Bennett (Bennett, 2013).

15.3.2 Evaluating Integrative Pluralism v/s Disengaged Pluralism

The study of international relations theory has undergone significant changes due to the
complexities of the modern global landscape. As scholars grapple with the multifaceted
challenges and opportunities presented by a world characterised by globalisation,
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NOTES interconnectivity, and technological advancements, it is essential to consider the

theoretical paradigms that will guide future research. In this context, two divergent
approaches emerge: Integrative Pluralism and Disengaged Pluralism.
Integrative Pluralism emphasises the synthesis of various perspectives and the
incorporation of diverse methodologies to foster a holistic understanding of global
dynamics. On the other hand, Disengaged Pluralism accentuates the
compartmentalization of theories and approaches, asserting that distinct schools of
thought should remain isolated. This pluralism holds greater promise for advancing the
field in the future, facilitating the development of comprehensive and nuanced insights
into international relations phenomena. Therefore, it is crucial to prioritize the adoption
of an integrative approach as the guiding framework for future directions in international
relations theory.
Integrative Pluralism refers to a theoretical perspective that advocates for
the combination of different theoretical approaches and methodologies in the field of
international relations. This perspective encourages scholars to go beyond the traditional
paradigms and embrace a multidisciplinary and holistic approach to studying global
politics. Supporters of Integrative Pluralism believe that by synthesising insights from
various theoretical traditions, researchers can develop a more comprehensive
understanding of complex international phenomena. This approach promotes intellectual
flexibility and fosters creative problem-solving, enabling scholars to tackle contemporary
global challenges more effectively.
There are two main perspectives on the relationship between different theoretical
schools of thought within international relations. One perspective called Engaged
Pluralism, believes that these schools of thought should interact and engage with each
other to gain a more holistic understanding of international politics. On the other hand,
Disengaged Pluralism posits that these schools of thought should remain separate
and isolated, allowing for a more focused exploration of specific aspects of international
politics.
Advocates of Disengaged Pluralism argue that the compartmentalisation of
theories preserves the purity and rigour of each approach. However, this approach
may inadvertently hinder the ability to address the complex, interrelated issues that
characterize the contemporary international system.
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Integrative Pluralism has several advantages in shaping the future of international NOTES
relations theory. Firstly, it allows for the synthesis of insights from various theoretical
traditions, which helps scholars develop a more detailed and multifaceted understanding
of global dynamics. Additionally, Integrative Pluralism promotes intellectual creativity
and innovation by encouraging interdisciplinary collaboration. It also facilitates the
integration of empirical research with theoretical frameworks, resulting in more robust
and relevant scholarship that is better equipped to address real-world challenges.
In contemporary global politics, it’s important to have an approach that can
handle the dynamic and interconnected nature of the world. Integrative Pluralism is a
better fit for this purpose. The world is becoming increasingly interdependent, and
understanding the intricate web of international relations requires a flexible and integrative
approach. Integrative Pluralism goes beyond single paradigms and enables scholars to
deal with complex issues such as climate change, global health crises, and cybersecurity
threats.

Check Your Progress

3. Mention the prominent article written by Andrew Bennett.
4. Define Integrative Pluralism.

15.4 SUMMARY

In this lesson, you have learnt about the end of IR theory. Tim Dunne and others in
their article, ‘The End of International Relations Theory’ contribute the contemporary
challenges faced by IR theories today to the definitional problem of theory itself. The
fragmentation of IR theory is made more persuasive by the fact of what the authors
call the era of ‘theory testing’ and theoretical peace. At the outset itself, Tim Dunne
and others bring about a working definition of theory wherein they say that ‘theories
should be understood as abstractions from a complex reality and that they attempt to
provide generalizations about the phenomena under study’ (Tim Dunne, 2013). Rosenau
and the Rosenau Test follow an understanding, wherein a universal law or foundation
must be recognised through which theories can be derived and explained.
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NOTES Moving on to types of theories, we come to the dominant model of explanatory

theory, which explains a phenomenon in a chronological sequence. A second type of
theory can be understood to be critical theory, not to be confused with the specific
critical theory, this is a general critical theory where certain structures, assumptions,
social relations and their reproductions are questioned while looking at how they were
constructed. The third type of theory is normative theory, here the moral aspects
come under focus. This type of theory focuses on ‘how something should be’ or in
other words, ‘what ought to be’. Another type of theory can be understood as
constitutive theory, here the question of the forming contents of the subject is looked
at.
Although there are other kinds of theory, a final important analysis is understanding
theory as a lens. That is considering the subjective nature of knowledge, each theory
colours our world in a different manner. An acknowledgement of such a colouring
would help us in the utility of a theory. Andrew Bennett in his article, ‘The Mother of all
Isms: Casual Mechanisms and Structured Pluralism in International Relations Theory’
begins by elaborating how the field of IR theory has been subsumed by its theories of
isms and at the same time of paradigms. Bennett explains how the debates in the
philosophy of science have been misread by the IR scholarship while at the same time
refusing to update itself. The second accusation of Bennett is on the question of why
theory in IR did not go beyond conceptions of Kuhn’s paradigm and Lakatos’s research
program.
Lakatos who critiqued Kuhn for his naïve falsification, believed that theory should
focus on research programs. A theoretical paradigm cannot be entirely falsified because
of one anomaly because the anomaly could be from faulty assumptions. Although
Lakatos’s ideas are a development of Kuhn, they are still problematic for IR. In order
to derive and explain causal mechanisms, it is important to have an idea about scientific
realism and anti-realism in the philosophy of science. The anti-realists on the other
hand maintain the position that the world is divided into the observable and
unobservable, and knowledge produced on the unobservable can and cannot be true.
There are two main perspectives on the relationship between different theoretical
schools of thought within international relations, one called engaged pluralism and the
other disengaged pluralism. Advocates of Disengaged Pluralism argue that the
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Integrative Pluralism has several advantages in shaping the future of international relations NOTES
theory. In contemporary global politics, it’s important to have an approach that can
handle the dynamic and interconnected nature of the world. Integrative Pluralism is a
better fit for this purpose.

15.5 KEY WORDS

 Value-Free Theory: It refers to the idea that theories are not completely free
from normative or value judgments and that they often contain underlying
normative assumptions.
 Paradigm: It is a distinct set of concepts or thought patterns, including theories,
research methods, postulates, and standards for what constitute legitimate
contributions to a field.
 Heliocentrism: It is the astronomical model in which the Earth and planets
revolve around the Sun at the center of the universe.
 Ontological Realism: It is a theory that claims that at least a part of reality is
ontologically independent of human minds.

15.6 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

QUESTIONS

1. Tim Dunne was the writer of the article, ‘The End of International Relations
Theory’ which contributes the contemporary challenges faced by IR theories
today to the definitional problem of theory itself.
2. The two types of theories in the field of IR are explanatory theory and critical
theory.
3. Andrew Bennett is the author of the article, ‘The Mother of all Isms: Casual
Mechanisms and Structured Pluralism in International Relations Theory’.

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NOTES 4. Integrative Pluralism refers to a theoretical perspective that advocates for the
combination of different theoretical approaches and methodologies in the field
of international relations.

15.7 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS AND

EXERCISES

1. According to Tim Dunne and other scholars, what is the primary obstacle faced
by International Relations (IR) theories in the present day, and how does it
relate to the challenge of defining theory?
2. What are the four categories of theories that are present in IR? Also, highlight
the intended purpose or focus of each type.
3. What distinguishes Kuhn’s paradigm from Lakatos’s research programs in IR
theory?
4. In the philosophy of science, what are the main differences between scientific
realism and anti-realism, and how does Bennett apply scientific realism to
international relations theory?
5. What is the main difference between Integrative Pluralism and Disengaged
Pluralism in international relations theory? Why is it important for the field’s
future?
6. Discuss the key criteria proposed by Kenneth Waltz, James Rosenau, and Patrick
Jackson for evaluating legitimate theories in International Relations (IR).
7. Explain the concept of theory as a lens in IR. How does this perspective
contribute to the development of a pluralistic framework in the field? Provide
examples to illustrate the idea of theory as a lens and its implications for IR
scholarship.
8. Examine the concept of causal mechanisms in international relations theory as
proposed by Andrew Bennett. How does this approach differ from traditional
paradigm-centric approaches? What benefits does it offer for the field of IR?

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9. Discuss the challenges and criticisms that Bennett raises regarding the use of NOTES
Kuhn’s paradigm and Lakatos’s research programs in the field of international
relations theory. What is the contribution of these challenges to the fragmentation
of IR theories, and what alternative approach does Bennett propose to address
them?
10. Analyse the benefits of Integrative Pluralism as a guiding framework for the
future of international relations theory. How does Integrative Pluralism tackle
the challenges posed by the current global landscape, and what advantages
does it provide for scholars and researchers in the field of international relations?

15.8 FURTHER READINGS

Brown, Chris and Kirsten Ainley. 2005. Understanding International Relations.

New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Jackson, Robert and Georg Sorenson. 2013. Introduction to International Relations:
Theories and Approaches. United Kingdom: Oxford University Press.
Goldstein, S. Joshua and Jon C. Pevehouse. 2014. International Relations. London:
Pearson.
Malhotra, Vinay Kumar and Alexander A. Sergounin. 1998. Theories and Approaches
to International Relations. New Delhi: Anmol Publication.

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THEORIES OF
INTERNATIONAL
RELATIONS

THEORIES OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

M.A. (POLITICAL SCIENCE)
SEMESTER-I
PS-C 102

FOR LIMITED CIRCULATION

DEPARTMENT OF DISTANCE AND CONTINUING EDUCATION DEPARTMENT OF DISTANCE AND CONTINUING EDUCATION
CAMPUS OF OPEN LEARNING, SCHOOL OF OPEN LEARNING CAMPUS OF OPEN LEARNING, SCHOOL OF OPEN LEARNING
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