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THE GAME OF LIFE
This page intentionally left blank
THE GAME OF LIFE
COLLEGE SPORTS
A N D E D U C AT I O N A L VA L U E S
in collaboration with
Fourth printing, and first paperback printing, with a new preface, 2002
Paperback ISBN 0-691-09619-8
The Library of Congress has cataloged the cloth edition of this book as follows
www.pupress.princeton.edu
5 7 9 10 8 6 4
Contents
Chapter 1
Figure 1.1. Sports Televised (in New York City) during the
Harvard-Yale Football Game, 1955, 1979, and 1993 20
Figure 1.2. Cumulative Increases in Performance Times
in Track and Field and Swimming, 1896–1996 25
Figure 1.3a. Multi-Sport Athletes as a Percent of All Male
Athletes 26
Figure 1.3b. Multi-Sport Athletes as a Percent of All Female
Athletes 26
Chapter 2
Figure 2.1. Athletes as a Percent of All Male Students
(by Cohort and Division) 33
Figure 2.2. Percent of Students Reporting that Being
“Recruited” Was a “Very Important” Reason for Choosing
This Speciµc College (by Athlete Status and Cohort, at
Ivy League Universities and Coed Liberal Arts Colleges,
Male Only) 38
Figure 2.3. Adjusted Admissions Advantage at a Representative
Non-Scholarship School, Controlling for Differences in
SAT Scores (1976, 1989, and 1999, Male Only) 41
Figure 2.4. Average SAT Scores by Athlete Status and Division
(1989 Cohort, Male Only) 44
Figure 2.5. High Proµle Athlete SAT Divergence from Students
at Large (by Cohort and Division, Male Only) 45
Figure 2.6a. 1989 Ivy League Athlete SAT Divergence from
Students at Large (by Sport, Male Only) 48
Figure 2.6b. 1989 Division III Athlete SAT Divergence from
Students at Large (by Sport, Male Only) 48
Figure 2.6c. 1989 Division IA Private Athlete SAT Divergence
from Students at Large (by Sport, Male Only) 49
Figure 2.6d. 1989 Division IA Public Athlete SAT Divergence
from Students at Large (by Sport, Male Only) 49
Figure 2.7. Percent of Students with a Father Who Has a
Bachelor’s Degree or Higher (by Athlete Status and
Division, 1989 Cohort, Male Only) 51
Figure 2.8. African Americans as a Percent of Male Students
(by Athlete Status and Division, 1989 Cohort) 54
viii LIST OF FIGURES
Chapter 3
Figure 3.1. Six-Year Graduation Rate (by Athlete/Extracurricular
Status and Cohort, Male Only) 61
Figure 3.2. Mean GPA Percentile (by Athlete Status and Cohort,
Male Only) 62
Figure 3.3. Percent of Students with GPA in Bottom One-Third
of Class (by Athlete Status and Cohort, Male Only) 63
Figure 3.4. Underperformance of Athletes, Controlling
for Differences in SAT Scores, Major, and Socioeconomic
Status (by Athlete Status and Division, 1989 Cohort,
Male Only) 67
Figure 3.5. Mean GPA Percentile (by Athletic/Extracurricular
Status and Cohort, Male Only) 70
Figure 3.6. Percent of Male Students with Faculty Mentors at
Ivy League Universities (by Athlete Status and Cohort) 71
Figure 3.7a. Percent of Male Students Majoring in the Social
Sciences at Ivy League Universities (by Athlete Status
and Cohort) 76
Figure 3.7b. Percent of Male Students Majoring in the Social
Sciences at Coed Liberal Arts Colleges (by Athlete Status
and Cohort) 76
Chapter 4
Figure 4.1. Graduates Earning Advanced Degrees (by Athlete
Status and Division, 1976 Cohort, Male Only) 89
Figure 4.2. Aspiration and Attainment of Medical and Law
Degrees at Ivy League Universities and Coed Liberal Arts
Colleges (by Athlete Status, 1976 Cohort, Male Only) 90
Figure 4.3. Occupations in 1995 (by Athlete Status, 1976
Cohort, Male Only) 92
Figure 4.4. Mean Own Earned 1995 Income (by Athlete Status
and Cohort, Full-Time Male Workers) 95
Figure 4.5a. Percent of Full-Time Male Workers Employed in
the For-Proµt Sector in 1995 (by Athlete Status, 1951 and
1976 Cohorts) 98
Figure 4.5b. Mean Own Earned 1995 Income (by Sector, 1951
and 1976 Cohorts, Full-Time Male Workers) 99
Figure 4.6. Earnings Advantages of Athletes (by Sector, 1976
Cohort, Full-Time Male Workers) 100
LIST OF FIGURES ix
Figure 4.7. Mean Own Earned 1995 Income (by College and
High School Athlete Status and Division, 1976 Cohort,
Full-Time Male Workers) 103
Figure 4.8. Pre-College Self-Ratings and Life Goals (by High
School and College Athlete Status, 1976 Cohort,
Male Only) 104
Figure 4.9. Mean Own Earned 1995 Income of Athletes (by
Years Played and Sport Proµle, 1976 Cohort, Full-Time
Male Workers) 105
Figure 4.10. Earnings Advantages of Athletes (by Years Played
and Sport Proµle, 1976 Cohort, Full-Time Male Workers) 107
Chapter 5
Figure 5.1. Percent of Women Who Played High School and
College Sports (1976 and 1989 Cohorts) 122
Chapter 6
Figure 6.1. Percent of Athletes Reporting That Being “Recruited”
Was a “Very Important” Reason for Choosing This Speciµc
College (by Cohort, Gender, and Division) 129
Figure 6.2. Adjusted Admissions Advantage at a Representative
Non-Scholarship School, Controlling for Differences in
SAT Scores (1976, 1989, and 1999, Female Only) 131
Figure 6.3. Adjusted Admissions Advantages at a Representative
Non-Scholarship School, Controlling for Differences in
SAT Scores (by Gender, 1989 and 1999) 132
Figure 6.4. Athlete SAT Divergence from Students at Large
(by Cohort and Division, Female Only) 133
Figure 6.5. Intellectual Self-Conµdence and SAT Scores
(by Athlete Status and Gender, 1989 Cohort) 135
Figure 6.6. African Americans as a Percent of All Female
Students (by Athlete Status and Division, 1989 Cohort) 136
Figure 6.7. Percent of Freshmen Reporting It Is a “Very
Important” or “Essential” Goal to “Be Very Well Off
Financially” (by Athlete Status and Division, 1989 Cohort) 139
Chapter 7
Figure 7.1. Six-Year Graduation Rate (by Athlete/Extracurricular
Status and Cohort, Female Only) 142
Figure 7.2. Mean GPA Percentile (by Athlete Status, Cohort,
and Gender) 143
Figure 7.3. Percent of Students with GPA in Bottom One-Third
of Class (by Athlete Status and Division, 1989 Cohort,
Female Only) 145
x LIST OF FIGURES
Chapter 8
Figure 8.1. Graduates Earning Advanced Degrees (by Athlete
Status, 1976 Cohort, Female Only) 160
Figure 8.2. Graduates Earning Advanced Degrees (by Athlete
Status and Division, 1976 Cohort, Female Only) 161
Figure 8.3. Graduates Earning Advanced Degrees (by Athlete
Status, 1989 Cohort, Female Only) 163
Figure 8.4. Percent of Female Graduates Working Full-Time
with and without Children (by Athlete Status, 1976 Cohort) 164
Figure 8.5. Percent of Female Graduates Working Full-Time
(by Athlete Status and Pre-College Political Orientation,
1976 Cohort) 166
Figure 8.6. Competition before and after College (by Athlete
Status and Cohort, Female Only) 168
Figure 8.7. Occupations in 1995 (by Athlete Status, 1976
Cohort, Female Only) 169
Figure 8.8. Occupational Differences: 1995 Occupations as
Percent of Athletes minus Percent of Students at Large
(by Gender, 1976 Cohort) 170
Figure 8.9. Percent of Full-Time Female Workers Employed in
the For-Proµt Sector in 1995 (by Athlete Status, 1976 and
1989 Cohorts) 172
Figure 8.10. Mean Own Earned 1995 Income (by Athlete
Status and Sector, 1976 Cohort, Full-Time Female
Workers) 173
Figure 8.11. Percent of Students Reporting as Freshman That
an “Essential” Goal Is to “Be Very Well Off Financially”
(by Athlete Status, Cohort, and Gender, Ivy League
Universities and Coed Liberal Arts Colleges) 177
LIST OF FIGURES xi
Figure 8.12. Earnings Advantages of Athletes by Years Played
(1976 Cohort, Full-Time Female Workers) 179
Chapter 9
Figure 9.1. Percent of Freshman Rating Themselves in the Top
10 Percent of Peers on “Leadership Ability” (by Athlete
Status and Gender, 1976 and 1989 Cohorts) 184
Figure 9.2. Post-College Rating: “Leadership” Has Been
“Important” in Life since College (by Athlete Status,
Cohort, and Gender) 185
Figure 9.3. Mean 1995 Earned Income of For-Proµt CEOs
(by Athlete Status, 1951 and 1976 Cohorts, Full-Time Male
Workers) 189
Figure 9.4. Leadership in Alumni/ae Activities, Students at
Large and CEOs (by Athlete Status, Cohort, and Gender) 195
Figure 9.5. Institutional Priorities of Athlete Alumni
Leaders, Student-at-Large Alumni Leaders, and All Other
Alumni (as Desired Emphasis minus Perceived Current
Emphasis, 1976 Cohort, Male Only) 196
Figure 9.6. Institutional Priorities: Intercollegiate Athletics by
Alumni Leader Classiµcation (as Desired Emphasis minus
Perceived Current Emphasis, 1976 Cohort, Male Only) 197
Figure 9.7. Institutional Priorities (as Desired Emphasis minus
Perceived Current Emphasis) 201
Figure 9.8. Intercollegiate Athletics as an Institutional Priority
(as Desired Emphasis minus Perceived Current Emphasis,
by Division, 1976 Cohort, Male and Female Combined) 203
Figure 9.9. Intercollegiate Athletics as an Institutional
Priority (as Desired Emphasis minus Perceived Current
Emphasis, by Athlete Status, 1976 Cohort, Male and
Female Combined) 204
Chapter 10
Figure 10.1. General Giving Rates (by Athlete Status and
Cohort, Male Only) 208
Figure 10.2. Increased Likelihood of Giving for Participants in
Athletics and Other Extracurricular Activities (by Cohort,
Male Only) 211
Figure 10.3. Concentration of Total Gifts Given by the Top 5
Percent, Next 15 Percent, and Bottom 80 Percent of Male
Graduates 216
Figure 10.4. General Giving Rates by Alumni Proµle (1951
Cohort, Male Only) 217
xii LIST OF FIGURES
Chapter 2
Table 2.1. Intercollegiate Athletes by Sport, 1997–98
(Selected Schools, Male Only) 34
Chapter 3
Table 3.1. Underperformance of Athletes, Controlling for
Differences in SAT Scores, Major, and Socioeconomic
Status (by Athlete Status, Cohort, and Division, Male Only) 66
Table 3.2. Underperformance of Athletes, Controlling for
Pre-Collegiate Underperformance in Addition to
Differences in SAT Scores, Major, and Socioeconomic
Status (by Athletic Status, Cohort, and Division, Male Only) 69
Chapter 6
Table 6.1. Number of 1997–98 Intercollegiate Athletes by Sport
(Selected Schools, Female Only) 127
Chapter 9
Table 9.1. Earnings Advantages in 1995 of Athletes by
Occupation (by Cohort and Gender, Full-Time For-Proµt
Workers) 190
Table 9.2. Leadership of Civic Activities (by Athlete Status,
Cohort, and Gender) 192
Appendix B
Table B.2.1. Mean SAT Scores by Cohort, Division, and
Team (Male Only) 357
Table B.4.1. Mean 1995 Earnings by Years Played and Sport
Proµle (by Division, 1976 Cohort, Full-Time Male Workers) 358
Table B.6.1. Mean SAT Scores by Cohort, Division, and Team
(Female Only) 359
Table B.7.1. Ordinary Least Squares Regression Models
Predicting Rank in Class at Ivy League Universities
(1989 Cohort, Female Only) 360
Table B.9.1. CEO Leadership of Civic Activities (by Athlete
Status, Cohort, and Gender) 361
xiv LIST OF TABLES
ONE OF THE MOST surprising repercussions of our having “torn away the
veil” of myth that shrouds sports at selective colleges and universities ap-
peared in the µrst New York Times article that reported on the book’s µnd-
ings. While the main story noted the book’s µndings concerning the ad-
missions gaps and growing academic underperformance among athletes
at the Division III schools, the story shared a page in the Times with a box
entitled “Tips for Recruited Athletes,” which included such pointers as
“Prepare an athletic resume; take the initiative in making contact with
college coaches; be patient.” Subsequently an article in the Austin (Tex.)
Statesman reported that the headmaster of the St. Stephen’s School, Fred
Weissbach, had been showing articles on the book to some faculty and
staff with satisfaction. “Weissbach, who once faced strong skepticism
about the value of creating sports academies at St. Stephen’s, said, ‘I’m
absolutely convinced they’ve been the salvation of our boarding pro-
gram.’” Intended as a bell to awaken policy makers to the ways that in-
tensiµcation had subtly but substantially affected their institutions, the
book was being trumpeted as a “how to” guide to getting into academi-
cally selective schools, providing comfort and encouragement to those
who were hitting the weights.
Better conµrmation of the validity of our µndings—that athletic talent,
specialization, and seriousness play an ever greater role in college ad-
missions for both men and women—could not be hoped for. At the same
time, we have heard in other quarters a more thoughtful questioning of
whether we, as a society, want colleges to expend such resources on ath-
letic programs that seem less and less “amateur.” From conversations with
college and university presidents and administrators, as well as trustees,
alumni/ae, and students, we know that just this sort of questioning con-
tinues, with the recognition that there are few easy solutions.
In writing this book, we recognized the challenges inherent in bring-
ing a cold analytical eye to the passionate realm of sports. Myths only very
reluctantly yield ground in the face of multiple regression analysis. We
sought to navigate the narrow path between disillusioning and disillu-
sionment. Whether we have succeeded will become clear only as those
who set policies decide where to go next: either they will feel that the in-
formation that we have compiled is compelling in making the case that
the role of athletics has subtly shifted course, or they will see the book as
a mildly depressing account of a force of nature too big to address and
xvi PREFACE TO THE PAPERBACK EDITION
A number of college presidents who µnd the patterns in the research both
compelling and deeply disturbing have expressed to us a profound con-
cern that the data will “demonize” the students on campus who play in-
tercollegiate sports, leading others to doubt them and encouraging them
to doubt themselves. Can this be avoided? Yes, it can and should be
avoided.
We have written about policies—not about people. The students who ex-
cel at sports have done absolutely nothing wrong; in fact, they have been
paying close heed to the signals that colleges and universities have been
sending with their admissions policies. These students have paid more at-
tention to schools’ practices than to their lofty rhetoric. Moreover, by any
national standard, they have worked hard and done well both in college
and after college. Our having called into question how much emphasis
should be placed on athletics in deciding whom to admit, and our hav-
ing asked if these students take full advantage of the academic resources
available to them, should not be taken as a critique of those athletes as
people. Anyone who does so as a result of our work is acting out of preju-
dice and engaging in stereotyping, pure and simple. Aggregate statistics
contain outliers on both sides of the averages; there have been and always
will be individuals whose priorities and accomplishments bear no resem-
blance to our general µndings. But, we continue to believe, overall pat-
terns should matter when considering policies and programs.
Admissions is a difµcult and sensitive topic. Incredibly talented indi-
viduals get accepted; sometimes even more incredibly talented individu-
als get rejected. Many of the students who were not accepted at Penn,
Oberlin, or the University of North Carolina would have thrived there,
learned a great deal, and had an experience that they would have treas-
ured for the rest of their lives. Deciding who should get such opportuni-
ties is not an exact science. When athletic talent plays a role in the
process, “bets” are placed on certain categories of people, for reasons
that have been thought through or reasons that have not been thought
through. Our question was never, “Are these talented people?” but
rather, “On what basis is a ‘bet’ being placed on them collectively?” We
concluded that some of the rationales that were perceived as givens in
PREFACE TO THE PAPERBACK EDITION xvii
placing these admissions “bets” deserve re-examination—for instance,
that winning athletic teams earn money for the school or that athletic tal-
ent serves as a proxy for leadership.
It may be difµcult for people to depersonalize policy µndings that
sound as if they are directed toward them personally or at people they
know, but it remains our µrm belief that documented truth-telling is es-
sential if institutions are to understand the real trade-offs that they face
in setting policy. Prospective students are not the only ones who are read-
ing the signs that emanate from colleges and universities. Coaches also
follow signals, and while many of them may be offended by µndings in
this book, they too are simply carrying out the roles assigned to them.
They are “guilty” only of responding to the opportunity structures
deµned by the ecosystem of higher education, and they do not deserve to
be labeled “bad guys” if they are doing their best to perform in line with
what schools expect of them. If colleges want their coaches to spend less
time recruiting or training their teams in a relentless search for the com-
petitive edge, then they must re-examine the criteria they use in recruit-
ing and rewarding them.
One aspect of our analysis that has raised questions and caused some de-
gree of confusion is the measurement of the advantage that recruited ath-
letes have in the admissions process. While we said explicitly in the text
on page 40 and in note 9 on page 382 that our analysis focused on those
athletes “on a coach’s list,” we probably should have more frequently and
more strongly emphasized the difference between this carefully culled
subgroup of recruited athletes and other students who had athletic tal-
ent, who played, or who were recruited to some lesser degree. The dra-
matic admissions advantage documented in the book is enjoyed only by
those prospective students with athletic talent who end up on the lists that
the coaches send to the admissions ofµces. The admissions advantage for re-
cruited athletes is an estimate of the increased odds of admission (given
the applicant’s SAT score, race, and legacy status) of those applicants
who were on the coaches’ lists.
This measure tells us nothing about the probabilities of admission
faced by an athletically talented and athletically interested student who,
for whatever reason, did not make a coach’s list. And, as we have learned
in subsequent research (which we hope to publish in a sequel to this
book), these “other athletes” may, if anything, be at some disadvantage
in the admissions process. The key point is that among those applicants
with the same SAT scores, the ones who made it onto the coaches’ lists
xviii PREFACE TO THE PAPERBACK EDITION
have a much higher chance of being admitted. While coaches are surely
conscious of the academic requirements of their schools when they com-
pile these lists, the fact is that the only measurable difference between
these applicants and many others (with and without athletic talent) is that
coaches decided to place a heavy bet on them because of their expected
contribution to the school’s athletic program. The admissions advantage
measures the importance of being on a coach’s list—nothing more and
nothing less.
Readers approaching a book that brings to light the extent to which the
academic proµles of athletes compare unfavorably to those of their peers
will also µnd incontrovertible evidence that the athletes in our study from
the cohorts that entered college in 1951 and 1976 went on to earn more
money than their peers. By this measure, which we regard as conse-
quential, they were very successful in later life. This fact is very clear.
What is less clear is how much (if any) of this success is attributable to
their having played sports in college and also whether we should expect to
µnd these same results for athletes who attended these academically selec-
tive colleges in more recent decades. We found that the men who played
sports wanted different things from their college experiences, chose ma-
jors and careers different from those of their peers with these goals in
mind, and ended up doing well µnancially. This is to many people the bot-
tom line. Yet we also µnd that the level of play (Division I versus Division
III), the winning percentage of the team, and the number of years that
someone played (with one notable exception) had no discernible effect on
this result. It would appear that, in the lexicon of social science, “selection”
(the attributes athletes brought with them to college) was more important
than “treatment” (sports played, years played, level of play, and so on).
Our more recent research (with the 1995 entering cohorts at some of
the same colleges and universities) leads us to emphasize, even more
than we did in the book, that today may not be the same as yesterday. The
athletes from earlier eras whose “futures” we were able to track also had
different “pasts.” The increasingly sizable academic performance gaps
that we µnd now were not present to anything like the same degree in
the earlier cohorts. In other words, those who believe that the accom-
plishments of athletes in earlier classes are likely to be replicated by more
recent athletes need to consider whether other differences between
those athletes and the athletes of today could lead to quite different out-
comes later in life.
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