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The Cultural Cold War in Western Europe
ALSO IN THE INTELLIGENCE SERIES
Secrets of Signals Intelligence during the Cold War and Beyond edited by Matthew
M.Aid and Cees Wiebes
Knowing Your Friends: Intelligence Inside Alliances and Coalitions from 1914 to the
Cold War edited by Martin S.Alexander
Eternal Vigilance: 50 Years of the CIA edited by Rhodri Jeffreys-Jones and Christopher
Andrew
Nothing Sacred: Nazi Espionage against the Vatican, 1939–1945 by David Alvarez and
Revd. Robert A.Graham
Intelligence Analysis and Assessment edited by David Charters, A.Stuart Farson and
Glenn P. Hastedt
Intelligence and Imperial Defence: British Intelligence and the Defence of the Indian
Empire 1904–1924 by Richard J.Popplewell
Policing Politics: Security Intelligence and the Liberal Democratic State by Peter Gill
From Information to Intrigue: Studies in Secret Service Based on the Swedish Experience
1939–45 by C.G.McKay
Spy Fiction, Spy Films and Real Intelligence edited by Wesley K.Wark
Security and Intelligence in a Changing World: New Perspectives for the 1990s edited by
A. Stuart Farson, David Stafford and Wesley K.Wark
Strategic and Operational Deception in the Second World War edited by Michael
I.Handel
Espionage and the Roots of the Cold War: The Conspiratorial Heritage by David
McKnight
Secret Intelligence in the Twentieth Century edited by Heike Bungert, Jan G.Heitmann
and Michael Wala
The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War: Calling the Tune? by Hugh Wilford
The Cultural Cold War in Western
Europe 1945–1960
Editors
GILES SCOTT-SMITH
HANS KRABBENDAM
Roosevelt Study Center, the Netherlands
FRANK CASS
LONDON • PORTLAND, OR
First published in 2003 in Great Britain by FRANK CASS PUBLISHERS Crown House, 47
Chase Side, Southgate London N14 5BP
This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2005.
“To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis
or Routledge’s collection of thousands of eBooks please go to
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and in the United States of America by FRANK CASS PUBLISHERS c/o ISBS, 920 NE 58th
Avenue, Suite 300 Portland, Oregon, 97213-3786
Website: http://www.frankcass.com/
Copyright © 2003 Frank Cass & Co. Ltd.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
The Cultural Cold War in Western Europe, 1945–1960.—(Cass series. Studies in intelligence) 1.
Cold War—Social aspects—Europe, Western 2. Social control—Europe, Western—History–20th
century 3. Propaganda, Anti-communist—Europe, Western—History 4. Europe, Western—
Cultural policy—History–20th century 5. Europe, Western—Social conditions–20th century I.
Scott-Smith, Giles, 1968– II. Krabbendam, Hans, 1964– 303.3’75’094’09045
Foreword ix
David Caute
List of illustrations xi
Acknowledgements xii
Abbreviations xiii
PART I:
INTELLECTUALS BETWEEN AUTONOMY AND CONTROL
PART II:
PUBLIC-PRIVATE PARTNERSHIP
7 Putting Culture into the Cold War: The Cultural Relations Department 86
(CRD) and British Covert Information Warfare
Richard J.Aldrich
8 From Stockholm to Leiden: The CIA’s Role in the Formation of the 107
International Student Conference
Karen Paget
9 Youth Organizations as a Battlefield in the Cold War 138
Joël Kotek
10 The Memorial Day Statement: Women’s Organizations in the Peace 159
Offensive’
Helen Laville
PART IV:
TARGET AREAS
11 The Cold War Culture of the French and Italian Communist Parties 176
Marc Lazar
12 The Propaganda of the Marshall Plan in Italy in a Cold War Context 186
David W.Ellwood
13 Out of Tune: The Congress for Cultural Freedom in Denmark, 1953–1960 197
Ingeborg Philipsen
14 The Absent Dutch: Dutch Intellectuals and the Congress for Cultural 212
Freedom
Tity de Vries
PART V:
HIGH CULTURE AS POLITICAL MESSAGE
15 How Good Are We? Culture and the Cold War 225
Jessica C.E.Gienow-Hecht
16 The Control of Visual Representation: American Art Policy in Occupied 237
Germany, 1945–1949
Cora S.Goldstein
17 ‘He is a Cripple an’ Needs My Love’: Porgy and Bess as Cold War 252
Propaganda
David Monod
Abstracts 263
About the Contributors 270
Index 274
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Foreword
DAVID CAUTE
Certain perils now beset Cold War cultural studies, and I would be inclined to judge any
conference or seminar in this field by its ability to avoid these perils. Briefly, they are:
1. Bogus attachment of the fashionable label ‘Cold War’ to some work of literature,
cultural event, artistic movement or film sequence which could equally well have
happened even if the Romanovs had crushed the Bolsheviks in 1917 and ruled Russia
for a further 50 years, with the monk Rasputin in charge of ideology. Examples:
‘Hitchcock’s film “Rear Window” and the Cold War.’ Or: ‘Moby Dick and the Cold
War’. Or: ‘The Lesbian Novel and the Cold War’. Or: ‘Home, Garden and the
Bikini—Cold War and Gender Stasis.’ (I have invented these examples, but not out of
thin air.)
2. Strangulation of the subject under discussion by means of esoteric jargon clogged with
abstraction, nouns tortured into verbs, cinematic metaphors, or website prose. ‘Cold
War culture’ has become something of a playground in Critical Studies departments
where closed linguistic systems thrive. I have not invented the following examples, all
noted down in the course of a single conference in the USA: ‘Lacanian overview’,
‘surplus surveillance’, ‘modes of enframement’, ‘process of eventuation’, ‘the single-
basket effect’, ‘alternative orders of credulity’ [sic. ‘credibility’] and, of course, the
ever-present, all-purpose ‘hegemonic gaze’.
3. The ‘covert action’ and (related) ‘secret state’ mythologies. For Cold War liberals,
conservatives and anti-communist historians, the entire Soviet experience and its
Western believers more or less boil down to Hiss, the Rosenbergs, the Cambridge
Five, the KGB, the Venona tapes and archival exposure. For revisionists and heirs to
the New Left, it is much the same thing in reverse: the Western position in the Cold
War boils down to the CIA, the FBI, covert subsidies, false fronts, dummy
foundations, and Machiavellian expropriation of innocent art by the pax (or pox)
americana.
4. Following on from (3), it is not the book, painting or symphony which counts in the
last analysis, but who paid for the printer’s ink, the canvas and the orchestra’s
travelling expenses. Scholars should therefore devote themselves to archival exposure
of who paid the piper, and more or less forget about the tune, the big ideas which
dominated Cold War culture in the 1950s and 1960s.
5. Presentation of a cultural Cold War from which one side (the Russians, their satellites
and their friends in the West) have strangely vanished. No sign or sound of them. It is
America vs Amerika.
Broadly speaking, the October 2001 conference held at the Roosevelt Study Center,
Middelburg, entitled ‘Boundaries to Freedom: the Cultural Cold War in Europe, 1945–
60’, emerged with 90–100 per cent scores in avoiding Perils 1 and 2 (pseudo-subjects and
jargon), probably achieved 50–50 with respect to Perils 3 and 4 (the covert action/secret
state domain and the ‘who paid the piper?’ domain), and scored really low only in terms
of Peril 5 –gdye Russkii Vopros?
This deficiency was mentioned by more than one participant during the final
discussion; clearly it has been taken to heart by the organizers, who have restyled the
conference ‘the Cultural Cold War in Western Europe’ for the purposes of publication. I
do not think this solves the problem. As many of the best contributions to the conference
demonstrated, one cannot understand the cultural Cold War in Western Europe without
constant attention to America’s role, purposes and influence. Still less can one understand
the culture of Britain, France, Italy and Germany in the age of Orwell, Sartre, Guttuso,
and Brecht without studying how the ‘Meeting on the Elbe’ (Vstrecha na Elba, as
Grigorii Aleksandrov called his film) turned sour.
Absent Russians and East Germans are not merely temporarily missing characters
(displaced persons) in the drama; by their absence they invite us to re-invent a Cold War
and its attendant culture in a tradition set in motion by the revisionist historians of the
New Left era; a Cold War instigated exclusively by a belligerent, expansionist USA and
its client states, a Cold War which was really about retaining overseas empires,
expanding global markets, suppressing blacks, battering workers, and keeping women in
their place. I have to say that in my experience this kind of ‘Cold War’ invariably yields
to the real one as soon as the Russia and East Europe specialists show up. They can spell
‘gulag’. Unfortunately, they were not among us at the Roosevelt Study Center.
At the risk of tedium, I want to restate this from a slightly different angle. At any Cold
War culture conference organized by the heirs and successors of the Congress for
Cultural Freedom, or Americans for Democratic Action, or the Royal Institute for
International Affairs, the Soviet and East European component would be exceedingly
prominent. Therefore the composition of such a conference becomes an ideological
question—even if unintentionally and on the back of what appear to be a series of
personal accidents. A Cold War conference without ‘the Russians’ (I mean, of course,
experts on the Soviet Union) is invariably inclining towards becoming an anti-American,
anti-Western convocation before the first word is uttered.
As soon as we hear from Zhdanov’s legions, the fierce voices of Literaturnaia gazeta,
Sovetskaia muzyka, Iskusstvo, Kul’tura i zhizn’ and Neues Deutschland, we begin to ask
ourselves the currently unfashionable question: was the cultural Cold War about—
perhaps very much about—what Orwell and those CIA-funded, Congress for Cultural
Freedom bastards like Arthur Koestler and Sidney Hook said it was about? Were Merle
Fainsod, Isaiah Berlin, Hannah Arendt, George Kennan and Bertram Wolfe and the other
proponents of ‘totalitarian’ theory perhaps more right than wrong?
I came away from the Roosevelt Study Center conference richly rewarded and much
stimulated by new contacts and friendships. I am much indebted to Hans and Giles for
their hospitality and excellent arrangements.
[David Caute’s book Cold War Culture. Stage, Screen, Music, Ballet, Expo, Art and
Ideology. USA-USSR-Europe, will be published by Oxford University Press in 2003.]
Illustrations
The origins of this volume lie with a conference co-organized by the Roosevelt Study
Center, a research institute on twentieth-century American history located in the
Netherlands, and the Netherlands Institute for War Documentation (NIOD). It was held in
Middelburg in October 2001.
The NIOD and the RSC are ‘sister institutes’ that share a single parent who is their
main sponsor: the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences. The Royal
Academy has stimulated the initiative of joint programs between these institutes. The
conference was the first result of this co-operation.
A conference is never a product of one person, or in this case one institute. The
conference organizers Hans Krabbendam and Giles Scott-Smith greatly benefited from
the expertise of Peter Romijn, Paul Koedijk, and Jolande Withuis. Special thanks also to
those who gave their support to this project from the very beginning: Scott Lucas,
Frances Stonor Saunders, Hugh Wilford, and especially Richard J.Aldrich.
Financial support was granted by the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and
Sciences, the American Embassy in The Hague, the Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt
Institute in New York, the Netherlands Institute for War Documentation, and the
Roosevelt Study Center.
Abbreviations
AAPC Anglo-American Productivity Council
AAUW American Association of University Women
ACUE American Committee on United Europe
AFL American Federation of Labor
ATA Atlantic Treaty Association
BP Bureau Politique (of the PCF)
BPC British Productivity Council
CCF Congress for Cultural Freedom
CGIL Confederazione Generale del Lavoro [Italian]
CGT Confédération Générale du Travail [French]
CIA Central Intelligence Agency
CIERP Centre Intersyndical d’Etudes et de Recherche de
Productivité [French]
CIO Congress of Industrial Organizations [American]
CISL Confederazione Italiana Sindicati Lavoratori [Italian]
COSEC Coordinating Secretariat [of ISC]
CPN Communistische Partij Nederland [Dutch]
CRD Cultural Relations Department [British]
DAU Declaration of Atlantic Unity
DGB Deutsche Gewerkschaftsbund [German]
DKP Danmarks Kommunistiske Parti [Danish]
ELEC European League for Economic Cooperation
EPA European Productivity Agency
ERP European Recovery Program
FBI Federal Bureau of Investigation [American]
FDJ Freie Deutsche Jugend [East German]
FO Force Ouvrière [French]
FRUS Foreign Relations of the United States
FTUC Free Trade Union Committee
FYSA Foundation for Youth and Student Affairs
GDR German Democratic Republic
HIACOM Harvard International Activities Committee [American]
HICOG High Commission in Germany [American]
HMG His Majesty’s Government
IAW International Alliance of Women
ICD Information Control Division [American]
ICFTU International Confederation of Free Trade Unions
IFBPWC International Federation of Business and Professional
Women’s Clubs
INU Inostrannoye Upravleniye (Foreign Intelligence Service of
the MGB)
IOJ International Organization of Journalists
IPD Information Policy Department [British]
IRD Information Research Department [British]
ISC International Student Conference
IUS International Union of Students
IUSY International Union of Socialist Youth
KGB Komitet Gosudarstvennoi Bezopastnosti (Committee of
State Security)
MFA&A Museum, Fine Arts, and Archives Section [of OMGUS]
MGB Ministerstvo Gosudarstvennoi Bezopastnosti (Ministry of
State Security)
MI5 Security Service [British]
MoMA Museum of Modern Art [New York]
NALSO National Association of Labour Student Organisations
NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization
NCFE National Committee for Free Europe
NCSS National Council for Social Service
NGO Non-Governmental Organization
NPC National Productivity Center
NPC NATO Parliamentarians Conference
NSA National Student Association [American]
NUS National Union of Students [British]
OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
OMGUS Office of the Military Government of the United States,
Germany
OPC Office of Policy Coordination [American]
ORIT Interamerican Organization of Workers
PCF Parti Communiste de France
PCI Partito Comunista Italiano
PEN Poets, Essayists, and Novelists
PPMI Perhimpunan Pemuda Mahasiswa Indonesia [student
union]
PTAD Productivity and Technical Assistance Department
[American]
PWE Political Warfare Executive [British]
RFE Radio Free Europe
RIAS Radio in the American Sector [of Germany]
RKW Rationalisierungs Kuratorium der Deutschen Wirtschaft
ROTC Reserve Officer Training Corps [American]
SFC Society for Freedom and Culture [Danish]
SED Sozialistischen Einheitspartei Deutschland [East German]
SFS Sveriges Förenade Studentkårer [Swedish]
SIS Secret Intelligence Service [British]
SMAP Student Mutual Assistance Program
SOE Special Operations Executive [British]
SOE Special Operations Executive [British]
TUC Trade Union Congress [British]
UIL Unione Italiana del Lavoro
UJRF Union de la Jeunesse Républicaine de France
UNESCO United Nations Education, Scientific and Cultural
Organization
UNR Union pour la Nouvelle République [French Gaullist
Party]
USIA United States Information Agency
USIS United States Information Service
VDS Verband Deutscher Studentenschaften
VoA Voice of America
WAY World Assembly of Youth
WFDY World Federation of Democratic Youth
WFTU World Federation of Trade Unions
WIDF Women’s International Democratic Federation
WOMAN World Organization of Mothers of All Nations
WSSF World Student Service Federation
WUUN Women United for United Nations
1
Introduction: Boundaries to Freedom
HANS KRABBENDAM AND GILES SCOTT-SMITH
In recent years, aided by the end of the Cold War itself, there has been a renewed interest
in the wider social, political, and cultural implications and consequences of Cold War
policies in the West. In particular, this has generated a re-evaluation of the relations
between cultural activities and political agendas, and a broader understanding of the uses
(and abuses) of power. As historian Tony Shaw has put it in a recent review article,
‘virtually everything, from sport to ballet to comic books and space travel, assumed
political significance and hence potentially could be deployed as a weapon both to shape
opinion at home and to subvert societies abroad.’1
The predominant focus of this volume is on the relationship between the United States
and the countries of Western Europe, since the anti-communist security alliance between
them affected a broad range of policy areas. The essays are thus connected by the issue of
what freedom and free society actually meant in opposition to the Soviet-communist
alternative, and how Western Europe in the period 1945–1960 was a battleground for the
shaping of democratic societies. This was the phase during which the infrastructure of the
Cold War was created: the organizations, the policy directives, the mobilization of groups
in civil society—processes often put in motion by veterans from World War II who saw
the Cold War as an extension of the same struggle. It was a time that represented idealism
and creativity as much as fear and risk, motives which mingled in an unprecedented
expansion of governmental activity and private initiative that began to blur the lines
between state and civil society. In the words of Scott Lucas, while billions may have been
spent on military hardware, ‘all this was meaningless if populations did not endorse and,
in some cases, proselytize the values that proved their superiority’.2 The powers of
persuasion (and manipulation) were certainly employed by both East and West, however
different the end goals, levels of subtlety, and relative merits actually were.
In 1947, Melvin J.Lasky, Berlin correspondent for the Partisan Review and in 1950
co-founder of the Congress for Cultural Freedom, expressed his conviction about the
commitment of western opinion leaders to the Cold War effort as follows: ‘The mere
announcement of fact and truth is, unfortunately, not enough. The facts must illustrate,
must dramatize, must certainly be timed; our truth must be active, must enter the contest,
it cannot afford to be an Olympian bystander’.3 Twenty years later, historian Christopher
Lasch criticized this involvement of intellectuals in an article reflecting on the allegations
of their CIA connections: ‘The campaign for “cultural freedom” revealed the degree to
which the values held by intellectuals had become indistinguishable from the interests of
the modern state—interests which intellectuals now served even while they maintained
the illusion of detachment.4 Yet the positions of Lasky and Lasch should not represent the
whole debate. As Michel Foucault recognized, power is not simply a negative force:
‘What makes power hold good, what makes it accepted, is simply the fact that it doesn’t
only weigh on us as a force that says no, but that it traverses and produces things, it
induces pleasure, forms knowledge, produces discourse.’5 Such an insight highlights the
The cultural cold war in Western Europe 2
complexities involved when examining the culture-politics relationship. It can also offer
paths for alternative interpretations of the Cold War and its cultural consequences.
HISTORIOGRAPHY
Historiographically, the Cold War has moved through several phases. The orthodox view
in the West that the Soviet Union and the ideology of communism were wholly to blame,
the dominant perspective up until the early 1960s, was eventually challenged by critiques
from New Left and other historians who focused their attention instead on the American
military-industrial complex as an equally important cause of the confrontation.
Revelations about the covert actions of the CIA, which began to emerge in the late 1960s
and early 1970s, also contributed to the sense of mistrust in the US government and
marked this period off from the black-and-white perspectives of the initial post-war
years. This ‘revisionism’ was itself followed by so-called post-revisionism and
corporatism in the 1970s and 1980s, which skirted the issue of blame in favor of in-depth
policy analysis, particularly on the American side, in order to balance the revisionist
claims. The 1990s saw further shifts in perspective. The triumphalist attitude in the West
after the communist downfall was combined with a widespread belief that the newly
accessible archives in the former Eastern bloc would hold many of the answers to Cold
War questions. Instead, these archives have produced as many new conundrums as they
have offered glimpses of the ‘truth’.6 In contrast, in the last few years there has been a
gradual increase in studies that have made use of American and European sources for a
more in-depth look at the complex mix of public and private organizations that operated
from the 1940s onwards. This new wave of publications have shown a more sophisticated
approach, revealing the complexity of the issues, the diversity among the various nations
involved, and the uses of contributions from different academic disciplines, with end
results that represent a move beyond the simple question of right and wrong in the Cold
War. The entry into this field by scholars from disciplines such as sociology, literature,
and media studies has been complemented by a gradual (if at times surprisingly reluctant)
‘cultural turn’ on the part of diplomatic historians themselves, for long sufficiently
occupied with the examination of inter-governmental relations alone.7
The papers collected in this volume represent a further development of this latest trend
in historical research. The contributors here represent current European and American
research that offers an important cross-section of case studies highlighting the
connections between overt/covert activities and cultural/political agendas during the early
Cold War. It therefore provides a valuable bridge between diplomatic history and
intelligence research, fields which usually work in isolation from each other.8 Several
questions lie at the center of these contributions. What were the boundaries to freedom in
the West in the early phase of the Cold War, and how were they set? Did the defenders of
the principle of a free society find a balance between ‘truth’, freedom of information, and
efforts to direct and influence opinion? How far could ‘freedom’ be instituted and
promoted by official powers without it collapsing under its own contradictions into only a
semblance (or representation) of freedom? Again to quote Tony Shaw: ‘Was all culture,
on both sides of the Cold War, merely an extension of politics? If so, how should this
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