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 the

Mughals of
India
The Peoples of Asia
General Editor: Morris Rossabi

Each volume in this series comprises a complete history, from origins

to the present, of the people under consideration. Written by leading
archaeologists, historians and anthropologists, the books are
addressed to a wide, multi-disciplinary readership, as well as to the
general reader.

Published
The Manchus
Pamela Kyle Crossley
The Mongols
David Morgan
The Mughals of India
Harbans Mukhia
The Afghans
Willem Vogelsang

In Preparation
The Persians
Gene R. Garthwaite
The Turks
Colin Heywood
The Phoenicians
James Muhly
The Japanese
Irwin Scheiner
The Chinese
Arthur Waldron
 the

Mughals of
India
Harbans Mukhia
ß 2004 by Harbans Mukhia

BLACKWELL PUBLISHING
350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148-5020, USA
108 Cowley Road, Oxford OX4 1JF, UK
550 Swanston Street, Carlton, Victoria 3053, Australia

The right of Harbans Mukhia to be identified as the Author of this Work has been
asserted in accordance with the UK Copyright, Designs, and Patents Act 1988.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a

retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical,
photocopying, recording or otherwise, except as permitted by the UK Copyright,
Designs, and Patents Act 1988, without the prior permission of the publisher.

First published 2004 by Blackwell Publishing Ltd

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Mukhia, Harbans.
The Mughals of India / Harbans Mukhia.
p. cm. – (Peoples of Asia)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-631-18555-0 (alk. paper)
1. Mogul Empire–History. 2. India–History–1526-1765. I. Title. II. Series.
DS461.M87 2004
954.02’5–dc22 2003028026

A catalogue record for this title is available from the British Library.

Set in 10/12pt Sabon

by Kolam Information Services Pvt. Ltd, Pondicherry, India
Printed and bound in the United Kingdom
by MPG Books Ltd, Bodmin, Cornwall

The publisher’s policy is to use permanent paper from mills that operate a sustainable
forestry policy, and which has been manufactured from pulp processed using acid-free and
elementary chlorine-free practices. Furthermore, the publisher ensures that the text paper
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For Boni
The Moguls Feed high, Entertain much, and Whore not a little.
John Fryer, English traveller to India, 1672–81.
Contents

List of Illustrations viii

Acknowledgements ix
Chronology of Emperors’ Reigns xiii
Introduction 1

1 For Conquest and Governance: Legitimacy,

Religion and Political Culture 14

2 Etiquette and Empire 72

3 The World of the Mughal Family 113

4 Folklore and the Mughal Court Culture 156

Glossary 172
Select Bibliography 176
Index 195
Illustrations

1 Shah Jahan and His Son (Rembrandt) 21

2 Portrait of Akbar 29
3 Aurangzeb reading the Quran 48
4 A Ruler Holding Court (miniature) 84
5 A leaf from Padshah Nama 85
6 Akbar supervising building of Fathpur Sikri 96
7 Jahangir visiting Jogi Jadrup
(painting, Imperial Mughal School) 107
8 A Young Lady Brought to the Harem
(painting, Imperial Mughal style) 112
9 Guf Safa (portrait) 122
10 Dalliance on a Terrace
(painting, Imperial Mughal style) 136
11 Marriage Procession of Prince Dara Shukoh
(painting, provincial Mughal style) 139
12 Hindu festival of Holi 154
Acknowledgements

In writing this book I have been privileged to have accumulated an

enormous wealth of the debt of gratitude from a very large number of
friends, colleagues and students. It was the late Burton Stein who sug-
gested my name to Blackwell Publishers when they were looking for an
author for this volume in their ‘Peoples of the World’ series. In the last
nearly two decades of his life, Burt had shared with me many intimate
moments of joy and sorrow about virtually everything under the sun,
history-writing included. My sadness at his departure is the greater for
the certainty that he would have been mightily pleased to see the book in
print, though he probably would not have agreed with almost anything it
contains. That was Burt: forever joyful, friendly and critical, of the kind
that revives one’s faith in humanity.
The first chapter on legitimacy, in many ways the toughest for me to
write, has been seen by several friends: Muzaffar Alam, Aijaz Ahmad,
Rajat Datta, Dilbagh Singh, Monica Juneja, Urvashi Dalal. Each of them
made many comments and suggestions; all of these added up to substan-
tial help in polishing up a point here, an argument there. Some years ago
I also experimented with it at a seminar which John F. Richards had
chaired at the Department of History, Duke University. His observations
led me to nuance several of the formulations. A couple of generations of
my students at the Centre at JNU, too, read the draft, and in various ways
their discussion of it, along with other writings on the theme of govern-
ance, came as very valuable feedback.
Aziz Al-Azmeh, whom I have come to know personally only lately,
never allowed his other commitments to delay extending help whenever
I needed it. His comments on the Introduction have been particularly
suggestive and he added value to them by providing me with a manage-
able reading list to brush up my familiarity with the Arabic-Islamic
historiographical traditions. Two of his own remarkable works, Muslim
Kingship and Ibn Khaldun. An Essay in Reinterpretation, have made a
x Acknowledgements

lasting impact on my own understanding of Mughal history, even though

he makes no reference to it. I am, however, unsure if I came up to
anywhere near his expectations.
My friend Mubarak Ali, fiercely and combatively secular historian of
the Mughal period, located at Lahore, was one I could always turn to
whenever I needed any bit of information and guidance. If the state of
relations between India and Pakistan, now mercifully somewhat on the
mend, had made it impossible to exchange letters and books, fortunately
the email still remained immune to government’s intervention on either
side. His responses to my queries were invariably prompt, full of infor-
mation and insights and, of course, generous. His unpublished doctoral
dissertation ‘The Court of the Great Mughuls’, submitted way back in
1976 to Ruhr University in Germany, and its revised Urdu version were
extremely valuable, rich as these are in empirical data.
Dilbagh Singh, with the generosity that is so characteristic of him, gave
me some enormously valuable information about the Rajputs and Rajas-
than in the context of chapter 3 on the family mores and gender relations;
his mastery over Rajasthani sources saved me from committing some
grave errors of judgement.
Dr Yunus Jaffrey, who has taught Persian language to generations of
scholars, gave me regular classes to explain the subtle cultural and
historical meaning of words and phrases rather than merely the diction-
ary meaning, to which I already had access. He has contributed more
than perhaps he realizes to the development of my understanding of
the nuances of life and culture at the Mughal court. To all my queries,
he would seek out answers for days and weeks and pass them on with the
kindness of an old Ustad.
Karim Najafi Barzegar, Iranian scholar who earned his doctoral degree
at JNU, was unmindful of his own preoccupations whenever I needed his
help, especially to obtain any bit of data about medieval Persia. In every
way he was the very embodiment of Persian culture, of which care for
others and generosity are such strong elements.
Iran Culture House, part of the embassy of Iran in New Delhi, opened
its doors to me at all times, and gave me access to its vast collection of
books and microfilms of Persian language texts of medieval India; with-
out this access I would have felt very diffident in writing quite a few parts
of the book. Dr Khwaja Piri, in particular, treated me as an honoured
guest at the collection he has built up over a quarter century of excep-
tional dedication.
If my friends and comrades of over four decades, Irfan Habib and
Iqtidar Alam Khan, both streets ahead of me as historians of Mughal
India, were ever irritated by my queries and questions, they hid it very
 Acknowledgements xi

well from me. It is not for nothing that they are both as renowned for
their generosity as for their scholarship.
A pair of in-house anthropologists, my daughter Neelanjana and son-
in-law Suranjan, valiantly endeavoured to bring home to me my short-
comings in the evolving methodological innovations and theoretical
perspectives of their discipline for a better appreciation of my data; if
their success in educating me has been at best moderate, it is not for lack
of trying.
My son Sudeep and daughter-in-law Sunetra, both journalists, were
subjected to reading the evolving text as sort of arbitrarily identified
representatives of the target audience of the book; their stern refusal to
subscribe to victimology in the process is thus all the more appreciable.
Sunetra’s childlike laughter at the most vaguely amusing situation dis-
solved a lot of the tension that is every author’s destiny.
While writing the Introduction, I needed some very old articles
unavailable in New Delhi. My niece Ishita Pande struggled hard to
find time from her own doctoral research in history at Princeton and
Oxford to send me copies: victory in the end of old filial and comradely
spirit.
Dr Daljeet of the National Museum, New Delhi, went far beyond her
official duty to offer assistance with the Mughal miniatures in the
Museum’s collection; it was wonderful to interact with someone know-
ledgeable and helpful. Amina Okada, eminent historian of Mughal
painting at the Musée Guimet, Paris, was prompt in sending a transpar-
ency of the magnificent miniature, Jahangir Visiting Jogi Jadrup, from
the museum’s collection, and permission to reproduce it, both with
compliments.
If the impress of French historical writing, especially of the Annales
mode, on this book is quite visible, I suppose I owe it to the depth and
duration of my interaction with that magnificent institution, the Maison
des Sciences de l’Homme, in Paris. I have been almost a permanent
fixture at the MSH each year in the summer during the tenure of the
first three of its Administrateurs, Fernand Braudel, Clemens Heller and
Maurice Aymard, who continues in saddle. I also received invaluable
help and affection from the late Georges Duby. I revel in the fortune of
having Jacques Le Goff, Guy Bois, Michel Vovelle, Etienne Balibar and
above all Maurice Aymard among my closest friends, with all of whom
I have spent innumerable hours discussing history, society, politics, cul-
ture, indeed life in all its hues. Maurice has long treated me as virtually a
member of his immediate family.
I am aware of the inadequacy of saying just ‘thank you’ to all of them.
Language still remains such a poor means of expressing feelings; but
xii Acknowledgements

what else does an author have to stand in for it? So I say ‘thanks’ to them
from the depth of my being.
It is a pleasure of course to be published by Blackwell. I nevertheless
harbour two regrets on this score: their reminders about the delay in
completing the book were ever too gentle; and they ‘persuaded’ me to
delete some 90 per cent of the references to the sources that I had put in
in the first draft. I have had to drop virtually all references to the primary
sources in the Persian language, from which I had laboriously collected
data for nearly a decade and a half. I take solace in the reason given by
Georges Duby for the gradually diminishing references to sources in his
later works: having established his bona fides earlier on, he hoped that
his readers would accept his statements as based on solid primary data
even when no references had been provided. I am however aware that
while in his case this reason would have been accepted as perfectly valid,
with no trace of doubt, in mine it might be viewed as suspiciously
evasive. I might add that the excerpts from most – though unhappily
not all – Persian language medieval Indian texts given in the book have
been translated afresh by me even where standard translations exist. The
exceptions are Babur Nama, Tuzuk-i Jahangiri and Shah Jahan Nama,
where I have relied exclusively on translations.
Helen Gray, freelance copy-editor, put each word of the entire text
meticulously through a microscope. She also strove hard to ensure
I wrote correct English; the flaws that remain are in spite of her.
Boni, like the good wife, learnt to accept her suffering in silence while
I wrote this book, which she perceived as having sheer fun; she was
perhaps right on both counts. To her I owe the biggest debt of all; I try
to repay it in part by dedicating the book to her.

March 2004
Centre for Historical Studies
Jawaharlal Nehru University
New Delhi
Chronology of
Emperors’ Reigns

Zahir al-Din Babur: 1526–30 Farrukh Siyar: 1713–19

Nasir al-Din Humayun: 1530–56 Shah Jahan II: 1719
with an interregnum, 1540–55 Rafi al-Darjat: 1719
Jalal al-Din Muhammad Akbar: Muhammad Shah: 1719–48
1556–1605 Ahmad Shah: 1748–54
Nur al-Din Jahangir: 1605–27 Aziz al-Din Alamgir: 1754–59
Shah Jahan: 1627–58 Ali Gawhar Shah Alam II:
Aurangzeb Alamgir: 1658–1707 1759–1806
Bahadur Shah I: 1707–12 Akbar II: 1806–37
Jahandar Shah: 1712 Bahadur Shah Zafar: 1837–58
Introduction

This book has turned out to be an essentially experimental venture in

many ways, almost independently of the author’s volition. When Black-
well Publishing approached me some dozen years ago to do a volume on
‘The Mughals’ in their ‘Peoples of the World’ series, I readily agreed and
gave them an outline with a commitment to hand in the script within a
three-year deadline. The outline was quite simple in its essence: the
Mughal conquest of India in the sixteenth century, the organization of
the state, administration, economy, trade and life in urban centres, and in
the countryside, and so forth. In other words, encapsulating the existing
state of knowledge on the subject, not an awesome task for one who has
taught this history in two major Indian universities for over four decades.
If writing the book exceeded the deadline by more than a decade, it
was largely because in my enthusiasm I started reading up the primary
sources over again. By and by, not only had questions that hadn’t oc-
curred to me earlier begun to arise, but the whole perspective of the
project altered radically; by now virtually nothing of the original outline
has remained intact.
In its place a sort of broad profile has evolved of what I, at this
moment, believe are the key entry points for understanding the nature
of Mughal state and society. By and large, these entry points have
remained unexplored in the arena of the history-writing of Mughal
India, even in the midst of innumerable studies of a whole spectrum of
themes and some very innovative endeavours. This might explain the
preliminary nature of my own explorations here.
Even as the title originally proposed – ‘The Mughals’ – could arguably
be self-explanatory and self-sufficient, in that the identification of the
Mughals with India is virtually given for the professional historian,
the popular image – and, more importantly, the image of the Mughals
constituted in India’s political scenario as one of several ‘foreign’ Muslim
dynasties ruling over India in the medieval centuries – leaves some space
2 Introduction

open for re-endorsing the identification. The Mughals themselves never

had to face the problem of being ‘foreigners’ ruling over an ‘alien’ land;
both these notions are of posterior, indeed of very recent origins. In an
ambience where conquest constituted its own legitimation, the notions of
being alien and foreign would have very doubtful provenance. This
indeed was characteristic of much of the ancient and medieval world,
until the arrival of nineteenth- and twentieth-centuries colonialism.
Modern colonialism has altered the very meaning of conquest, with
governance of land and its people, now on behalf of, and primarily for
the economic benefit of a community of people inhabiting a far-off land.
It stands in contrast with conquest in the medieval world when the victor
either returned home taking such plunder with him as he could gather
after a battle or two, or settled down in the vanquished land, submerging
his and his group’s identity in it to become inseparable from it. There are
very few inhabited patches of land on our earth devoid of such merger
between the ‘conqueror’ and the ‘conquered’ through history.
There are, besides, other branches of the same family of the Mughals,
descended from Chingiz Khan and/or Timur. One had stayed ‘home’ in
Central Asia. It was thus that a text relating to it, the Tarikh-i Rashidi,
written in the mid-sixteenth century by Mirza Haidar Dughlat, was
rendered into English by Ney Elias and Denison Ross under the title
History of the Moghuls of Central Asia. Another branch with similar
claims of descent had migrated to Iran.1 Not quite welcome in the history
of Iran, this branch was later replaced there by the Safavids. Thus The
Mughals of India also seeks to draw some distinguishing lines among
the collateral branches.
Interestingly, the term ‘Mughal’, now synonymous with grandeur in
almost all forms in the cultural arena, might perhaps have sent a shiver of
horror down the spine of the dynasty’s early rulers in India. The Persian
language term, pronounced ‘Mughul’ in Iran and ‘Mughal’ in India,
came to acquire a generic meaning that broadly signified peoples of the
Central Asian regions, speaking the Mongol languages and dialects;
there were others, however, also Central Asians, seeking to draw distinct-

1 The Tarikh-i Rashidi of Mirza Muhammad Haidar Dughlat. A History of the Moghuls
of Central Asia, Eng. tr. by Ney Elias and Denison Ross, Patna, 1973. Unfortunately the
date of its first publication, sometime after 1895, has not been mentioned. For a competent
overview of the Mughals in Iran, see Abbas Iqbal, Tarikh-i Mughul az Hamla-i Chingiz
ta Tashkeel-i Daulat-i Timur (History of the Mughuls from the Invasion of Chingiz to the
Formation of the Timuride State), Tehran, 1365 H./1987ad . Brief discussions of Chingiz’s
attacks and his descendants’ rule and Timur’s invasion and Timuride regime in Iran occur
in David Morgan, The Mongols, Oxford, 1990, chapters 5 and 6, and Karim
Najafi Barzegar, Mughal Iranian Relations during the Sixteenth Century, New Delhi,
2000, chapter 1.
 Introduction 3

ive lines from them ethnically and linguistically. They often perceived the
‘Mughals’, with the grand exception of Chingiz himself, as barbarians.
These other groups were Turkis, Uzbegs, Uighurs, Kirghizes, Kazaks,
Kipchaks, Keraits and Naimans, often with as many mixed lineages,
shared culture and faiths as those whose distinction was asserted in
conflict with their neighbours. Babur in his extensive and detailed
memoirs in his native Turki language Tuzuk-i Baburi (Babur Nama in
English translation) almost always speaks of them as if they were ‘the
other’, and rather derisively. Comments like, ‘[M]ischief and devastation
must always be expected from the Mughul horde’ are scattered in the
book. The dynasty in India proudly traced its lineage from both Chingiz
and Timur, the former as ancestor of Babur’s mother and the latter as the
paternal progenitor, initially with greater emphasis on Chingiz, later on
Timur. In Babur’s home in Uzbekistan, the dynasty proclaimed its iden-
tity as Chaghtais, descended from Chaghta, son of Chingiz, ‘Mughal’ par
excellence. A history of the dynasty in India down to the early eighteenth
century was written, with the title Tazkirat al-Salatin-i Chaghta, ‘Chron-
icles of the Chaghtai Sultans’. There were other histories, too, with
similar titles, such as Tarikh-i Khandan-i Timuriyya, ‘The History of
the Timuride Family’, although the latter title was perhaps given in the
eighteenth century to a text written anonymously in the sixteenth, com-
missioned by Emperor Akbar. But it is hard to come across a book with
the title ‘A History of the Mughal State or the Mughal Dynasty’ in
Persian, the official court language. In all official records the family
tree of the dynasty took the origin back to Timur through the paternal
stem. Abul Fazl, the remarkable historian of the sixteenth century, also
sought to give the family supernatural ancestry by tracing the tree to a
central Asian female figure, Alanquwa, a royal widow impregnated by
the rays of the Sun.2
This official avoidance of ‘Mughal’ for the imperial dynasty did not,
however, come in the way of its popular nomenclature as such, even
while it retained some of its ambiguity. As early as 1538, the text of
conversations of a Sufi saint, Abdul Quddus Ganguhi, compiled by his
son and spiritual successor, makes perhaps the first use of the term for
Babur and his soldiers – a mere 12 years after the founding of the Mughal

2 The notion of conception without the intervention of human agency is common to

several civilizations. In the Hindu epic Mahabharat Kunti is similarly impregnated by the
Sun and gives birth to Karna from her ear. She, however, fears for her reputation as an
unwed mother and, placing the infant in a wooden box, lets it float in a river. Karna grows
up to be a legendary warrior waging war upon her other sons. The Japanese Emperor and
the Inca ruler in Peru both claimed descent from the Sun, although the claims are not
mediated through legendary birth. The whole of Christian faith is of course based upon the
Immaculate Conception of Jesus Christ’s mother.
4 Introduction

rule in India – although the use is made in an Afghan milieu that was
hostile to the Mughals.3 A few other sixteenth-century texts also employ
the term for some of the nobles, and at times implicitly for the regime
generally, but not for the ruling dynasty.4 There is even an inscription
dated 1537–38 at a building in Hissar in the modern state of Haryana
where a ‘soldier martyred in Gujarat’ is referred to as Mughal, respon-
sible for the building’s construction.5 But it is the chronicle of the eight-
eenth century historian Khafi Khan that puts the issue in perspective.
‘Although it is from the reign of the dweller in paradise Emperor Akbar
that the term Mughal came into common use for the Turks and Tajiks of
Ajam (non-Arab territories), indeed even for the Syeds of Iran and Turan,
in reality the word is truly valid only for the tribe of Turks who had
descended from Mughal Khan . . . through Chingiz Khan, Hulaku,
Chaghta and Amir Timur.’6 However, the European travellers were
under no obligation to be sensitive to the nuances of the term, and
knew the dynasty as Mughal anyway, spelt by them variously. Ralph
Fitch, one of the earliest Englishmen to travel to India between 1583 and
1591, merrily refers to the ‘Great Mogor, which is the King of Agra and
Delli’.7 Edward Terry, his compatriot in India between 1616 and 1619,
has a lovely bloomer on it: for him, ‘Mogoll means ‘‘a circumcised man,
and therefore he is called the Great Mogoll as much as to say: the Chiefe
of the Circumcision’’.’8 Sir Thomas Roe, James I’s (and England’s) first
ambassador to India, in his Journal covering 1615 to 1619 forever refers
to Jahangir as ‘the Mogull’ or ‘the Great Mogull’.9 The classic accounts
of seventeenth- and early eighteenth-centuries India by the French doctor
François Bernier and the Italian pretender-doctor Niccolao Manucci both

3 Rukn al-Din, Lataif-i Quddusi, Delhi, 1311 H./a d 1894: 64, 68. The conversations
were compiled a year after the saint’s death.
4 Such as Shaikh Rizq al-Allah Mushtaqi, Waqiat-i Mushtaqi, ed. I. A. Siddiqui, Rampur,
2002: 142, 245; Arif Qandahari, Tarikh-i Akbari, ed. Haji Syed Muin al-Din Nadwi et al.,
Rampur, 1962: 53, 185, 218.
5 Epigraphica Indica, II: 428. I am grateful to Professor Irfan Habib for bringing this
inscription to my notice.
6 Khafi Khan, Muntakhab al-Lubab, ed. Maulvi Khair al-Din Ahmad and Maulvi
Ghulam Qadir, Part I, Calcutta, 1869: 4. He makes some comments on Mughal and his
brother Tatar’s history and observes that Mughal became Khan only on ascending the
throne, ibid.: 3.
7 William Foster, ed., Early Travels in India, 1583–1619, Delhi, 1999 (first pub.
1921): 13.
8 Ibid.: 325. The editor notes that ‘[T]he same statement is made by Salbank’ (Letters
Received, vol. vi, p. 184), by Roe (Embassy, p. 312) and by Bluteau (Vocabulario,
1712–21), and cautiously adds that ‘there is no ground for it’, ibid.
9 William Foster, ed., The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to India 1615–1619, New Delhi,
1990 (first pub. 1926): passim.
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