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 Sentimental Figures of Empire in
Eighteenth-Century Britain and France
This page intentionally left blank
 Sentimental Figures of Empire in
Eighteenth-Century Britain and France

ly n n f e s t a

The Johns Hopkins University Press

Baltimore
 © 2006 The Johns Hopkins University Press
All rights reserved. Published 2006
Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper
2 4 6 8 9 7 5 3 1

The Johns Hopkins University Press

2715 North Charles Street
Baltimore, Maryland 21218-4363
www.press.jhu.edu

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Festa, Lynn M. (Lynn Mary)
Sentimental figures of empire in eighteenth-century Britain and
France / Lynn Festa.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
isbn 0-8018-8430-6 (hardcover : acid-free paper)
1. English fiction—18th century—History and criticism. 2. French
fiction—18th century—History and criticism. 3. Sentimentalism in
literature. 4. Imperialism in literature. 5. Colonies in literature.
I. Title.
pr858.s45f47 2006
823⬘.509358—dc22 2006003549

A catalog record for this book is available from the British Library.
 c ontents

Acknowledgments vii

Introduction. The Great World Without 1

1 The Distinction of Sentimental Feeling 14

Sentimental Babel 15
Hume, Smith, and the Property of Feeling 22
French Sympathy and the Model of the Human 36
The Sentimental Wealth of Nations 44
Romance, Epic, and the Sentimental Rewriting
of Eighteenth-Century Empire 55

2 Sterne’s Snuffbox 67
Yorick’s Snuffbox and the Paradox of the
Sentimental Commodity 69
Emotions in an Age of Mechanical Reproduction 82
Tristram Shandy and the Befetish’d Word 92
The Sentimental Deficit and the Journal to Eliza 102

3 Tales Told by Things 111

The People Things Make 112
The Commodity’s Soliloquy 115
Thinking Through Things 125
Subject and Object in Olaudah Equiano’s Life 132

4 Making Humans Human 153

Of Price and Men 155
Day, Cowper, Wedgwood, and the Tropes of
Redundant Personification 160
Discriminating Figures in Janet Schaw’s Journal 171
Political Sympathies and the Sympathetic Misfire 178
Usurpation and Empathy in Parliamentary Debates 187
Reversible Figures 201
 vi Contents

5 Global Commerce in Raynal’s Histoire des deux Indes 205

Commerce as the Motor of the World 208
Lachrymose Intolerance 220
Human Interest 230

Coda. The Peripheral Vision of the Enlightenment 233

Notes 243
Works Cited 263
Index 289
 ac knowledg ments

It is somehow appropriate that a book that describes the shortcomings of

benevolence should itself be the product of myriad acts of unstinting generosity.
Many people have contributed to this project. I owe a tremendous debt to Joan
DeJean for her unflagging support and inspiration over the years. The critical in-
sight and generosity of John Richetti, Peter Stallybrass, Margreta de Grazia,
Lynn Hunt, Liliane Weissberg, and JoAnne Dubil during my years as a graduate
student at the University of Pennsylvania created a model of collegiality to
which I shall always aspire. Juliette Cherbuliez, Rayna Kalas, Nick Paige, Suzie
Verderber, and Amy Wyngaard are and have been for many years the kinds of
friends and intellectual community most people only dream of finding.
It would be impossible to list all the people at Harvard who have given me en-
couragement and support in writing this book (or who have provided welcome
respite from it), but particular thanks are due to Larry Buell, Leo Damrosch, Jim
Engell, Marge Garber, Stephen Greenblatt, and Barbara Johnson, as well as to
Oren Izenberg, Beth Lyman, Luke Menand, John Picker, Leah Price, Ann Row-
land, and Sharmila Sen. Many scholars in the field of eighteenth-century stud-
ies have helped me over the years, but I would especially like to thank Srinivas
Aravamudan, Julia Douthwaite, Beth Kowaleski-Wallace, Sue Lanser, Deidre
Lynch, David Marshall, Ruth Perry, Susan Staves, Jim Steintrager, and Cindy
Wall, as well as the members of the Eighteenth-Century Seminar at the Humani-
ties Center and the participants in the Bloomington Workshop on the Eighteenth
Century. In a book that makes arguments about the ambivalent desire to keep
one’s self to oneself, it is delightful to find the traces of so many other people.
The writing of this book was made possible by a fellowship at the Radcliffe
Institute for Advanced Study. I am grateful to Drew Faust, Judy Vichniac, and
the fellows of the 2003 cohort for an extraordinary year. A grant from the W. M.
Keck Foundation & Andrew Mellon Foundation enabled me to spend a produc-
 viii Acknowledgments

tive summer at the Huntington Library in 2003. Additional support for this book
was provided by the Harvard English Department’s Robinson-Rollins Fund.
An earlier version of a portion of Chapter 4 appeared in Interpreting Colo-
nialism, a special issue of Studies on Voltaire in the Eighteenth Century, edited by
Byron Wells and Philip Stewart (Oxford: Voltaire Foundation, 2004). I am grate-
ful to the editors for permission to use this material. I also wish to express my
gratitude to Peter Dreyer for his care in copyediting the manuscript. Finally,
thanks to my editor, Michael Lonegro, for his support and patience in seeing this
project through.
A number of other people have helped me to write this book in ways that may
be obscure to them but are perfectly clear to me: Frances Bennett, Dan Carey,
Maria Carter, Wendy Chun, Greg Coleman, Tess and Mike Festa, Katy Fogle,
Matt Gil, David Harrison, Judy Hershnik, Jill Heydt-Stevenson, Sonia Hofkosh,
Jack Killoy, Jacques Lezra, Anna McDonald, Phoebe Minias, Paul Moorcroft,
Anita Oliva, Lisa Randall, the Rozetts, John Stevenson, Sally Stiffler, Judith
Surkis, Alexis Tadié, Bob and Elizabeth Festa Watson, and Diana Wylie. And I
don’t know what I would have done without Patty, Kate, Nick, Mark, Sharmila,
Elizabeth, and Analia. No one could have been luckier in her family and friends.
This book is for the two people to whom I owe the most: my father, Adam
Festa, and my mother, Winnie Festa.
 Sentimental Figures of Empire in
Eighteenth-Century Britain and France
This page intentionally left blank
 introduction

The Great World Without

Really, universally, relations stop nowhere, and the exquisite prob-

lem of the artist is eternally but to draw, by a geometry of his
own, the circle within which they shall happily appear to do so.
—Henry James, preface, Roderick Hudson

A project concerned with the margins of the Enlightenment might as well be-
gin with a footnote. In the first volume of his sentimental novel The Life and
Opinions of Tristram Shandy (1759–67), Laurence Sterne describes a village
midwife who, as “she had all along trusted little to her own efforts, and a great
deal to those of dame nature,—had acquired, in her way, no small degree of rep-
utation in the world;—by which word world, need I in this place inform your
worship, that I would be understood to mean no more of it, than a small circle
described upon the circle of the great world, of four English miles diameter, or
thereabouts, of which the cottage where the good old woman lived, is supposed
to be the centre.”1 Lest readers miss the irony, Sterne’s French translator has-
tened in 1776 to add a footnote: “But do not be fooled: it was not the whole world.
She was not known, for example, among the Hottentot and Dutch women of the
Cape of Good Hope, who are said to give birth like Mother Nature. The world
for her was but a small circle.”2 The relationship between these two worlds—be-
tween the “small circle described upon the circle of the great world” and the
great world without—is the subject of this book. The circumscribed area of
“four English miles diameter,” the domain of the sentimental novel, jostles un-
comfortably against the land of the “Hottentots” and the “Dutch,” the domain
of empire. The evident superfluity of the translator’s explanation almost raises
the suspicion that it might be yet another layering of irony in the guise of an
earnest interpretive decoding: a sly trick to point out the self-contained nature,
not just of the old woman’s world, but of the narrow little world of the senti-
mental novel.
 2 Sentimental Figures of Empire

The sentimental mode held sway over the British and French literary imagi-
nation at a time when Europeans were fanning out across the globe in search of
commercial and colonial dominion. In the eighteenth century, the great trading
companies were consolidated; the sinews of empire were built up in the form of
systems of commerce, credit, tax collection, and armed power; the disciplines for
the comparative study of man were elaborated, and the slave trade flourished.
The British alone transported more than 3.4 million slaves from Africa to the
Americas between 1662 and 1807.3 By 1800, Europeans controlled more than 35
percent of the total land area of the globe; by 1815, the British empire embraced
one-fifth of the earth’s inhabitants.4 Why did sentimentality attain such dazzling
popularity just when European soldiers, merchants, politicians, and scientists
were piecing together colonial empires? Why did a literary form chiefly notable
for its preoccupation with the individual self become the mode of choice for writ-
ing about colonized populations, about slaves, about the disenfranchised, and the
eighteenth-century poor?
This book seeks to connect the turning inward of the sentimental mode and
the turning outward of empire in order to offer a history of the eighteenth-
century origins of humanitarian sensibility. Focusing primarily on the novel, I
argue that sentimental texts helped create the terms for thinking about agency
and intent across the geographic expanse of the globe by giving shape and local
habitation to the perpetrators, victims, and causal forces of empire. In an era in
which imperial reach increasingly outstripped imaginative grasp, sentimental
fiction created the tropes that enabled readers to reel the world home in their
minds. By designating certain kinds of figures as worthy of emotional expendi-
ture and structuring the circulation of affect between subjects and objects of feel-
ing, the sentimental mode allowed readers to identify with and feel for the plight
of other people while upholding distinctive cultural and personal identities; it
thus consolidated a sense of metropolitan community grounded in the selective
recognition of the humanity of other populations. Sentimental depictions of
colonial encounters refashioned conquest into commerce and converted scenes of
violence and exploitation into occasions for benevolence and pity. In the process,
sentimentality, not epic, became the literary mode of empire in the eighteenth
century.
Read in isolation, sentimental writings can be made to tell a tidy story about
the emergence of the modern psychological self. Placed in conversation with em-
pire, however, sentimentality invites both psychological and cultural readings of
the encounter between self and other. To read the sentimental text alongside the
colonial history of the Enlightenment is to recognize the myriad acts of affective
 The Great World Without 3

piracy that constitute the singularity of the sentimental self. I thus understand
the sentimental mode’s interest in the interior lives of its characters and readers
less as a chapter in the history of the freestanding modern individual than as a
response to colonial expansion. Even as global encounters demanded innovative
methods of imagining relations to others, the sentimental text sought to anchor
and preserve a continuously narrated self in a world whose local attachments
were being unmoored by exposure to different cultures and peoples. The pro-
tracted attention to the sustained threads of voice and character in sentimental
narrative constructed a common language of psychological depth that secured
the self in relation to the others it encountered, while the sentimental mode’s in-
vestment in affective and psychological interiority helped distinguish the partic-
ularity of the human from the interchangeability of the commodity, the self-
possessed individual from the dispossessed slave.
Sentimentality is defined here as a rhetorical practice that monitors and seeks
to master the sympathetic movement of emotion between individuals and groups
of people. Whereas sympathy alludes to the mobility of emotion between differ-
ent individuals, and sensibility describes individuals’ susceptibility to particular
kinds and degrees of feeling, sentimentality as a crafted literary form moves to
locate that emotion, to assign it to particular persons, thereby designating who
possesses affect and who elicits it. In distinguishing between subjects and objects
of feeling, the sentimental seeks to define what is proper to the self and what can
be shared by or exchanged with others: it polices the division of self from world.
Sentimentality, in other words, is bound up with the interests of empire, not only
because sentimental texts describe and elicit emotion, but also because they lo-
cate it. By governing the circulation of feeling among subjects and objects, sen-
timentality helps to define who will be acknowledged as human.
In making sentimental identification the primary means of representing
metropolitan relations with colonial populations, eighteenth-century writers
give unprecedented centrality to feeling as a form of social and cultural differ-
entiation. The sentimental subject—moved by suffering, sympathetic to others,
but alert to the vicissitudes of its own affect—creates a template for the human
grounded in the fact that others excite or experience emotion. “Who is it that can
read of the poverty and misery of the wretched inhabitants of Terra del Fuego,”
David Henry asks in his 1774 Historical Account of All the Voyages Round the
World, “who have nothing but the skins of beasts loosely thrown over them, . . .
without lamenting the condition of human beings, destitute, as these appear to
be, of every comfort and convenience[?] . . . What heart is so callous, as not to
sympathize[?]”5 What heart, indeed? Henry’s shivering natives, denuded of all the
 4 Sentimental Figures of Empire

comforts of civilization and clothing, can only inspire pity in those who have the
luxury of sympathy. Although the reader is suffused with emotion, sympathetic
identification creates difference rather than similitude; the reader is neither in-
vited to meld ecstatically with these wretched people nor to change places with
them. Henry constitutes the natives as human beings and simultaneously sorts
them into a separate class: subjects who sympathize and objects who elicit sym-
pathy confront one another across an affective and cultural divide in which one
set of people feels for another. Colonial expansion means that readers must find
ways of recognizing human likeness while maintaining other forms of differ-
ence. The sentimental community upholds a common identity, not by forging
bonds directly between seemingly like individuals, but by creating a shared re-
lationship to a common but excluded object about which the community has feel-
ings.
In sorting reader from suffering victim, feeling subject from object of feeling,
sentimental tropes, I argue, govern the movement of affect not just between
different kinds of individuals but between different kinds of individualisms. In
eighteenth-century texts, feeling as much as reason designates who has value and
who does not. Sentimental writings thus repeatedly confront the gap between
what constitutes a “lyric ‘person’—emotive, subjective, individual—and a legal
‘person’—rational, rights-bearing, institutional.”6 By allowing emotion to be so-
cially distributed, monitored, and culturally validated, the sentimental text both
raises and lowers the bar that distinguishes civilized from savage, human from
chattel slave, person from thing. The sentimental feeling self is thus the Janus
face of the Enlightenment rational subject, the possessive individual, the rights-
bearing citizen.
If the ability to inspire feeling demarcates the human community, the reverse
is also true. It is difficult to feel for peoples whose customs and manners are alien
to our own. Unfamiliarity breeds contempt. “We are,” Edmund Burke contends
in his 1783 “Speech on Fox’s India Bill,” “so little acquainted with Indian details;
the instruments of oppression under which the people suffer are so hard to be
understood; and even the very names of the sufferers are so uncouth and strange
to our ears, that it is very difficult for our sympathy to fix upon these objects.”7
Lacking a grasp both of the “Indian details” and of the big picture (the struc-
tural “instruments of oppression”), the reader cannot even produce objects with
whom to sympathize. Where names are so alien that they will not cleave to the
tongue, Burke asks, how is one to find sufficient commonality to create a sense of
another’s humanity?
Sentimental figures produce the means of drawing the unfamiliar into the lis-
 The Great World Without 5

tener’s ken. Thus it is to the sentimental novel that John Hawkesworth turns in
his compilation of South Sea journals. Hawkesworth invents a first-person com-
posite narrator in order to draw “the Adventurer and the Reader nearer together,
without the intervention of a stranger.” Novelistic technique, Hawkesworth
claims, supplements the deficiencies of history. Thus his dilation upon minor de-
tails “requires no apology,”

for it is from little circumstances that the relation of great events derives its power
over the mind. An account that ten thousand men perished in a battle, that twice
the number were swallowed up by an earthquake, or that a whole nation was swept
away by a pestilence, is read in the naked brevity of an index, without the least
emotion, by those who feel themselves strongly interested even for Pamela, the
imaginary heroine of a novel that is remarkable for the enumeration of particu-
lars in themselves so trifling, that we almost wonder how they could occur to the
author’s mind.8

Spartan descriptions or sweeping statistics make faint impressions; seemingly

“trifling” details lend power and verisimilitude to an otherwise affectively un-
convincing narrative. The dilation upon “little circumstances” that steeps the
reader in another world helps confer imaginary being upon distant peoples; sen-
timental figures reinvigorate feeling attenuated by distance and make sympa-
thetic identification possible.
Hawkesworth’s account describes how sentimental figures wrest readers from
indifference, fostering connections between otherwise insular individuals. Re-
cent scholarship on sentimentality has emphasized this capacity to forge social
bonds in the face of the self-interested passions of homo economicus, providing
the training of emotion needed to socialize the uncontrolled passions unleashed
by capitalism and simultaneously harnessing individual emotional life to the
marketplace.9 Arguments that emphasize the synthetic capacity of sentimental-
ity to create broader communities of sociability grounded in shared economic,
moral, aesthetic, or class-based interests have for the most part shied away from
extensive discussions of empire, perhaps because they have difficulty accommo-
dating the antagonisms and contradictions that surface when one enlarges the
community too much. My argument departs from this body of scholarship in
claiming that sentimental identification operates as a form of differentiation as
well as consolidation. Inasmuch as sympathy involves the readers’ experience of
feelings specifically designated as belonging to another person, it veers towards
a perilous absorption in another’s affect and interests that may threaten the au-
tonomy of the self. Thus although feelings may serve as social adhesive, the
 6 Sentimental Figures of Empire

traffic in sympathetic feeling may also spark a struggle to claim feelings for one’s
own. I endeavor to restore the agonistic element to sympathetic exchanges by ac-
knowledging the tension between the sociable benefits and pleasures of sympa-
thetic affect and the desire to uphold the singularity of the self. Hence, I under-
stand sentimentality not as part of a continuum on which one might also place
sensibility and sympathy but as a rhetorical structure that contains the poten-
tially indiscriminate circulation of feeling.
The fact that sympathetic traffic flows beyond the boundaries of individuals
challenges the proto-romantic idea that feelings have their origins in unique, in-
terior, personal experience; the emotions sometimes thought to constitute the self
may not be one’s own. The suggestion that, in Adela Pinch’s words, “feelings may
be impersonal; that one’s feelings may really be someone else’s; that feelings may
be purely conventional, or have no discernible origins,”10 calls other contempo-
rary concepts of subjectivity into question. For how can one collate eighteenth-
century accounts of the person—the political subject girded round by rights and
duties, the self-proprietary individual who enters into market relations with oth-
ers—with the affective self, whose messy identifications, disruptive passions, in-
explicable propensities, and uncertain borders escape precise definition?
Discussions of the management of emotion—the attribution of feeling to
specific people or groups of people, the command over one’s own emotions, the
subjectivity, interiority, and self-propriety that issue from them—have largely
centered on gender in recent years.11 Yet the proclivity of feelings to wander in
eighteenth-century texts becomes particularly risky in the context of empire, re-
sulting in a menacing usurpation of the self that threatens to collapse distinc-
tions based on nation, religion, or race. Because sympathy breaks down the bor-
ders that support the categories of self and other (a division that sentimentality
endeavors to reassert), it interrupts the tidy shot/reverse-shot model of self-other
relations that often surfaces in discussions of empire in the eighteenth century.
Colonial encounters were messy, ill-assorted things, spawning scenes of mutual
unintelligibility marked by confusion, delirium, and violence. As Jonathan Lamb
has shown in Preserving the Self in the South Seas, the loneliness, wonder, fear,
and bafflement experienced by travelers and indigenes could veer towards self-
dissolution, imperiling the continuity and unity of the self. By recasting this
confusion into scenes of benevolent reciprocity, sentimental depictions of these
moments of contact attempt to master a potentially vertiginous relation. The
structure sentimental tropes imposed upon vagrant affect enabled Europeans to
preserve the identity of the self in encounters that knitted subject and object to-
gether in ways that were difficult to disentangle.
 The Great World Without 7

This book poses these questions about the continuity of personal identity in
the context of recent work on the way eighteenth-century colonial and imperial
activity called into being or reoriented categories of nation, gender, family, class,
and race.12 How did these broader concepts of human difference become incor-
porated into the practices and perceptions of daily life? How did they reshape the
identity of the self? There is, as Dror Wahrman has recently observed, “no rea-
son to expect the historical development of understandings of personal identity
to mirror that of categories of identity such as gender or race.”13 My argument
traces the cultural and literary labor that aligns the felt perception of who is a
person with emerging historical categories that delimit the human. The senti-
mental governance of emotion, I contend, welds the affective response to other
people to broader structures of human classification in order both to include and
to exclude individuals from the class of humanity. The central question I want
to pose thus concerns the eighteenth-century concept of the person.
Where critical work on sentimentality has treated empire, it has often focused
on the presence of colonial people or objects in sentimental texts, addressing the
political labor performed by the sentimental in arousing metropolitan readers’
moral and affective responses to the colonies.14 Where critical work on empire
has taken up sentimentality, it has often addressed the ideological sugarcoating
that allows, for example, patriarchy to portray itself as paternalism by casting
colonial aggression as fatherly protection of helpless, feminized populations at
home and abroad. The sentimental heroes of what Mary Louise Pratt calls “anti-
conquest”15 —the weak but kindly Hickmans, Détervilles, Saint Preuxs, Har-
leys, Yoricks, and Primroses of the world—consolidate the role of the compas-
sionate master in order to defend traditional hierarchies against the challenges
implicit in the Enlightenment recognition that the freedom, autonomy, and ra-
tionality of all are grounds for political and legal equality. Certainly, the dying
Indians, grateful slaves, and benevolent savages who populate sentimental texts
possess little of the revolutionary agency that Srinivas Aravamudan locates in the
figure of the “tropicopolitan” (Aravamudan’s name for “the colonized subject
who exists both as fictive construct of colonial tropology and actual resident of
tropical space, object of representation and agent of resistance”).16 My argu-
ment, however, is not that sentimentality was a blind for pernicious activity go-
ing on elsewhere. Rather, I claim that the mode was productively linked to im-
perial activities, a by-product of the very contradictions it is said to disguise. In
exposing the discrepancy between Enlightenment ideals and the realities of hu-
man suffering and exploitation, empire begets sentimentality.
This study is thus not primarily concerned with the sentimental mystification
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