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African Americans
in the
Nineteenth
Century
People and Perspectives
Dixie Ray Haggard, Editor
Peter C. Mancall, Series Editor
Copyright 2010 by ABC-CLIO, LLC
6 ‘‘Yes, We All Shall Be Free’’: African Americans Make the Civil War a
Struggle for Freedom, 79
David Williams and Teresa Crisp Williams
vi CONTENTS
PERSPECTIVES IN AMERICAN SOCIAL HISTORY
S ocial history is, simply put, the study of past societies. More specifi-
cally, social historians attempt to describe societies in their totality,
and hence often eschew analysis of politics and ideas. Though many
social historians argue that it is impossible to understand how societies
functioned without some consideration of the ways that politics works on
a daily basis or what ideas could be found circulating at any given time,
they tend to pay little attention to the formal arenas of electoral politics or
intellectual currents. In the United States, social historians have been
engaged in describing components of the population that had earlier often
escaped formal analysis, notably women, members of ethnic or cultural
minorities, or those who had fewer economic opportunities than the elite.
Social history became a vibrant discipline in the United States after it
had already gained enormous influence in Western Europe. In France,
social history in its modern form emerged with the rising prominence of a
group of scholars associated with the journal Annales Economie, Societe, Civi-
lisation (or Annales ESC as it is known). In its pages and in a series of books
from historians affiliated with the E cole des Hautes E tudes en Sciences
Sociale in Paris, brilliant historians such as Marc Bloch, Jacques Le Goff,
and Emanuel LeRoy Ladurie described seemingly every aspect of French
society. Among the masterpieces of this historical reconstruction was Fer-
nand Braudel’s monumental study, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean
World in the Age of Philip II, published first in Paris in 1946 and in a revised
edition in English in 1972. In this work Braudel argued that the only way
to understand a place in its totality was to describe its environment, its
social and economic structures, and its political systems. In Britain the em-
phasis of social historians has been less on questions of environment, per
se, than on a description of human communities in all their complexities.
For example, social historians there have taken advantage of that nation’s
remarkable local archives to reconstruct the history of the family and
details of its rural past. Works such as Peter Laslett’s The World We Have
Lost, first printed in 1966, and the multiauthored Agrarian History of Eng-
land and Wales, which began to appear in print in 1967, revealed that
viii SERIES INTRODUCTION
PERSPECTIVES IN AMERICAN SOCIAL HISTORY
painstaking work could reveal the lives and habits of individuals who
never previously attracted the interest of biographers, demographers, or
most historians.
Social history in the United States gained a large following in the sec-
ond half of the 20th century, especially during the 1960s and 1970s. Its de-
velopment sprang from political, technical, and intellectual impulses
deeply embedded in the culture of the modern university. The politics of
civil rights and social reform fueled the passions of historians who strove
to tell the stories of the underclass. They benefited from the adoption by
historians of statistical analysis, which allowed scholars to trace where
individuals lived, how often they moved, what kinds of jobs they took,
and whether their economic status declined, stagnated, or improved over
time. As history departments expanded, many who emerged from graduate
schools focused their attention on groups previously ignored or marginal-
ized. Women’s history became a central concern among American histori-
ans, as did the history of African Americans, Native Americans, Latinos,
and others. These historians pushed historical study in the United States
farther away from the study of formal politics and intellectual trends.
Though few Americanists could achieve the technical brilliance of some
social historians in Europe, collectively they have been engaged in a vast
act of description, with the goal of describing seemingly every facet of life
from 1492 to the present.
The sixteen volumes in this series together represent the continuing
efforts of historians to describe American society. Most of the volumes
focus on chronological areas, from the broad sweep of the colonial era to
the more narrowly defined collections of essays on the eras of the Cold
War, the baby boom, and America in the age of the Vietnam War. The se-
ries also includes entire volumes on the epochs that defined the nation,
the American Revolution and the Civil War, as well as volumes dedicated
to the process of westward expansion, women’s rights, and African Ameri-
can history.
This social history series derives its strength from the talented editors
of individual volumes. Each editor is an expert in his or her own field who
selected and organized the contents of his or her volume. Editors solicited
other experienced historians to write individual essays. Every volume con-
tains first-rate analysis complemented by lively anecdotes designed to
reveal the complex contours of specific historical moments. The many
illustrations to be found in these volumes testify too to the recognition that
any society can be understood not only by the texts that its participants
produce but also by the images that they craft. Primary source documents
in each volume will allow interested readers to pursue some specific topics
in greater depth, and each volume contains a chronology to provide guid-
ance to the flow of events over time. These tools—anecdotes, images, texts,
and timelines—allow readers to gauge the inner workings of America in
particular periods and yet also to glimpse connections between eras.
The articles in these volumes testify to the abundant strengths of his-
torical scholarship in the United States in the early years of the twenty-
first century. Despite the occasional academic contest that flares into public
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SERIES INTRODUCTION ix
PERSPECTIVES IN AMERICAN SOCIAL HISTORY
Peter C. Mancall
Series Editor
This page intentionally left blank
Introduction
H istory is the key to understanding our present and the light that illu-
minates the path to our future. In 2008, the United States celebrated
a landmark event in its history, the election of an African American
to the presidency of the United States. Many scholars trace the origins of
this event to the efforts of Martin Luther King, Jr., in the 20th century or
Abraham Lincoln’s issuance of the Emancipation Proclamation in the 19th
century, and in part, they are justified in their argument. These scholars,
however, miss the proverbial forest by looking at a couple of large trees.
Since 1800, millions of African Americans made sacrifices that blazed a trail
that led directly to the election of Barack Obama to the presidency of the
United States. Specifically, in the 19th century, people like Gabriel Prosser,
Charles Deslondes, Paul Cuffe, Levi Coffin, Richard Allen, Denmark Vesey,
Edward Jones, David Walker, Nat Turner, Harriet Tubman, Sojourner
Truth, Dred Scott, Edward Alexander Bouchet, Henry O. Flipper, Booker T.
Washington, George Washington Williams, Ida B. Wells, Homer Plessy, W.
E. B. Du Bois, and the communities they represent literally sacrificed every-
thing including their lives to lay down a foundation for the eventual free-
dom of all African Americans. These individuals paved a path to a future in
which an African American could be elected president of the United States.
Probably no one person did more for the betterment of the African Ameri-
can community in the 19th century and the achievement of their hopes in
a later century than did Frederick Douglass.
Frederick Douglass is the perfect, singular example of the African
American experience in the 19th century. He experienced life in a slave
community in the South and in free African American communities in the
North before the Civil War. In 1818, Douglass was born a slave in Mary-
land, and while a slave, he became all too familiar with the brutality,
inhumanity, and inherent evil of the slavery institution.
While still a child and a slave, Douglass learned how to read even
though it was forbidden by law. Eventually, he was forced to labor for his
owner as he reached maturity. In 1838, Douglass managed to escape to
the North and freedom, and by the early 1840s, he became an outspoken
xii INTRODUCTION
PERSPECTIVES IN AMERICAN SOCIAL HISTORY
and public advocate of abolition, despite the risk to his freedom due to his
status as a runaway slave. In 1845, Douglass published his autobiography
to further the cause of abolition, again at great risk to his freedom. After
publication of his autobiography, Douglass left for a lecture tour of Great
Britain. While there, British friends of Douglass raised funds to purchase
his freedom.
During the Civil War, Douglass worked tirelessly to ensure the war
would guarantee an end to slavery and for African Americans to be
allowed to serve in the Union Army. After the Civil War, Douglass cam-
paigned vigorously to achieve civil, economic, and social rights for African
Americans, and he lectured constantly, albeit in vain, to have the Civil
War remembered primarily as a war for the emancipation of slaves. Doug-
lass was politically active in the Republican Party and held several govern-
ment appointments, including the marshal for the District of Columbia
and minister and consul general to Haiti. Douglass passed away on Febru-
ary 20, 1895.
Frederick Douglass’s life story vividly reveals the basic contradictions
of a democratic republic that espoused the concept of equality for all, at
the same time it allowed the enslavement of some of its population. Few if
any American writers have so clearly and succinctly revealed and attacked
the moral and economic nature of slavery, and few have argued so elo-
quently for the potential of civil, economic, and social equality in the nat-
ural rights tradition.
The purpose of this volume is to introduce the reader to the social
world that Douglass and other African Americans experienced during the
19th century and help the reader explore and understand that world. This
was a world that few 21st-century Americans fully appreciate. It was a
world of struggle and fulfillment, justice and injustice, civility and brutal-
ity, and acceptance and racism.
More specifically, this monograph seeks to describe the social life of
African Americans in the 19th century. Much has been published about
the cultural, economic, environmental, military, and political accomplish-
ments of African Americans in that century, but little has been written
about the day-to-day affairs and the face-to-face interactions of African
Americans with each other and others in American society. Although
social history is the focus here, the cultural, economic, environmental,
military, and political activity of these people will be used as methods of
historical exploration to provide gateways into the social life of African
Americans.
Frederick Douglass’s birth came at a transition point in African Ameri-
can social history. Slave communities in the South were quickly becoming
African American in their makeup rather than African because of the ban
on the importation of slaves into the United States beginning in 1808.
Before this ban, slaves born in Africa exceeded the number of those born
in America. This had been the case since the first Africans were brought to
North America in 1619. The history of Africans and African Americans in
the Colonial and Revolutionary eras led up to and shaped this transition
INTRODUCTION xiii
PERSPECTIVES IN AMERICAN SOCIAL HISTORY
When Frederick Douglass made his escape and gained his freedom in
1838 he found, as Shelby Callaway writes in Chapter 2, that ‘‘the American
practice of associating slavery with race made the existence of free black
people a thorny issue’’ in the North as well as in the South for white Ameri-
cans. Free blacks disrupted a system based on blackness equaling slavery,
and this fact affected the legal, economic, and social makeup of antebellum
America. During the early 19th century, free blacks established their posi-
tion in American society and began to create a distinctly African American
culture and society. Separate and distinct from the slave culture of the South
and heavily influenced by their African heritage, ‘‘African American culture
and society grew out of the free black communities and institutions of the
1800s.’’ Black Christian churches and their leaders served as the focal points
of these communities. The church ‘‘produced most of the social and political
leaders, founded schools, started mutual aid societies, and contributed to a
more distinct and unified African American consciousness and culture.’’
Most of the members of the free black communities during the early
19th century were the descendants of freed slaves or were freed slaves
themselves. Many of these gained their freedom during the Revolutionary
era as some white Americans and many black Americans took the concepts
of liberty and equality literally. Those that were freed at this time and their
descendants merged African culture and revolutionary American ideals
into a distinctly African American society. Antebellum free blacks did not
try to escape their African roots and never lost solidarity with Africans in
bondage despite divided opinions about whether or not to seek inclusion
with whites in American society. Frederick Douglass and others like him
campaigned for the rights of all black people, free and slave. Churches,
schools, and social organizations, the abolition societies and the Under-
ground Railroad all spawned from the free black society.
In his autobiography, Frederick Douglass exposed the abuses and the
harshness of slavery as it existed in the South during the 19th century. In
several sections, Douglass clearly and poignantly illustrated the affect that
slavery had on female slaves. Because of the nature of slavery, as Crystal
L. Johnson demonstrates in Chapter 3, female slaves occupied four basic
roles: an oppressed object, the resistant foe, the center of the slave family,
and a survivor.
Overseers and owners viewed black female slaves as objects or as pieces
of property. As a result of these white attitudes, slave women often faced
abuse and cruelty. White owners and overseers stripped these women of their
sense of femininity and replaced it with the deplorable notion of the black
female slave as a breeder and a commodity to sell, buy, or trade at will. Com-
monly, sexual exploitation proved to be the method used to objectify black
female slaves. It was not uncommon for white men to rape female slaves.
The female slave as a resistant foe was also a role black women fulfilled
under the oppression of slavery. Black female slaves exhibited the wits and
desire to resist the immoral atrocities of slavery. From the boarding of the
slave vessels to the point of settling into slave quarters, black women par-
ticipated and assisted in slave insurrections and work slowdowns, broke
tools, set fires, and even in some case, poisoned their owners.
INTRODUCTION xv
PERSPECTIVES IN AMERICAN SOCIAL HISTORY
Johnson notes that ‘‘while the role of resistor empowered the female
slave, the one significant role that has passed from generation to generation
is that of the black female being the center of the family.’’ Because male slaves
often were sold away from their families or kept away from their families,
female slaves were forced to take care of their families alone or with the help
of other female slaves. In so doing, they demonstrated self-sufficiency, inde-
pendence, and female solidarity that helped the slave family survive the
institution of slavery.
Johnson emphasizes that female slaves also had to take on the role of
survivor to perpetuate their lineages. ‘‘The psychological, sexual, and men-
tal anguish suffered by the black female slave created a woman with
thick skin.’’ The female slave embraced the different roles thrust on her
and survived. ‘‘It took phenomenal women to endure the pains, tribula-
tions, and the daily injustices of the institution of slavery. These women
had the will to survive a barbaric institution.’’
Frederick Douglass, through his writings and his talks on the lecture cir-
cuit, often discussed the nature of social life in slave communities. His discus-
sions used these communities to demonstrate the humanity and ingenuity of
enslaved African Americans to enlighten a primarily racist, white public in
the North as well as the South. He illustrated the willingness of slaves to band
together to help each other and their ability to maintain connections with
friends and family beyond the immediate confines of their own plantations.
Before the Civil War, the majority of African Americans lived in slave
communities in the United States. To survive the harsh realities of the insti-
tution of slavery, they established bonds inside and outside their home com-
munities, as Karen Wilson demonstrates in Chapter 4. If friends and family
members were sold to nearby plantations, slaves managed to maintain ties
with these same friends and family members by visiting at night. Members
of slave communities built a network of support that extended beyond the
home plantation by sustaining family and friendship connections.
These networks kept individuals informed as to what was going on in
the outside world despite the fact that slaveholders wanted to keep their
slaves ignorant. This network helped slaves connect with the Underground
Railroad when they wanted to escape, and with the coming of the Civil
War, it helped many slaves track the advancement of Union armies to time
the abandonment of plantations en masse. This last activity put pressure on
Abraham Lincoln to issue the Proclamation of Emancipation, specifically
because the U.S. government needed a policy established to guide the mili-
tary’s response to thousands of ex-slaves flooding into Union camps.
Within the institution of slavery, whites expected slaves to act childish,
subhuman, and dull. Knowing this, slaves presented this expected image
to the world outside of their slave communities. This facade hid a society
that flourished. On plantations, the young were trained to avoid the dan-
gers of slavery and survive. Slaves used stories, songs, dance, and other
creative forms of expression to train the young. The most famous of these
stories include the Brer Rabbit stories. Specifically, children were taught to
act as whites expected and hide their true nature. Additionally, they were
taught to keep the activities of their communities secret from all whites.
xvi INTRODUCTION
PERSPECTIVES IN AMERICAN SOCIAL HISTORY
At the same time children were taught how to survive, the elders also
taught them about Africa. Many of the African traditions that survived in
slave communities centered on religion and religious ceremony. Elements
of African culture that slave communities preserved include but are not
limited to the ring shout, voodoo, hoodoo, and various forms of dancing.
In a way, slave communities were the archives for slaves to store and
maintain African traditions. Just as Douglass revealed the nature of slave
communities in his writings and in his talks, he also exposed the true state
of interactions between slaveholders and the slaves to expose the false
claims of paternalism on plantations and uncover the stark inhumanity of
these relationships.
Slavery was a coercive, brutal institution, but according to Jennifer
Hildebrand in Chapter 5 slaves survived the horrors of the peculiar institution
because of their psychic and spiritual strength. Despite the unequal power
relationship that existed between master and slave, the relationship between
the two was not one-sided. Slaveholders wanted to believe that slaves were
childlike and simple. To preserve this belief, they created a system in which
slaves were dependent on them for most of their needs. For example, many
slaveholders forbid their slaves from growing their own gardens so that their
slaves depended on the owner for food. The helplessness forced upon the
slaves reinforced the owner’s belief that he had a paternalistic relationship
with his childlike slaves. When they were beyond the owner’s view, most
slaves supplemented their diets by growing secret gardens, hunting, gather-
ing, and fishing. Despite what the owner believed he knew about his slaves
and his relationship with them, however, the reality was far different from
those perceptions. Just as they hid the ways they supplemented their diets,
slaves quickly learned to keep the owner in the dark about the inner work-
ings of their society, and they used his desire to be seen as paternalistic as a
means to ease their circumstances within the institution of slavery.
Slaves expressed their desire for freedom and their frustration with the
institution of slavery through their singing. The songs they sang revealed
their feelings in a veiled form often hiding their true meaning with Biblical
themes. Their folktales allowed them to protest their condition in a veiled
fashion.
Despite the slaves’ abilities to keep their owner in the dark about
much of their activities and improve their situation, some things the slaves
could not prevent. They could not escape beatings. Depending on the tem-
perament of their specific owner, some slaves were exposed on a regular
basis to violence. In some cases, no appeal to paternalism could spare the
helpless victim of the slaveholder’s wrath, and a slave could suffer a beat-
ing for doing little more than being too slow. Thankfully, the Civil War
brought an end to this evil institution.
During the Civil War, Frederick Douglass fought to make emancipa-
tion the primary goal of the war, and he constantly urged the govern-
ment to allow African Americans to serve in the military. Once African
Americans were allowed to serve, Douglass worked tirelessly to recruit
African Americans to enlist. Importantly, as David Williams and Teresa
Crisp Williams argue in Chapter 6, the activities of blacks (free blacks like
INTRODUCTION xvii
PERSPECTIVES IN AMERICAN SOCIAL HISTORY
Douglass and slaves) during the Civil War and not the efforts of the Lin-
coln administration led to the emancipation of the slaves. Basically,
enslaved blacks took freedom for themselves by heading for Union lines
as soon as possible. The farther south the Union Army went, the more
slaves stopped working and set off for freedom. This forced Lincoln to
grudgingly recognize what slaves had already forced on his administration
and what free blacks in the North had been demanding all along.
From the beginning of the Civil War, Douglass had advocated the enlist-
ment of African Americans in the Union Army. However, the Lincoln
administration and the military leadership resisted with many in the military
questioning the capacity of blacks to perform on the battlefield. Yet despite
these racist fears, the casualty rate Union troops faced forced their hand.
Eventually, 200,000 blacks served in the Union armed forces with 80 percent
coming from southern states. Another 200,000 worked in auxiliary support
services for the military helping in logistics and other capacities. By the war’s
end, African Americans had played a major and important role in the defeat
of the Confederacy and the final abolition of slavery in North America.
Happily experiencing the abolition of slavery after the Civil War, it
appeared to Frederick Douglass, albeit briefly, that his dream of black equal-
ity and inclusion in American society might be achieved, but he quickly
learned that the promise of Reconstruction in the South would be short-
lived. As Dawn J. Herd-Clark points out in Chapter 7, for African Americans
living in the former southern states Reconstruction brought substantial
changes. Reconstruction began with the implementation of President Abra-
ham Lincoln’s Ten Percent Plan for reconstructing the South in 1863, and it
continued through Congressional Radical Reconstruction until the last of the
federal troops were removed from the former Confederate States in 1877.
During Reconstruction, former African American slaves experienced
freedom for the first time. As a result, African Americans could receive an
education, own land, vote, and hold political office for the first time.
Unfortunately, by the end of the 19th century after Reconstruction ended,
racism and discrimination by southern whites and northern white apathy
stripped many of these civil liberties from freedmen living in the South.
The rights African Americans fought to achieve during Reconstruction
were lost until the modern civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s.
Douglass experienced the implementation of segregation in the North
in the years preceding the Civil War, and the rise of Jim Crow in the South
in the years after the termination of Reconstruction. According to Mary
Block in Chapter 8, ‘‘The Jim Crow system entailed not only the customary
and legal racial segregation and political disenfranchisement of African
Americans, but also the violent and brutal tactics that whites employed to
gain and maintain dominance over blacks. The function of Jim Crow was
to maintain white supremacy through the denigration and humiliation of
African Americans. Although Jim Crow is associated with the South . . . it
also existed in the North and the West.’’
‘‘Laws mandating racial segregation and black disenfranchisement ori-
ginated in the North, where states had abolished slavery by the 1820s,’’
Block writes. ‘‘A majority of northern whites shared the belief with their
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