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Wondrous Events
Wondrous Events
Foundations of Religious Belief

James McClenon

University of Pennsylvania Press

Philadelphia
Cover art: Ascent into the Empyrean by Hieronymus Bosch
(Copyright CAMERAPHOTO-Arte, Venice).

Copyright © 1994 by James McClenon


All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data


McClenon, James.
Wondrous events: foundations of religious belief / James
McClenon.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-8122-3074-4 (cloth). — ISBN 0-8122-1355-6 (pbk.)
1. Parapsychology—Case studies. 2. Parapsychology—Religious
aspects. 3. Religion and sociology. I. Title.
BF1040.M328 1994
133—dc20 94-20228
CIP
Contents

Acknowledgments vii

Preface xi

Chapter 1. Wondrous Events and Social Science 1

Chapter 2. Surveys of Anomalous Experience:


A Cross-Cultural Analysis 18

Chapter 3. A Cross-Cultural Comparison of Wondrous


Event Narratives 36

Chapter 4. Haunting and Poltergeist Cases:

Constructing Folk Belief 57

Chapter 5. Psychic Practitioners and Wondrous Events 78

Chapter 6. Performing Wondrous Events: ESP,

Psychic Surgery, and Firewalking 95

Chapter 7. Wondrous Events and Audience Attraction 128

Chapter
Medieval8.Asia
Wondrous Events and Religious History in
and Europe 151
Chapter 9. Near-Death Experiences in Medieval Europe,
China, and Japan 168

Chapter 10. The Scientific Investigation of Wondrous


Events 185
vi Contents

Chapter 11. Wondrous Events in a Small Group:


A Field Study 208

Chapter 12. Wondrous Events and the Future of Religion 238

Appendix: Unusual Experience Questionnaire 249

Notes 251

References 257

Index 277
Acknowledgments

T h e major theoretical orientation of this book is derived f r o m the work


of David H u f f o r d (1982a). His comments have been very valuable. T h e
Parapsychology Foundation provided me with grants in 1989, 1990,
and 1991. These supported surveys of college students in North Car-
olina and J a p a n and f u n d e d production of a fifty-seven-minute video,
Wondrous Events: Foundations of Folk Belief, produced by Emily Edwards
of the University of North Carolina, Greensboro.
T h e National Endowment for the Humanities provided a grant
allowing me to attend the s u m m e r seminar "Buddhism and Culture:
China and J a p a n " at UCLA in 1989. I wish to thank the seminar
directors, William R. LaFleur and Steven F. Teiser, whose comments
and advice aided in writing Chapters 8 and 9.
Dr. Carl Becker and many American, Japanese, and Chinese stu-
dents helped me collect survey data. T h e administrative staff of the
University of Maryland, Asian Division, set u p the program that facili-
tated my work in the People's Republic of China in 1986. Many stu-
dents at Elizabeth City State University assisted me by gathering anom-
alous experience narratives between 1987 and 1993.1 especially thank
T h o m a s E. Chatman, Jr., Aretha Kelly, Ann Riddick, J o h n Michael
Tisdale, and Delois White. T h e 1990—91 Albermarle Writers G r o u p
read and commented on Chapters 4 and 6 and helped me recognize
the aesthetic and dramatic qualities in wondrous event narratives.
I wish to thank many colleagues who made comments on portions
of the manuscript: Henry H. Bauer, Carl Becker, Charles Emmons,
George Hansen (whose efforts in catching errors are particularly appre-
ciated), Erlendur Haraldsson, David Hufford, Joseph K. Long, Charles
D. Orzack, Doug Richards, Peter M. Rojcewicz, Marilyn Schlitz, Donald
H. Smith, Marcello Truzzi, Ron Westrum, and Michael Winkelman.
Patricia Smith, acquisitions editor at the University of Pennsylvania
Press, provided encouragement for which I am grateful.
Referees and anonymous reviewers also made valuable comments
vlll Acknowledgments

on various sections of this work. Portions have been presented before


professional groups or published in journals. Chapter 1 has appeared
in print in two permutations:

"Social Science and Anomalous Experience: Paradigms for Investigating Spo-


radic Social Phenomena," Journal of the American Society for Psychical Research
85 (1991): 25-41.
"Social Scientific Paradigms for Investigating Anomalous Experience,"Journal
of Scientific Exploration 5 (1991): 191-203.

Chapter 2 has been published in alternate versions:

"Surveys of Anomalous Experience in Chinese, Japanese, and American Sam-


ples," Sociology of Religion 54 (1993): 295-302.
"Surveys of Anomalous Experience: A Cross-Cultural Analysis "Journal of the
American Society for Psychical Research 88 (1994): 117—135.

Some of the narratives and discussion in Chapter 3 appeared in:

"The Experiential Foundations of Shamanic Healing "Journal of Medicine and


Philosophy 18 (1993): 107-127.

Chapter 4 has been presented in alternate versions at two conferences:

"Hauntings and Poltergeists: Collective Behavior and Folk Religiosity," paper


presented at the Southern Sociological Society meetings, Atlanta, GA, April
1991.
"Ghosts, Poltergeists, and Collective Behavior: Folk Religion and the Media,"
paper presented at the meetings of the Society for the Scientific Study of
Religion, Pittsburgh, PA, November 1991.

Chapter 5 was first presented in a very different form:

"Thirty-three Asian Spiritual Healers: An Experience-Centered Approach,"


paper presented to the Southern Sociological Society, Norfolk, Virginia,
April 1989.

A version of Chapter 8 was presented at a conference:

"Wondrous Events and Religious History in Medieval Asia and Europe," paper
presented at the meetings of the Society for the Scientific Study of Religion,
Washington, DC, November 1992.

Versions of Chapter 9 were presented at two conferences, then revised


and published:

"Inscribing the Experience of Death: A Comparative Analysis of Medieval


European, Japanese, and Chinese Narratives," paper presented at "Writing
Acknowledgments Ix

t h e Social Text, a n Interdisciplinary C o n f e r e n c e , " University of Maryland,


College Park, MD, N o v e m b e r 1989.
"Near-Death Folklore in Medieval C h i n a a n d J a p a n : A C o m p a r a t i v e Analysis,"
p a p e r p r e s e n t e d to the S o u t h e r n Sociological Society, Louisville, KY, March
1990.
"Near-Death Folklore in Medieval C h i n a a n d J a p a n : A Comparative Analysis,"
Asian Folklore Studies 50 (1991): 3 1 9 - 3 4 2 .

Chapter 11 was presented at two conferences:

" W o n d r o u s Events in a Small G r o u p : A Field Study," p a p e r p r e s e n t e d to the


S o u t h e r n Sociological Society, Chattanooga, T N , April 1993.
" W o n d r o u s Events in a Small G r o u p : A Field Study," p a p e r p r e s e n t e d to the
Society f o r the Scientific Study of Religion, Raleigh, NC, N o v e m b e r 1993.
Preface

This book is a sociological study of events labeled as wondrous. I make


no claims regarding the physical causes of wondrous experiences. My
theories and hypotheses pertain to the sociology of belief, medicine,
religion, and folklore.
An experience-centered approach allows the researcher to use first-
hand narratives as data (Hufford, 1982a). Rose (1989), Stoller (1989),
and Narayan (1989) provide alternate pathways for this style of presen-
tation. This approach permits more accurate portrayals of "what really
h a p p e n e d " and "the way things really were" than a more traditional
analysis would allow. Yet, paradoxically, I cannot claim to understand
fully "what really h a p p e n e d " or to know "the way things really were,"
especially in situations where people may be seeking to deceive me. I
argue, however, that this uncertainty is not problematic.
Sociologists and anthropologists are often unable to determine if
their informants are lying or have reconstructed their memories of
events. In my analyses here, however, I cannot be certain that my own
observations are always valid since some of my respondents use decep-
tion. Although I have no method for evaluating sincerity quantita-
tively, this does not negate the value of an experience-centered ap-
proach. If observers believe that a particular event occurred, then that
event is sociologically real. It affects those who believe in it. By the same
token, if I have been misled, this deception suggests that others have
been similarly misguided. Even in cases where I am virtually certain
that informants have fabricated stories (see Chapter 6), their narratives
are part of a folk tradition. T h e tales they tell are oral literature,
accepted by believers as true.
Various readers have commented on aspects of this study. Skeptics
have asked that I qualify descriptions of wondrous events with terms
like "ostensible" or "alleged." They want me to state, for example, that
an informant "believed she saw" a p h e n o m e n o n rather than "she saw"
the incident. They argue that the latter phrase suggests that the event
xll Preface

was "real" rather than merely an experience leading to belief. Yet


people accepting the authenticity of anomalous accounts regard these
qualifiers as offensive. They feel such terms cast aspersions on the
integrity of those reporting wondrous experiences.
My experience-centered approach uses informants' narratives as
evidence. We need not make judgments regarding the authenticity of
the respondents' accounts. Omission of qualifying terms does not im-
ply support for their positions. On the contrary, it allows a clearer
portrayal of what informants wish to convey, hence a more accurate
presentation of the data.
T h e concept of "wondrous" includes an element of "not knowing."
We can never know ultimate Truth on an intellectual level. Life is
mysterious. As Emily Dickinson wrote, "Wonder is not precisely know-
ing and not precisely knowing not, a beautiful but bleak condition."
Although I omit using qualifying terms, I acknowledge the bleak ele-
ment of "not knowing" inherent within wondrous accounts.
Anthropologists have come to realize that a description of the way
they gather information aids readers in interpreting ethnographic
data. Since much of my material is qualitative, I offer the following
chronology of my data collection activities.
In 1978, I began participant observation of the scientific parapsy-
chological community. This research was conducted for my disserta-
tion, sponsored by the University of Maryland. Between April and
August 1979,1 visited twelve major parapsychological research centers
in the United States. T h e next summer I visited three European cen-
ters. As I pursued this research, I found that the scientific evaluation of
psychical claims posed a question for sociologists of science: Why, after
over a century of inquiry, have scientists been unable to resolve the
issues regarding the existence of psychic phenomena?
In 1981,1 polled a population of elite scientists within the American
Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS). I sent question-
naires to council members and selected section committee representa-
tives. Respondents revealed more skepticism regarding paranormal
claims than any group surveyed in recent decades. Their disbelief was
far greater than that of either American college scientists or the gen-
eral population (McClenon, 1982). This finding suggests that skepti-
cism regarding paranormal claims varies directly with status in the
scientific community.
Some sociologists argue that all groups must devise moral bound-
aries in order to maintain cohesion (Dürkheim, 1938; Erikson, 1966).
In the case of the paranormal, elite scientists apparently use latent
ideological boundaries to label scientific deviance. They distinguish
between science and "non-science" by rejecting psychical research.
Preface xlll

Scientific boundaries are not created through philosophical argument


but by scientific "gate-keeping" processes (McClenon, 1984).
During my participant observation of parapsychologists, I found that
people sometimes contact parapsychological research centers in order
to report haunting experiences. This led to more direct contact with
those who claim such experiences. The Psychical Research Foundation
suggested that I investigate a case in Baltimore where a family reported
many anomalous events. The family heard unexplained voices, felt
strange sensations, and saw unexplained movement of objects, as well
as apparitional forms. I closely monitored this case for two years and
have maintained contact with this family for more than a decade.
As I continued my investigation, I found that these types of episodes
were not uncommon. I interviewed many people who believed they
lived in haunted houses. Often they made special efforts to uncover
"normal" explanations for their perceptions. For example, in one case,
military police officers brought a police dog to their headquarters
seeking signs of a recurrent apparitional intruder. I concluded that
such phenomena were sociologically real since anomalous episodes
had real effects on experiencers. I present the results of these field
investigations in Chapter 4.
In 1981, I began an investigation of a group in Rolla, Missouri.
The Society for Research on Rapport and Telekinesis (SORRAT)
claimed that many anomalous events occurred during their meetings.
They reported paranormal communications with deceased individuals
through rapping sounds, paranormal movement of objects, and anom-
alous lights and sounds (Richards, 1982). The results of this investiga-
tion are presented in Chapter 11.
In 1982,1 accepted a position as a lecturer with the Asian Division of
the University of Maryland. During my Asian travels (1982—1986), I
observed shamans and spiritual healers in Japan, Korea, the Philip-
pines, Sri Lanka, Taiwan, Thailand, and the People's Republic of
China. I report on these studies in Chapters 5, 6, and 7. I observed
more than one thousand "psychic surgeries" in the Philippines (de-
scribed in Chapter 6), participated in more than a dozen firewalks in
Sri Lanka, Japan, and the United States (described in Chapter 6), and
developed friendships with spiritual practitioners in Sri Lanka and
Thailand (described in Chapters 5 and 7).
I also taught at the Northwestern Polytechnic University (NPU) in
Xi'an, People's Republic of China, during the spring of 1986.1 admin-
istered an "unusual experience" questionnaire to a random sample of
NPU students (see Appendix). The same questionnaire was also ad-
ministered at two other Chinese colleges. Because these students were
raised during the Cultural Revolution (1966—1976) and had been
xlv Preface

selected for their orthodox adherence to traditional Marxist beliefs,


they might, in theory, be considered devoid of religiosity, in the tradi-
tional sense. Surprisingly, they reported levels of anomalous experi-
ence equivalent to U.S. national samples.
After my return to the United States in 1986,1 administered the same
questionnaire to a random sample of University of Maryland dormitory
residents. The narratives gathered from this population were similar to
those from the Chinese respondents (McClenon, 1988a, 1990).
In 1987,1 administered the same questionnaire to a random sample
of students at Elizabeth City State University, a predominately black col-
lege in northeastern North Carolina. Later, in 1988, Dr. Carl Becker or-
ganized the administration of this questionnaire to Japanese students at
Tsukuba University. An additional survey was administered to students
at the University of North Carolina, Greensboro, in 1990. A quantita-
tive analysis derived from these results is presented in Chapter 2.
Between 1987 and 1993,1 collected more than one thousand anoma-
lous experience narratives. Students in anthropology courses at Eliz-
abeth City State University gathered many of these accounts. My col-
lection allowed me to compare narratives from China, Japan, the
University of Maryland, and the University of North Carolina at
Greensboro. African-American, Caucasian-American, Chinese, and
Japanese respondents reported similar forms of anomalous experi-
ence. These findings support the argument that some anomalous epi-
sodes occur independently of culture. I describe this research in Chap-
ter 3.
I studied medieval Asian wondrous event stories while participating
in a National Endowment for the Humanities seminar at UCLA during
the summer of 1989. This allowed a cross-cultural perspective regard-
ing the role of anomalous claims in the evolution of religious ideology.
Chapter 8 includes a historical study of wondrous events in both medi-
eval Asia and Europe. Chapter 9 compares medieval European and
Asian accounts of near-death experiences.
The reader might note that the chronology of research differs mark-
edly from the order of the chapters. Many of the events I observed over
the years made little sense when I witnessed them. The final product,
which you have before you, is an attempt to organize and systematize
the body of findings.
This book is by no means the final word on wondrous events; many
pathways remain unexplored. It does, however, illustrate the ways an
experience-centered approach can be used to investigate anomalous
episodes. Futures studies could test hypotheses derived from my anal-
ysis. Such studies might fall within the disciplines of anthropology,
folklore, religion, and the sociology of medicine.
Chapter 1
Wondrous Events and Social Science

Throughout history, and all over the world, people have puzzled
over reports of wondrous incidents. For the purposes of this study,
wondrous events are defined as phenomena thought to exceed scien-
tific explanation. Examples include extrasensory perception, appari-
tions, out-of-body and near-death experiences, spiritual possession,
pain and heat immunity, psychokinesis (mind over matter), polter-
geists (noisy spirits), miraculous healing, and contact with the dead.
This study uses an experience-centered approach within a social scien-
tific framework to test hypotheses regarding the incidence of, and
social reaction to, anomalous claims.
This work has important implications for the sociology of religion
and medicine. Many wondrous experiences support belief in spiritual
powers or forces. They play a role in the development of religious
ideologies. The universal elements that recur within these episodes
contribute to uniformities within folk belief. However, the capacity for
experiencing wondrous events is not evenly distributed. Some people
report far more incidents than others. Those who possess the greatest
ability to experience anomalous episodes tend to fulfill special roles
within their societies. They develop and perform ceremonies that in-
clude wondrous exhibitions. Their performances initiate spiritual
healings, support religious belief, and increase group cohesiveness.
Group perceptions of wondrous effects have special impacts on both
individuals and cultures.
Wondrous events are thought to be scientifically anomalous. This
definition is limited to the scientific domain, a special subculture. Many
traditional cultures have little concern for scientific explanations of
wondrous events and some (Tibetan, for example) have no term for
the supernatural since they regard all phenomena as part of the natural
order. Yet all societies consider certain phenomena as beyond normal
consciousness, outside the realm of ordinary experience.
2 Wondrous Events and Social Science

Wonder is a relative term. For some observers, anomalous events


inspire skepticism rather than wonder. When it comes to the mirac-
ulous, doubt springs eternal in many human hearts. Others apply
religious reasoning to unusual phenomena. They reject the notion that
wondrous events lack explanations since their convictions provide in-
terpretations. Still, in most cases, belief, wonderment, and skepticism
are rarely absolute.
The notion of wondrous events should be regarded as a category of
convenience; it is a term referring to experiences having a variety of
explanations. Determining which explanations are "valid" is beyond
the scope of this study. Social scientific research makes conclusions
pertinent only within the social domain.
Psychic phenomena, or psi, constitute an important category of such
events. Because psychic phenomena have special impacts on religious
belief, my central focus is on these types of claims. The glossary of the
Journal of Parapsychology (Vol. 52: 375—378) defines paranormal as "any
phenomenon that in one or more respects exceeds the limits of what is
deemed physically possible on current scientific assumptions." Extra-
sensory perception (ESP) is defined as "paranormal cognition; the ac-
quisition of information about an external event, object, or influence
(mental or physical; past, present, or future) in some way other than
through any of the known sensory channels." Psychokinesis (PK) is
defined as "paranormal action: the influence of mind on a physical
system that cannot be entirely accounted for by the mediation of any
known physical energy." Psi is defined as "a general term used either as
a noun or adjective to identify ESP or PK." Scientists who investigate
psi are known as parapsychologists.
Psi has definition by elimination because only phenomena that can-
not be explained scientifically are regarded as paranormal. This gives
parapsychology a residual quality, since it focuses on topics that main-
stream scientists spurn. Events found to have "normal" explanations—
such as hypnosis, the homing behavior of pigeons, and Kirlian photog-
raphy—are outside the realm of interest of parapsychologists because
they now have scientific explanations (Blackmore, 1988; MacKenzie
and MacKenzie, 1980).
Various anomalous phenomena, however, rejected in the past, have
later been accepted as genuine. Reports of rocks that fell from the sky
(meteorites) were once scorned by scientists, yet later were accepted
(Westrum, 1977). Hypnosis, a phenomenon originally thought to be
paranormal, has been accepted as a legitimate therapeutic procedure
by many medical practitioners, though a complete explanation of the
process eludes modern investigators. Through this process of legitima-
Wondrous Events and Social Science 3

tion, we would expect f u t u r e scientists to devise accepted explanations


f o r some of the " p a r a n o r m a l " p h e n o m e n a discussed in this study.
A l t h o u g h parapsychologists feel they conduct valid research, they
t e n d to be rejected as deviant. T h e i r social t r e a t m e n t reflects the
b o u n d a r i e s of a latent scientific ideology d e m a r c a t i n g science f r o m
non-science. T h e "gate-keepers" of science, who edit j o u r n a l s a n d
allocate f u n d s , serve the scientific c o m m u n i t y by validating such bor-
ders. T h e y treat highly peculiar claims with e x t r e m e skepticism. T h i s
process allows a m o r e efficient allocation of scientific resources, which
is a part of scientific rationality. Scientific institutions d o not have
sufficient time a n d m o n e y to investigate extremely far-fetched theo-
ries. T h e scientific rejection of parapsychological claims t h e r e f o r e cre-
ates an ideological demarcation f o r the scientific endeavor (McClenon,
1984).
I a t t e m p t to transcend the controversy r e g a r d i n g the ontological
status of w o n d r o u s p h e n o m e n a by working within established social
scientific paradigms. I present theories, test hypotheses, a n d reach
conclusions applicable within the sociology of religion, belief, a n d
folklore. T h e r e f o r e , in this study, I will not a r g u e that psychic phe-
n o m e n a are real in a physical sense, n o r a t t e m p t to prove that ESP, PK,
psi, or p a r a n o r m a l events, as d e f i n e d by parapsychologists, occur.
Psi, ESP, PK, a n d o t h e r w o n d r o u s events are sociologically real be-
cause they have real effects o n those who experience t h e m a n d their
societies. Wondrous events are not a category of p h e n o m e n a defined
by physical parameters. T h e notion of wondrous is d e t e r m i n e d by ordi-
nary people r a t h e r t h a n by scientists d o i n g experiments. W h e n using
the terms psi, ESP, a n d PK, I r e f e r to socially labeled p h e n o m e n a
r a t h e r t h a n to physical events, the status of which is uncertain.
Wondrous events include m a n y incidents t h o u g h t by most scientists
to have normal, r a t h e r t h a n p a r a n o r m a l , explanations. Firewalking
a n d sleight-of-hand p e r f o r m a n c e s exemplify " n o r m a l " w o n d r o u s phe-
n o m e n a . Events involving f r a u d , misinterpretation, coincidence, a n d
u n u s u a l physiological abilities can inspire w o n d e r a n d have had im-
pacts on religious ideology.
Many scholars regard ordinary events that have been interpreted
religiously as the basic kind of religious experience. Peak experiences,
such as seeing a beautiful sunset, h e a r i n g a moving musical perfor-
mance, or being in love, have been labeled as wondrous. T h e present
work defines wondrous in a n a r r o w e r sense, focusing o n the unex-
plained c o m p o n e n t within certain events. Scientifically a n o m a l o u s
events, as defined by c o m m o n people, o f t e n stimulate religious expla-
nations. It is in this context that I a m using the term.
4 Wondrous Events and Social Science

TABLE 1.1. The Differentiation of Anomalous Claims.


Variable (facts) Relationship (processes)

EXTRAORDINARY
ORDINARY (ANOMALOUS)

Ordinary A c
Extraordinary (anomalous) Β D
A = Ordinary science
Β = Cryptoscientific claims
C = Parascientific claims
D = Crypto-parascientific claims
Source: Adapted from Marcello Truzzi, "Editorial: On Pseudo-sciences and Proto-
sciences," The Zetetic 1 (Spring-Summer 1977): 7.

Marcello Truzzi (1977) classified anomalous claims on the basis of


their relationship to other claims or observations (see Table 1.1).
Ordinary science investigates the relationship between ordinary vari-
ables and relationships (A). Extrasensory p h e n o m e n a are parascientific
since their labeling involves the hypothesis that extraordinary relation-
ships exist between ordinary facts (C). For example, a person dreams
about witnessing an event and then later experiences the episode.
Neither the dream nor the actual event is extraordinary, but the as-
sumption of a paranormal relationship makes the p h e n o m e n o n para-
scientific.
Large, unknown animals, lost continents, and unknown radiations
constitute what Truzzi (1977) terms cryptoscientific claims (Β). These
phenomena, although associated with extraordinary facts, do not sug-
gest extraordinary relationships between scientific variables. They are
merely anomalous objects which, if fully documented u n d e r suitable
conditions, would be accepted as authentic. Because these claims do
not violate scientific canons to the degree that parascientific claims
do, cryptoscientific assertions are less "wondrous." T h e present study
places little emphasis on unidentified flying objects (UFOs) and large,
unknown animals (such as Bigfoot, Sasquatch, or Yeti) since they have
had less impact on religious beliefs.
Truzzi notes that some p h e n o m e n a are crypto-parascientific, involving
extraordinary facts coupled with extraordinary relationships (D). T h e
classification of angels or devils falls within this category, since this pre-
supposes spiritual realms and parascientific relationships. Religious
observers tend to c o m p o u n d parascientific and cryptoscientific claims
by using crypto-parascientific ideologies. For example, some religious
observers feel that extrasensory perceptions (a parascientific claim)
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