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The Spirit of Compromise
•
The Spirit of
Compromise
Why Governing Demands It and
Campaigning Undermines It

•
AMY GUTMANN
AND
DENNIS THOMPSON

PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS

PRINCETON AND OXFORD

 Copyright © 2012 by Princeton University Press
Published by Princeton University Press,
41 William Street, Princeton, New Jersey 08540
In the United Kingdom: Princeton University Press,
6 Oxford Street, Woodstock, Oxfordshire OX20 1TW

press.princeton.edu

All Rights Reserved

Fifth printing and first paperback printing, with a new

preface by the authors, 2014

Paperback ISBN 978-0-691-16085-6

The Library of Congress has cataloged the cloth edition of

this book as follows

Gutmann, Amy.
The spirit of compromise : why governing demands it
and campaigning undermines it / Amy Gutmann and
Dennis Thompson.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-691-15391-9 (hardcover : alk. paper)
1. Political planning—United States. 2. Decision making—
United States. 3. Compromise (Ethics) —United States.
4. Consensus (Social sciences) —United States.
5. Democracy—United States. I. Thompson, Dennis F.
(Dennis Frank), 1940– II. Title.
JK468.P64G87 2012
320.60973—dc23
2011053123

British Library Cataloging-­in-­Publication Data is available

This book has been composed in Melior

Printed on acid-­free paper. ∞

Printed in the United States of America

5 7 9 10 8 6
For Michael Doyle and Carol Thompson
 Contents
•

Preface to the Paperback Edition ix

INTRODUCTION
Two Compromises 5
Characteristics of Compromise 10
Mindsets of Compromise 16

1
VALUING COMPROMISE
Costs of Not Compromising 30
Vulnerabilities of Compromise 35
Limits of Compromise 41
Limits of History 54

2
RESISTING COMPROMISE
The Makeup of Mindsets 64
Principled Tenacity 69
Mutual Mistrust 85
Uncompromising Multiplied 91

3
SEEKING COMPROMISE
Principled Prudence 101
 viii • CONTENTS

Mutual Respect 109

Economizing on Disagreement 117
A Moment of Compromise 133
Compromising in an Uncompromising Time 140

4
CAMPAIGNING V. GOVERNING
Requisites of Campaigning 146
Two Conceptions of Democracy 152
Campaigns without End 160

5
GOVERNING WITH CAMPAIGNING
Space for Governing 168
Term Time 177
Time Is Money 180
Primary Pressures 184
More Participation? 186
Minding the Media 189
Strengthening Civic Education 199

CONCLUSION
The Uses of Mindsets 205
Doubts about Compromise 210
The Dilemma of Reform 214
The Support of Citizens 216

Notes 219
Acknowledgments 255
Index 257
 •

PREFACE TO THE
PAPERBACK EDITION

When our book first appeared in the spring of 2012, the

spirit of compromise was in short supply, most con-
spicuously in the U.S. Congress. It still is.
Gridlock shut down the government in the fall of
2013, and took the nation to the brink of defaulting on
its debt for the first time in its modern history. Each
party accused the other of refusing to compromise,
but what both were calling for was closer to capitula-
tion. Dismantle your signature legislative achievement.
Abandon your plan to reduce the debt. By the time
the crisis reached its critical point, a compromise that
dealt with the fundamental fiscal problems was all but
impossible.
The uncompromising mindset, a combination of
principled tenacity and mutual mistrust, produced a
cascade of intransigence (see pp. 91–92). Many Repub-
licans were mindful of potential primary challenges
from the right if they moved toward a deal. In any case,
they did not trust the Democrats to negotiate in good
faith once the threat of the shutdown and default had
been removed. The mindset of most Democrats was also
 x • PREFACE TO THE PAPERBACK EDITION

uncompromising. They believed that they had already

compromised too much in extending the Bush tax cuts
in December 2010, and later in accepting the sequester
cuts, which had been intended as a doomsday device
to force compromise. They felt justified in refusing to
negotiate in the face of threats to allow a default, espe-
cially since the House Republicans had for months re-
fused to negotiate on the budget passed by the Senate.
Even if the Democrats could reach an agreement with
the Republican leadership, they doubted that the lead-
ers could bring along their followers.
The immediate crisis was resolved at the last min-
ute—again only after backroom negotiations between
long-time colleagues. Collegial relationships cultivated
over time—a key ingredient in overcoming the distrust
of the uncompromising mindset (see pp. 146, 150)—
came to the rescue. By the end of the session in 2013,
following the lead of the bipartisan Budget Conference
Committee, Congress agreed on a compromise that re-
placed some of the sequester cuts and financed the gov-
ernment through September 2015. Even so, the deal did
not come close to the grand bargain attempted by Presi-
dent Obama and Speaker Boehner two years earlier. It
again put off the hard questions of entitlement and tax
reform until another day. And some members imme-
diately began attacking the agreement to further their
own electoral prospects. The uncompromising mindset
of campaigning continued to dominate the compromis-
ing mindset of governing.
 PREFACE TO THE PAPERBACK EDITION • xi

The last two Congresses have been among the least

productive in modern history. The dysfunction has
thwarted measures dear to the hearts of the left, right,
and center: gun safety legislation, relaxation of oil
and gas regulation, tax reform, deficit reduction, in-
frastructure investment, among others. It has led to
the expiration of the payroll tax cut, the ballooning
deficit of the postal service, and the stalling on the
farm program with its food stamp benefits, which had
traditionally passed with bipartisan support. Even
when the Senate reached a difficult and long-sought
compromise on comprehensive immigration reform,
the House blocked it.
On nearly every major issue that a majority of Ameri-
cans consistently say they care about, Congress has am-
ply earned its historically low reputation. It has per-
sistently failed to act to improve an overwhelmingly
unpopular status quo through the only readily avail-
able means—compromise. Legislative gridlock means
not only lost opportunities for public improvement,
but also less democratic control over the social and
economic changes that occur no matter what the gov-
ernment does. Power shifts from the legislature to less
accountable and less transparent institutions.
Dismayed by this political dysfunction, many read-
ers of Spirit—on both sides of the partisan divide—
said they found its message and diagnosis of the prob-
lem compelling. They recognized the need to call
attention to the costs of gridlock and the dynamics of
 xii • PREFACE TO THE PAPERBACK EDITION

intransigence. They saw that it is an important first step

simply to acknowledge the value of compromise. It is
no longer so easy to say, as Speaker John Boehner did
in 2010: “I reject the word” (see pp. 63–64).
Yet many of the same politicians and pundits who
say they want compromise cling to the attitudes and
habits that frustrate it. They continue to propagate
misconceptions about political compromise, many of
which we criticize in this book. The misconceptions
amount to avoidance strategies. Politicians say they are
willing to compromise—but they seek only the easi-
est to accept, those that come without real sacrifice.
They identify compromise only with finding common
ground—where both sides win and neither has to sac-
rifice anything of value (see pp. 12–16). In a condition
of polarized politics, devotion to the common ground
is often a cover for resistance to classic compromise,
usually the only kind practically available.
Classic compromises are available in polarized poli-
tics precisely because they involve some real sacrifice
by both sides. A classic compromise is usually a mixture
of contradictory principles, which distresses purists on
all sides (pp. 36–37). But classic compromises are of-
ten the only way that polarized parties can improve on
the status quo. The Senate bill on immigration, passed
with rare bipartisan support in June 2013, exemplifies
such a compromise: it toughened border security and
increased penalties while easing the path to citizenship
for illegal immigrants. Not just this particular bill, but
 PREFACE TO THE PAPERBACK EDITION • xiii

any national immigration reform with a decent chance

of becoming law will be a classic compromise.
The deal-making process that produces a classic
compromise is messy, and it often leaves both sides
thinking they could have done better if only the other
side had been more reasonable. This is one reason why
recognizing the value of compromise does not auto-
matically lead to accepting any particular compromise.
Legislators and pundits make particular compromises
even harder by harboring the misconception that the
only kind of compromise worth having is one that puts
aside all differences and finds common ground.
As difficult as compromise is, it is necessary if legis-
latures are to make any substantial progress and main-
tain legitimate authority in a democracy. Both the ne-
cessity and the difficulty of compromise are built into
the democratic process. As our subtitle says: govern-
ing requires it (the necessity), but campaigning under-
mines it (the difficulty).
The problem of compromise in American democ-
racy is in this way structural. It is deeper than the re-
calcitrance of any particular political party or factional
movement. Congressional Republicans have recently
been less inclined to compromise with Democrats than
vice versa, and among voters, a lower proportion of Re-
publicans than Democrats want their public officials
to compromise. But compromise is harder now on all
sides because we are living in the era of the permanent
political campaign. Its structural constraints are hard
 xiv • PREFACE TO THE PAPERBACK EDITION

to resist. Campaigning rewards those who look as if

they are standing on principle, adamantly opposing
their political rivals, and mobilizing their most extreme
base. Primary elections that are open only to registered
party members have small and often grossly unrepre-
sentative turnouts. They supply the greatest rewards—
including vast amounts of money—to candidates who
display an uncompromising mindset. They offer few
incentives to cultivate the compromising mindset.
It would be misguided and futile to try to persuade
people to vote against their partisan preferences simply
for the sake of compromise. The partisan preferences
of citizens—not their views on compromise—play a
much greater role in determining which party’s candi-
dates to support, both rationally and emotionally. As
we emphasize in the book, the desirability of a com-
promise depends on its being seen from each partisan
perspective as an improvement over the status quo.
Citizens understandably want to elect those politicians
who, on balance, come closest to sharing their partisan
perspective.
Nevertheless, if voters are to have any reasonable
hope of turning their electoral preferences into legis-
lative practice, they need to recognize the importance
of supporting representatives who are willing to com-
promise enough to govern. Majorities of voters in both
parties say that it is more important for political lead-
ers to cooperate across party lines than to stick with
their positions. Recognizing the value of compromise
 PREFACE TO THE PAPERBACK EDITION • xv

is a first step, but it has to lead to accepting some actual

compromises. The approval of compromise in general
does not automatically translate into approval of a par-
ticular compromise (see pp. 25–27). Both Republican
and Democratic voters have to understand that recog-
nizing the value of compromise means that their repre-
sentatives will need to make actual compromises. Both
would then be more likely to support politicians who
can effectively govern as well as campaign.
The Spirit of Compromise is not an uncompromising
defense of compromise. The book emphasizes the value
of the uncompromising mindset in campaigning. Our
analysis also rejects the idea of a rigid division of labor
between the mindsets—the uncompromising only for
campaigning, the compromising only for governing. In
the business of governing, the strategy of taking strong
uncompromising stands as part of negotiating and bar-
gaining can be both practically effective and ethically
defensible. It is sometimes the only way to find the best
feasible compromise. And in campaigning, while not
actually making compromises with their opponents,
candidates may stand to gain by presenting themselves
as leaders willing to compromise if they win.
We argue in favor of a mixing of the mindsets (pp.
129–33). The most successful compromisers are con-
summate partisan politicians such as Ted Kennedy and
Orrin Hatch, both known as strong principled partisans
and—partly for that reason—both able to work together
to pass important health care and welfare legislation.
 xvi • PREFACE TO THE PAPERBACK EDITION

If the Kennedy-Hatch collaboration seems a story from

a different era, consider more recent examples: the
behind-the-scenes negotiations between Joe Biden and
Mitch McConnell, who were key to pulling off the com-
promises that temporarily saved the nation from fiscal
folly; the collaboration of Dick Durbin and Tom Co-
burn, neither of whom would be called centrists, which
made possible the classic compromise produced by the
Simpson-Bowles commission; the work of the Gang of
Eight (including the staunch liberal Chuck Schumer
and the resolute conservative Marco Rubio), which
helped bring about the Senate compromise on compre-
hensive immigration reform mentioned earlier; and the
leadership of Paul Ryan and Patty Murray (both fierce
partisans) that enabled the Bipartisan Budget Commit-
tee to reach the deal that at least temporarily ended the
budget standoff in 2013. If more members were willing
to mix their mindsets in these ways, the prospects of
compromise would be brighter and the reputation of
Congress higher.
As difficult as compromise is in a polarized politi-
cal climate, it is a misconception that only moderates
can compromise. This is another avoidance strategy.
Compromise may come more readily to moderates, but
polarized partisans need it just as much to make de-
mocracy work. Anyone capable of mixing a governing
with a campaigning mindset can compromise.
Another misconception tries to escape from compro-
mise in a way that is especially appealing to partisans:
 PREFACE TO THE PAPERBACK EDITION • xvii

just work to win big in the next election. This dodge is

plainly reinforced by the permanent campaign. It is the
route of those who would chase the tantalizing dream
of the uncompromising partisan: the next election will
settle the matter, once and for all. Mobilize the base.
Make sure your party gains control. Then push through
your agenda, undiluted. “The single most important
thing we want to achieve is for President Obama to be
a one-term president” (see p. 165). That McConnell did
not achieve this goal has not stopped Republicans—
or Democrats—from focusing much more on the next
election than on the next negotiation.
This vision of ongoing one-party national govern-
ment—however appealing in the context of an electoral
campaign—verges on fantasy. In our system in our time,
it is very unlikely that one party can gain complete con-
trol for long enough to enact its whole agenda unim-
peded. Even on those rare occasions when one party
controls both chambers, securing the 60 votes needed
to overcome the filibuster in the Senate has proved dif-
ficult. When one party does gain control, it still faces
the daunting task of making compromises within its
own ranks, as the Democrats discovered during the
long and acrimonious passage of the Patient Protection
and Affordable Care Act in 2010.
In other systems and in other parts of our own sys-
tem, compromise might seem to be less necessary.
Some critics long for a parliamentary form of govern-
ment, where (at least notionally) the winning party
 xviii • PREFACE TO THE PAPERBACK EDITION

takes control and enacts its program without needing

to make any concessions to opposition. But as recent
experience in other democracies shows, compromise is
still necessary, sometimes with coalition partners and
also almost always within the party.
In the U.S., as states and localities become more po-
litically homogenous, one-party dominance is increas-
ingly common. In states such as Texas, North Carolina,
Wisconsin, and California, single parties controlling
the state government have managed to push through
their programs without making significant concessions
to the opposition. Even more striking: some Congres-
sional districts have become so homogenous and hy-
per-partisan that their representatives not only do not
see any need to make concessions, but can hold on to
their seats only if they take uncompromising stands.
They are not inclined to heed pleas to compromise
from their party’s leaders, or to worry much about the
effect of their intransigence on the fortunes of the na-
tional party. Under these local circumstances, compro-
mise on national policies may, in fact, be pointless and,
in the short run, impossible. Although these districts
are part of the broader democratic process, they lack
some of the salient characteristics of a pluralist democ-
racy—especially the diversity. Pluralism is part of what
makes compromise necessary.
Yet at the national level and in most states, legis-
lation produced by bipartisan and intraparty com-
promise is more durable than that passed by a single
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