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 ROUTLEDGE LIBRARY EDITIONS:
POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY

Volume 13

THE GEOGRAPHY OF FRONTIERS

AND BOUNDARIES
This page intentionally left blank
THE GEOGRAPHY OF FRONTIERS
AND BOUNDARIES

J. R. V. PRESCOTT
First published in 1965
This edition first published in 2015
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN

and by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 1965 J. R. V. Prescott
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any
information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the
publishers.

Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered

trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent
to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

ISBN: 978-1-138-80830-0 (Set)

eISBN: 978-1-315-74725-5 (Set)
ISBN: 978-1-138-81362-5 (Volume 13)
eISBN: 978-1-315-74796-5 (Volume 13)

Publisher’s Note
The publisher has gone to great lengths to ensure the quality of this reprint but
points out that some imperfections in the original copies may be apparent.

Disclaimer
The publisher has made every effort to trace copyright holders and would
welcome correspondence from those they have been unable to trace.
 The Geography
of Frontiers and Boundaries

J.R.V.PRESCOTT

H U T C H I N S O N U N I V E R S I T Y L IB R A R Y
LONDON
HUTCHINSON & CO. (.Publishers) LTD
178-202 Great Portland Street, London, PKr

London Melbourne Sydney

Auckland Bombay Toronto
Johannesburg New York

First published 1965

© J. R. V. Prescott 1965

This book has been set in Times New Roman

type face, printed in Great Britain on Smooth
Wove paper by The Anchor Press, Ltd., and
bound by Wm. Brendon & Son, Ltd., both of
Tiptree, Essex.
 Contents

Maps 6

Preface 1

1 Concepts and terminology 9

2 Frontiers 33
3 The evolution of boundaries 56
4 Border landscapes 90
5 Boundary disputes 109
6 Geographical studies of intra-national boundaries 152
Index 183
 Maps

1 Indigenous states and frontiers of West Africa c. 1860 51

2 The Guadalupe-Hidalgo treaty 79

3 The Ghana-Togoland border 137

4a Masailand 141
4b Somaliland 141
5 Provincial boundary changes in Northern Nigeria 1908-14 163
6 Provincial boundary changes in Northern Nigeria 1914-26 167
 Preface

I would like to thank Professor W. G. East for his initial suggestion

that I should write this book and for his many helpful comments
on the material used. I am also grateful to Professor O. H. K. Spate,
Professor S. B. Jones and Professor R. Hartshorne for helpful
suggestions about various sections of the work; to the reference
staff of the Baillieu Library in the University of Melbourne for their
patient collection of references from many Australian and Overseas
sources; and to my wife for preparing the index.
J. R . V . P R E S C O T T
This page intentionally left blank
 1

Concepts and terminology

Le caractere marquant de la notion de frontiere est son

universality d’acception. De rhomme de rue ou du paysan
jusqu’au politique et au savant, elle est susceptible, selon
les categories et les classes, de rencontrer les interpretations
les plus diverses. (Lapradelle, 1928, p. 9)

Le sujet (les frontieres), avouons-le, est dangereux pour

un savant, car il est tout p£n£tre de passions politiques,
tout encombrds d’arriere-pensees. Les gens ont trop
d’interets en jeu, quand ils parlent de frontieres, pour en
parler de sang-froid: le malentendu est permanent!
(Siegfried, writing in Ancel, 1938, p. vii)

It is impossible to study boundaries and frontiers without being

continually aware of the points made by these distinguished authors.
First, there is the challenge of studying a subject which has general
appeal, and which is of crucial importance in the field of political
geography and international relations. The second point arises from
the first and concerns the need to clear the mind of subjective views
which will influence the selection of facts and presentation of cases.
The danger of subjectivity is probably greater in political geography
than in any other branch of the subject. Failure to maintain objec­
tivity would be academically embarrassing to a geomorphologist or
historical geographer, and would detract from the value o f his
completed work, but the present century has seen how subjective
studies in political geography can be perverted to political argu­
ments which can have far-reaching consequences. Every effort has
been made to preserve the present study from prejudice, and the
author is grateful that it is made at a time when the passions
10 GEOGRAPHY OF FRONTIERS A N D B OU N DA RI ES

generated by the second world war have largely disappeared and

when there is no threatening shadow of further world conflicts.
This advantage was denied to such authors as Holdich, Haushofer
and Ancel.
A comprehensive review of the literature in the field of boundary
and frontier studies is not possible in the space available, and it
has been decided to review the works o f ten authors who have
written generally on this subject and span the period 1895-1957.
This historical review will be followed by a summary of the main
concepts agreed by the authors, an outline o f the terminology
used in this book, and an indication o f the general plan o f the
remaining chapters.
Ratzel’s concept of boundaries followed logically from his view
of the state as a living organism. The boundary was the skin of the
living state and like the epidermis o f animals and plants it provided
defence and allowed exchange to occur. This fundamental belief
provided the point from which Ratzel sought to define the character
o f boundaries and the way in which they altered.
First, Ratzel maintained that the boundary was an abstraction
and that the border area (Grenzraum) was the reality.

Der Grenzraum ist das Wirldiche, die Grenzlinie die Abstraktion

davon. (Ratzel, 1895, p. 538)

According to Ratzel the border consisted of three zones, two o f

which were the periphery of the adjoining states, and the third a
central zone where there was a mingling of the two states. This was
a concept accepted and developed by Lapradelle when he considered
boundaries in relation to international law.
In developing the same theme Ratzel maintained that it was
unrealistic to attempt to dissect the boundary from the state for
individual study. Again and again it was stressed that the fringes
o f the state were an integral part of the whole and that it was
unrealistic to talk of the greater importance of the centre (Ratzel,
1895, pp. 605-6, and p. 614 ff). This view underlay the second
point which was that boundaries were a factor influencing state
power and a measure of state power.
 CONCEPTS A N D TERMINOLOGY II

In den Grenzen liegt ein guter Teil der Gewichte des politischen
Gleichgewichts. (Ratzel, 1895, p. 584)

Wir haben gesehen, wie Wachstum und Riickgang des Gebietes nicht
bloss in der Gestalt und den Schutzvorrichtungen der Grenze Ausdruck
finden, sondem sich auch gleichsam darin vorbereiten und ankiindigen.
(Ratzel, 1895, p. 605)

This view that the boundary-zone was the area within which growth
and decline of the state were organized and evidenced was respon­
sible for the emphasis given to territorial adjustment by the geo­
politicians thirty years later, and was the precise view attacked
consistently, if unsuccessfully, by Ancel. For Ratzel the strongest
states showed close ties between the border and state core. Any
tendency for the connexions to be weakened would weaken the
state and result in the loss of the border through its assertion of
independence or its incorporation within a neighbouring state. The
capacity of the boundary to change was a third important point.
Ratzel noted that the boundaries of larger states would often
absorb the territories of smaller adjacent states and that in all
cases a state would strive for the best possible boundary, which was
usually the shortest (Ratzel, 1895, pp. 555 and 557). The state
should also seek to establish, strong military boundaries which
would involve controlling the trans-mountain slopes and the further
banks of rivers. This concern with strong strategic boundaries was
later echoed by Lord Curzon (1907) and Holdich (1916). Ratzel’s
advocacy of boundaries founded on physical features was not
unqualified. He pointed out that not all natural boundaries were
good boundaries and indicated clearly that the quality o f the
population, the available resources, and the prevailing political
situation were also factors which had to be considered (pp. 585-^6).
Ratzel was convinced that the boundary would change as the
relationship between the states altered, and also pointed out that
the functions applied at boundaries would alter as federations of
states were formed. He used the formation o f Germany as an
example o f this and went on to point out the corollary that if
boundaries were reduced in status then they might continue to
demarcate variations in the landscape which their existence had
12 GEOGRAPHY OF FRONTIERS A ND BOUNDARI ES

fostered. These were the relict boundaries which Hartshorne iden­

tified in 1936.
The imperfections of Ratzel’s organic theories of the state have
been exposed by many writers, yet surprisingly not all his concepts
about boundaries have foundered. This is probably because Ratzel
tried to establish laws about boundary development and behaviour.
The futility of this work has been demonstrated by Jones (1945)
who correctly regards each boundary as unique. However, Ratzel’s
so-called laws would undoubtedly apply to certain boundaries.

Dem allgemeinen Gesetz des Wachstumes der geschichtlichen Raume

Folgend, nehmen die Grenzen der grosseren Gebiete die Grenzen der
kleineren in sich auf. (Ratzel, 1895, p. 555)

Das Gesetz der Entwicklung der Grenzen kann als Streben nach
Vereinfachung bezeichnet werden, und diese Vereinfachung schliesst
die Verkiirzung in sich. (Ratzel, 1895, p. 557)

Cases can be discovered which fit these patterns o f development

but there will be as many or more exceptions. Ratzel has been
criticized for providing the concepts which assisted the develop­
ment of theories of Geopolitik, and because he was too deterministic
in according the major role to physical factors of geography. These
criticisms are less applicable to his theories about boundaries than
his overall theories about states. When his work became better
known in the post-World War I period, the subject would have
advanced more quickly if writers had attempted to build on the
sound parts of his structure instead of concentrating on those which
were transparently faulty. The continued criticism of the concept of
natural and artificial boundaries was not justified in view of the
qualifications which Ratzel made about the merit of natural boun­
daries, in respect of the quality of the population and the nature of
political circumstances.
Lord Curzon (1907) brought his experience as a diplomat and
administrator to bear in preparing the Romanes lecture. His interest
in boundaries lay in their importance in international relations, and
his lecture was delivered close to the end of one of the most intensive
periods of boundary-construction the European Powers had ever
 CONCEPTS AND TERMINOLOGY !3

known. He was aware of this and expected that the following period
would be calmer with disputes being settled by international law
rather than military forays. The main part of his lecture examined
the strength and weakness of the two main types of boundaries -
natural and artificial. By these terms Curzon referred to boundaries
which were dependent upon, or independent of, physical features
of the Earth’s surface. He considered this classification to enjoy
general recognition and possess the most scientific character. These
were terms which were used by Holdich but which other writers
attacked on the logical grounds that all boundaries were artificial,
and that the implication of the expression ‘natural’ was that such
boundaries were intrinsically more appropriate than boundaries not
based on the physical landscape. The point is worth making that
Lord Curzon’s view was that boundaries located within some
physical feature such as a mountain range or desert were superior
to other kinds because they offered better opportunities for defence.
None of Lord Curzon’s critics seems to have given him credit for
distinguishing clearly between ‘natural boundaries’ which were
based on some physical feature and a ‘class of so-called Natural
Frontiers . . . namely those which are claimed by nations as natural
on grounds of ambition, or expediency, or more often sentiment.
The attempt to realize Frontiers of this type has been responsible
for many of the wars, and some of the most tragical vicissitudes in
history’ (Curzon, 1907, p. 54). In other words, Lord Curzon knew
exactly what he meant and there was no confusion in his mind.
One of the least satisfactory features of the essay was the use of
‘frontier’ and ‘boundary’ as interchangeable terms, but since Boggs
in 1940 followed the same rule, although he noted the real difference,
one cannot criticize Curzon too much. His essay contained several
points, which were further developed by later writers. He carefully
followed Macmahon in distinguishing between the demarcation
and delimitation of boundaries, and put forward three ideas which
were later used by others. First, artificial frontiers were classified
into three groups: astronomical, mathematical and referential. The
astronomical boundaries followed a parallel of latitude or a meridian;
the mathematical boundaries connected two specified points; and
the referential boundaries were defined with regard to some point
14 GEOGRAPHY OF FRONTIERS A N D BOUNDARIES

or points and included arcs of circles and straight lines. This

classification was later used by Fawcett and Lapradelle. Second,
Curzon briefly mentioned the idea o f distinguishing between
frontiers of separation and contact, which was later developed
by Fawcett and East and is used in this book. Lastly, in the con­
clusion, Curzon noted that it was important to study the effects
of the boundaries upon fortifications which are aspects of border
landscapes, and to revalue continually the suitability o f boundaries
in the light of technical advances, especially o f those in the conduct
o f warfare. This was an early hint which was not accepted by
geographers for a considerable period.
Colonel Sir T. H. Holdich based his study of boundaries in 1916
on his practical experience o f many boundary commissions. He
deplored the lack of experience on the part o f some earlier authors
and singled out the idealistic views o f Lyde for particularly un­
favourable comment. Lyde (1915) had suggested in his book, which
was subtitled An aspiration for Europe, that boundaries should be
drawn to give states maximum ethnic homogeneity, and through
areas where population would meet and, he hoped, mingle. Lyde
also suggested that before any area was transferred to another state
the ability of the recipient to assimililate the new population should
be considered. Holdich criticized the first two arguments. His
experience had taught him that boundaries should be strong.
Boundaries must be barriers - if not geographical and natural they
must be artificial and strong as military device can make them.
(Holdich, 1916, p. 46)
He criticized those states in central Europe which were seeking
extended ethnographic boundaries rather than selecting strong
strategic boundaries which would leave some minorities outside,
but which would offer greater security to the people within the
state. Following Lord Curzon, Holdich used the terms ‘frontier’
and ‘boundary’ as synonyms, but he did draw attention to the
difference between them.
Nature knows no boundary line. Nature has her frontiers truly, but
lines, especially straight lines, are abhorrent to her.
(Holdich, 1916, p. 2)
 CONCEPTS AND TERMINOLOGY *5
Later Holdich distinguished between ‘natural frontiers’ and ‘arti­
ficial boundaries’, thereby indicating an awareness of the difference
which subsequent critics have not always granted. The advantages
and disadvantages of the two main categories o f divides were
examined, in terms of defence and ease o f demarcation. This last
aspect was important to Holdich and it is characteristic of the man
that he thought that
the escort difficulty is perhaps the most important consideration of any
in the arrangements for the successful conduct of the working party.
(Holdich, 1916, p. 213)

Holdich wrote his book at the time when the military techniques
being displayed in Europe called for strong defensive positions,
regularly buttressed with fortresses. He believed this would remain
the general pattern and was thus encouraged in his advocacy of
strong boundaries.
The book contains a rich store of anecdotes and serves to under­
line the fact that boundary-making is a practical art. His examples
provide the raw material for generalizations but remind the student
that the abstractions should not be carried too far. This is a point
which was most forcibly made by Jones (1945) nearly thirty years
later.
Fawcett (1918) was primarily concerned with the geographical
facts of frontiers and draws a clear distinction between their zonal
characteristics and the linear nature of boundaries. There is an
excellent chapter on the nature of frontiers at the physical, cultural
and political levels. He concludes that frontiers are distinct regions
o f transition; while it is admitted that all regions are transitional,
it is only when the transitional feature is the dominant characteristic
that the region is a true frontier. Fawcett attacks the division of
frontiers into natural and artificial categories. He does so in rather
a curious way for, while he notes that the division is based upon
the degree of association with physical features, he attacks the
terms since the evolution of all kinds o f boundaries is natural.
Fawcett in fact tended to perpetuate the term ‘artificial’ in developing
Curzon’s concept of frontiers of separation and contact. He believed
that the functions of frontiers were to protect the state and allow
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