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 OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 8/10/2015, SPi

Sentence and Discourse

OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 8/10/2015, SPi

O X F O R D S T U D I E S I N T H E O R E T I C A L L I N GU I S T I C S
general editors
David Adger and Hagit Borer, Queen Mary, University of London
advisory editors
Stephen Anderson, Yale University; Daniel Büring, University of California, Los
Angeles; Nomi Erteschik-Shir, Ben-Gurion University; Donka Farkas, University of
California, Santa Cruz; Angelika Kratzer, University of Massachusetts, Amherst;
Andrew Nevins, University College London; Christopher Potts, Stanford University;
Barry Schein, University of Southern California; Peter Svenonius, University of
Tromsø; Moira Yip, University College London
recent titles
45 Nonverbal Predication
Copular Sentences at the Syntax–Semantics Interface
by Isabelle Roy
46 Diagnosing Syntax
edited by Lisa Lai-Shen Cheng and Norbert Corver
47 Pseudogapping and Ellipsis
by Kirsten Gengel
48 Syntax and its Limits
edited by Raffaella Folli, Christina Sevdali, and Robert Truswell
49 Phrase Structure and Argument Structure
A Case Study of the Syntax–Semantics Interface
by Terje Lohndal
50 Edges in Syntax
Scrambling and Cyclic Linearization
by Heejeong Ko
51 The Syntax of Roots and the Roots of Syntax
edited by Artemis Alexiadou, Hagit Borer, and Florian Schäfer
52 Causation in Grammatical Structures
edited by Bridget Copley and Fabienne Martin
53 Continuations and Natural Language
by Chris Barker and Chung-chieh Shan
54 The Semantics of Evaluativity
by Jessica Rett
55 External Arguments in Transitivity Alternations
by Artemis Alexiadou, Elena Anagnostopoulou, and Florian Schäfer
56 Control and Restructuring
by Thomas Grano
57 The Interaction of Focus, Givenness, and Prosody
A Study of Italian Clause Structure
by Vieri Samek-Lodovici
58 The Morphosyntax of Gender
by Ruth Kramer
59 The Morphosyntax of Imperatives
by Daniela Isac
60 Sentence and Discourse
edited by Jacqueline Guéron
For a complete list of titles published and in preparation for the series, see pp. 311–12.
 OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 8/10/2015, SPi

Sentence and Discourse

Edited by
JACQUELINE GUÉRON

1
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 8/10/2015, SPi

3
Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, ox2 6dp,
United Kingdom
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# editorial matter and organization Jacqueline Guéron 2015
# the chapters their several authors 2015
First Edition published in 2015
Impression: 1
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Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press
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contained in any third party website referenced in this work.
 OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 8/10/2015, SPi

This volume is dedicated to Carlota Smith (1934–2007), who inspired

it. Carlota was a pioneer of the linguistics of Sentence and Discourse
(The Parameter of Aspect 1991/1997; Modes of Discourse 2003), an
esteemed colleague, and a noble soul.
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 8/10/2015, SPi
 OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 8/10/2015, SPi

Contents
General preface xiii
List of abbreviations xiv
About the contributors xvii

1 Introduction 1
Jacqueline Guéron
1.1 Presentation of the volume 1
1.1.1 Sentence grammar and discourse relations 3
1.1.2 The speaker and the subject 8
1.1.3 Sentence, discourse, and time 9
1.2 Contents of the volume 11
1.2.1 From sentence grammar to discourse 11
1.2.2 From discourse to sentence grammar 15

Part I. From Sentence to Discourse

2 On the temporal orientation of intensional subjunctives in Spanish 23
Brenda Laca
2.1 Intensional versus polarity subjunctives 23
2.2 The temporal orientation of matrix verbs selecting intensional
subjunctives 25
2.3 The semantics of volitionals 32
2.3.1 Volitionals as attitudes of preference 32
2.3.2 Volitionals as dispositions to act 35
2.4 Volitionals, evaluative-factives, and counterfactual morphology 38
2.5 Conclusion and outlook 41
3 Russian aspect in finite and non-finite modes: from syntax to
information structure 45
Eric Corre
3.1 Traditional accounts of the aspectual opposition 47
3.1.1 Situation aspect and viewpoint aspect 47
3.1.2 Conventions of use or “particular senses” 48
3.2 VA is neutral, SA is grammaticized 50
3.2.1 Prefixes are quantity markers 50
3.2.2 What is telicity? 52
3.2.3 SA is grammaticized, VA is neutral 54
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 8/10/2015, SPi

viii Contents

3.3 From syntax to discourse: the case of infinitives 56

3.3.1 Corpus results 57
3.3.2 Commentary 61
3.3.3 Syntactic structure and discourse interaction 63
3.4 Conclusion 66
4 {A/a}spect/discourse interactions 67
Liliane Tasmowski
4.1 The imparfait/passé simple (IMPF/PS) tenses and (external)
temporal aspect 68
4.1.1 The role of the opposition IMPF/PS in the identification of
modes of discourse 68
4.1.2 The PS/IMPF opposition 70
4.2 Modes of action and the representation of Aktionsart 70
4.2.1 The role of Aktionsart in the grammar 70
4.2.2 The expression of telicity in Romance and Germanic languages 72
4.2.3 Telicity in Slavic languages 73
4.3 Examination of a corpus 75
4.4 Towards a solution 81
4.4.1 Discourse referents 81
4.4.2 Articled definite Npl versus unarticled bare indefinite Ø Npl 85
4.4.3 The definite article, a choice by default? 87
4.4.4 The definite article, a conditioned choice by default 89
4.5 Conclusion 91
5 Time talk in narrative discourse: evidence from child and adult
language acquisition 92
Maya Hickmann and Henriëtte Hendriks
5.1 Introduction 92
5.1.1 Temporality across languages 93
5.1.2 Temporality in child language 96
5.2 Temporal-aspectual markings in children’s narratives 100
5.2.1 Method 100
5.2.2 Results 102
5.2.3 Summary of child data 110
5.3 Comparative data from adults learning a second language 111
5.3.1 Method 111
5.3.2 Synthesis of results 112
5.4 Discussion 113
5.4.1 Summary of results 113
5.4.2 General cognitive determinants 115
 OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 8/10/2015, SPi

Contents ix

5.4.3 Language-specific determinants 115

5.4.4 Levels of linguistic organization: functional determinants 117
5.5 Concluding remarks 118
Appendix: Picture sequences used as stimuli 119
6 On the syntax of modality and the Actuality Entailment 121
Jacqueline Guéron
6.1 Introduction: the Actuality Entailment 121
6.2 Arguments against the syntactic hypothesis 123
6.2.1 The data are not solid 123
6.2.2 The AE is not limited to modal auxiliaries in English 124
6.2.3 No need for two modal positions 125
6.2.4 AE without modals 126
6.2.5 The Aspect Projection 128
6.2.6 Agentivity 130
6.3 Towards an alternative hypothesis 131
6.3.1 Tense and Aspect as formal features 131
6.3.2 Operators versus verbs 132
6.3.3 Verbal scenarios 133
6.3.4 The agentive paradox 135
6.3.5 Aspect 137
6.3.6 Modality and “discours” 137
6.4 Conclusion 138

Part II. From Discourse to Sentence

7 Implicatures and grammar 143
Nicholas Asher
7.1 Introduction 143
7.2 Preliminaries 144
7.3 Moving to strategic conversation 149
7.4 The model 154
7.5 Back to implicatures 159
7.6 Conclusions 161
8 Perfect puzzles in discourse 162
Nicholas Asher and Jacqueline Guéron
8.1 Introduction 162
8.2 Pancheva and von Stechow’s explanation 162
8.3 Some assumptions about aspect in English versus German and French 163
8.3.1 The second puzzle: perfect with the past tense 164
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 8/10/2015, SPi

x Contents

8.4 Moving to discourse 167

8.4.1 Perfects with discourse structure 170
8.5 Conclusions 177
9 The passé composé in Old French and Modern French: evolution
or revolution? 178
Patrick Caudal
9.1 Introduction 178
9.2 Assessing the late perfectivization hypothesis: basic tenets
and evidence 181
9.2.1 The late perfectivization hypothesis: the OF PC as an intermediate
form between a resultative present and a full perfect 181
9.2.2 Arguments for the late perfectivization hypothesis 183
9.3 Re-assessing the perfectivization of the PC in OF: new data
and analysis 187
9.3.1 The present component of the PC in narrative uses:
imperfective or perfective viewpoint? 187
9.3.2 SOE uses of the OF PC: weak (inchoative) or strong
perfective uses? 188
9.3.3 Why the standard late perfectivization hypothesis is not fully
satisfying 193
9.4 Combining an innovative pragmatics with a conservative semantics
to account for the perfective uses of the PC in OF 196
9.4.1 Outlining a novel, composite account 196
9.4.2 The dynamic historical perspective issue: agentivity versus
SOE contexts 198
9.5 Conclusion: an evolution rather than a revolution 199
Appendix I: Corpus analysis 201
Appendix II: Formal implementation 203
10 Polyphonic utterances: alternation of present and past in reported
speech and thoughts in Russian 206
Svetlana Vogeleer
10.1 Aims 206
10.2 Different approaches to pronouns and tenses in ID and FID 207
10.3 Tenses in French and Russian reported speech 210
10.3.1 The French SOT 210
10.3.2 The Russian non-SOT 211
10.4 De re, de dicto, and de se readings of pronouns 212
10.5 Tenses in ID under saying predicates 214
 OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 8/10/2015, SPi

Contents xi

10.5.1 De re reading of tenses 215

10.5.2 Imparfait versus present in French 216
10.5.3 De dicto and de re present in Russian 217
10.5.4 Overlapping IMPERF-PST under saying predicates 220
10.5.5 Short conclusion 222
10.6 Present and past under cognitive factive predicates 222
10.7 From ID to (quasi-)FID 226
10.7.1 Colon and “primacy of direct discourse” 226
10.7.2 Bivocal (quasi-)FID 228
10.8 Conclusion 230
11 Free Indirect Discourse and the syntax of the left periphery 232
Alessandra Giorgi
11.1 Introduction 232
11.2 Free Indirect Discourse: the properties 233
11.3 The syntax of the speaker’s temporal coordinate 234
11.4 FID and the C-speaker projection 238
11.4.1 Temporal locutions and the role of the speaker 238
11.4.2 Tenses 242
11.4.3 Some generalizations 245
11.5 Towards a syntax of Free Indirect Discourse 245
11.5.1 The syntax of tense in FID sentences 245
11.5.2 On the syntax of the “introducing predicate” 249
11.6 Conclusions 255
12 Subjectivity and Free Indirect Discourse 256
Jacqueline Guéron
12.1 Subjectivity 256
12.2 Literature 257
12.2.1 The power of literature 257
12.2.2 Unspeakable sentences 258
12.2.3 Iconic effects: the interaction of the ordinary and the
literary grammars 259
12.2.4 What the literary text lacks 263
12.3 Subject of Consciousness versus “point of view” 263
12.4 Free Indirect Discourse 265
12.4.1 The properties of Free Indirect Discourse 265
12.4.2 The grammar of Free Indirect Discourse 267
12.4.3 The syntactic structures of direct speech, indirect speech,
and free indirect speech (FID/RST) 270
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 8/10/2015, SPi

xii Contents

12.4.4 The grammatical status of the FID text 279

12.4.5 Free Indirect Discourse in situ 280
12.5 Conclusion 281
Appendix: FID is not an attitude report 282

References 287
Index 307
 OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 8/10/2015, SPi

General preface
The theoretical focus of this series is on the interfaces between subcomponents of the
human grammatical system and the closely related area of the interfaces between the
different subdisciplines of linguistics. The notion of “interface” has become central in
grammatical theory (for instance, in Chomsky’s Minimalist Program) and in linguis-
tic practice: work on the interfaces between syntax and semantics, syntax and
morphology, phonology and phonetics, etc. has led to a deeper understanding of
particular linguistic phenomena and of the architecture of the linguistic component
of the mind/brain.
The series covers interfaces between core components of grammar, including syntax/
morphology, syntax/semantics, syntax/phonology, syntax/pragmatics, morphology/
phonology, phonology/phonetics, phonetics/speech processing, semantics/pragmatics,
and intonation/discourse structure, as well as issues in the way that the systems of
grammar involving these interface areas are acquired and deployed in use (including
language acquisition, language dysfunction, and language processing). It demon-
strates, we hope, that proper understandings of particular linguistic phenomena,
languages, language groups, or inter-language variations all require reference to
interfaces.
The series is open to work by linguists of all theoretical persuasions and schools of
thought. A main requirement is that authors should write so as to be understood by
colleagues in related subfields of linguistics and by scholars in cognate disciplines.
The fine grained structure of clauses, including aspect, tense, modality, mood, and
force, interacts in a complex fashion with the mechanisms of discourse structure.
Current theories of clausal structure, appealing to the hierarchical ordering of
functional projections and their interaction with phasal domains of interpretation,
are now well developed, but raise urgent questions about how syntactic structure
building operations relate to the mechanisms that build larger discourse structures,
where the kinds of hierarchy and the combinatorial primitives seem to be quite
different. The current volume brings together a range of chapters that systematically
explore these issues, arguing that the grammatical structure of clauses impacts on the
way that stretches of discourse are organized, and that, in turn, the structure of
discourse feeds into the structuring of clauses.
David Adger
Hagit Borer
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 8/10/2015, SPi

List of abbreviations
ACC accusative
AE actuality entailment
AspQ aspect-as-quantity
BM Banach Mazur (game)
COMP Complementizer
COND conditional
DAR Double Access Reading
DEM demonstrative
DO direct object
DP determiner phrase
DRS disourse representation structure
DRT Discourse Representation Theory
DTH Defective Tense Hypothesis
EDU elementary discourse unit
ET event time
FID Free Indirect Discourse
FF formal features
FUT future
Gen genitive
GER gerund
GL glue logic
ID indirect discourse
IE Indo-European
IMP imperative
IMPF imperfect/imparfait
IMPERF imperfective
IMPF-PR imperfective present tense
IMPF-PST imperfective past
IMPV imperfective viewpoint
IND indicative
INF infinitive
 OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 8/10/2015, SPi

List of abbreviations xv

INFP Information layer

INS instrumental
IP Inflection Phrase
IQAP indirect question–answer pairs
LF Logical Form
LOC locative
LOG logophor
Mid. Fr. Middle French
N neuter
NEG negative
NMLZ nominalizer
NP noun phrase
NSF not sentence-final
NVF not-verb-final
OBJ object
OF Old French
PA passé antérieur
PART particle
PAST PROG past progressive
PC passé composé
PERF perfective
PRF perfect
PF Phonological Form
PFVP perfective viewpoint
PKT Perfekt (German)
PIC Phase Impenetrability Condition
PL plural
POS possessive
POV point of view
PP past participle
PP-CP past participle, compound past
PPF pluperfect
PqP pluperfect/plus-que-parfait
PR present/présent
PRP present participle
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 8/10/2015, SPi

xvi List of abbreviations

PRT Präteritum (German)

PS passé simple
PST past
PTS perfect time span
QAP question–answer pair
REFL reflexive
REL relative clause marker
RST Represented Speech and Thought
RT reference time
SA situation aspect
SARG speech act related goal
SBJ subjunctive
SDRS segmented discourse representation structure
SDRT Segmented Discourse Representation Theory
SF sentence-final
SG singular
SI secondary imperfective
SID Standard Indirect Discourse
SOC subject of consciousness
SOE Sequence of Events
SOT Sequence of Tense
SP simple (perfective) past
ST speech time
SUBJ subject case
SUBORD subordinate
SUB.PR subjunctive present
TCL Type Composition Logic
TP Tense Phrase
VA viewpoint aspect
VF verb-final
vP verb phrase (voice phrase)
VP Verb Phrase (lexical)
 OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 8/10/2015, SPi

About the contributors

N ICHOLAS A SHER is currently director of research at the Centre National de

Recherche Scientifique and is a member of the Institut de Recherche en Informatique
de Toulouse. Prior to that, he was Professor of Philosophy and of Linguistics at the
University of Texas at Austin. He specializes in formal semantics and pragmatics and
also has interests in computational semantics and NLP. He has written four books,
including a recent one on lexical semantics, Lexical Meaning in Context (Cambridge
University Press, 2011) and two on SDRT, a theory of discourse structure and
interpretation: Reference to Abstract Objects in Discourse (Kluwer Academic Pub-
lishers, 1993) and Logics of Conversation (Cambridge University Press, 2003). He has
written over 190 papers for journals, learned conferences, and book chapters.
P ATRICK C AUDAL is a CNRS researcher at the Laboratoire de Linguistique Formelle
(Université Paris-Diderot). He specializes in the semantics and pragmatics of tense,
aspect, and modality (TAM), and has a longstanding interest in the semantics/
pragmatics interface, particularly in relation to morphology and the lexicon. He
has worked extensively on those domains in Romance, Germanic, and Australian
languages, with a quadruple descriptive, typological, historical, and formal perspec-
tive. He has coordinated a number of international projects dedicated to TAM,
including the TAMEAL Marie-Curie project (“The Interrelation of Tense, Aspect
and Modality with Evidentiality in Australian Aboriginal Languages”).
E RIC C ORRE is Professor of Linguistics in the English Department at the University
of Sorbonne Nouvelle Paris 3, where he completed his Dissertation in 2008 and has
been a member of the faculty since 2009. His research interests lie in the area of
aspect and event structure, with a focus on contrastive linguistics (English, Russian)
in the past few years. He has also collaborated with researchers in other languages—
Lithuanian, Khmer, and Hungarian—in particular in the domain of verbal prefix-
ation and complex predicates. Most of his publications are concerned with the verb
and verbal aspect. His 2009 book, De l’aspect sémantique à la structure de l’évé-
nement—Les verbes anglais et russes recapitulated the principle insights of 15 other
publications that ranged from the present perfect in English to verbal prefixation in
Russian.
A LESSANDRA G IORGI studied at La Sapienza University in Rome, at Scuola Normale
in Pisa and at MIT, Cambridge MA. She is now Professor of Linguistics at Ca’ Foscari
University of Venice. She is the author of several monographs: The Syntax of Noun
Phrases, with G. Longobardi (Cambridge University Press, 1991); Tense and Aspect,
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