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THE LORD'S TABLE
 SYMBOL AND CULTURE

A series edited by
J. David Sapir, J. Christopher Crocker, Peter Metcalf,
Michelle Zimbalist Rosaldo, and Renato Rosaldo
TH€ LORD'S T71BL6
E U C H A R I S T A N D P A S S O V E R

I N E A R L Y C H R I S T I A N I T Y

GILLIAN F E E L E Y - H A R N I K

UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA PRESS

Philadelphia
1981
This work was published with the support of the Haney Foundation

Copyright © 1981 by Gillian Feeley-Harnik

All rights reserved

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Feeley-Harnik, Gillian, 1940-

T h e Lord's Table.

(Symbol and culture)

Bibliography, p.
Includes index.
1. Lord's Supper—History—Early church, ca. 30-600.
2. Passover—History. 3. Passover—Christian observance.
I. Title. II. Series.
BV823.F4 264.36 80-50693
ISBN 0-8122-7786-4 AACR2

Printed in the United States of America

To Alan
 CONTENTS

Acknowledgments ix

I. ANTHROPOLOGY AND THE BIBLE I

Anthropology and Biblical
Scholarship i
The Anthropology of Food 6
Argument and Methods 18

2 . JEWISH SECTARIANISM IN THE GRECO-ROMAN PERIOD 24

History after the Babylonian Exile 24
Who Is the True Israelite? 30
Jerusalem at the Time of Jesus 40
And Who Is My Neighbor? 48

3 . THE INTERPRETATION OF SCRIPTURE 55

Water and Wine 56
Gluttony 63

4 . FOOD SYMBOLISM IN THE JUDAIC TRADITION 71

Blessing 72
Judgment 76
Acceptance and Rejection 79
Doubt 81
God's Food Is His Word 82
Commensalism and Covenant 85
Commensalism and Sectarianism 91
Commensalism and Apostasy 96

vii
 C O N T E N T S

5. THE LAST SUPPER IO7

The Heavenly Wedding Banquet 108
The Last Supper 111
Last Supper and Passover 115
The Passover Seder 120
Style in Midrash 127
Time 130
Place 132
The Community 134
The Sacrifice 139
The Death of Isaac and the
Destruction of Kinship 141
Jesus' Passover 144

6. THE FOLLY OF THE GOSPEL I49

The Legitimacy of Jesus 150
Wine into Water 153
Peter's Vision 156
From Caesarea to Antioch 163

7. CONCLUSION 165

Bibliography 169
Index 179

vii i
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This essay has benefited from the contributions of many of

my colleagues in anthropological and biblical studies. I am
especially grateful to Professor T. O. Beidelman for
introducing me to the anthropological study of the Bible and
for reading and criticizing innumerable drafts; to Professor
John Middleton, who taught together with Professor
Beidelman the graduate seminar on the anthropology of
Christianity for which this essay was originally written in
1970; to the editors of the Symbol and Culture series,
Professors J. David Sapir, J. Christopher Crocker, Peter
Metcalf, Michelle Zimbalist Rosaldo, and Renato Rosaldo, for
their very useful advice on revision; and to Professor Peter
Metcalf for his patient and painstaking editorial assistance
and his encouragement.
Being uncomfortably well acquainted with the biblical
maxim "he that diggeth a pit shall fall into it," I am grateful
to my colleagues in the history of religion for doing their best
to guide me: to Professors Anne Matter and Norman Petersen
for their critical reading of early drafts of the manuscript
and for spending long hours discussing a variety of topics
related to biblical scholarship, and to Professors Phyllis Ann
Bird and Robert A. Kraft for their assistance on numerous
points. I take full responsibility for the way I have used their
advice in developing the argument of this essay and for any
errors that still remain.
I would like to thank Rosemary Lane, Donna Chenail,
and Blair Jackson for their assistance in typing and proof-
reading, and Jane Barry for her skill in editing the final copy.
I am grateful to Williams College for granting me a leave
in 1979-80, and to the Bunting Institute of Radcliffe College
for providing ideal circumstances in which to write.

ix
TH€ LORD'S TABLE
 1
ANTHROPOLOGY AND THE BIBLE

I s u p p l i e d this w o r l d w i t h u n f a i l i n g
food a n d a m y s t e r i o u s l a w ; but those
w h o m I c r e a t e d t u r n e d to a l i f e of cor-
ruption.
2 E s d r a s 9:19, NEB'

The eucharist, the meal of bread and wine that commemorates

the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ, is one of the central
sacraments of Christianity. Also known as the Lord's Supper
(Caena Domini), the Lord's Table (Mensa Domini), and the
Lord's Body (Corpus Domini), it derives from the descriptions of
the last supper of Jesus Christ with his disciples collected in the
gospels and in the letters of Paul, in which thanksgiving, eu-
charistia in the Greek of the New Testament, played a large
part.
The eucharist has changed considerably over the centuries,
as any history of its ideology and practice will show. The pur-
pose of this work is to analyze the nature and significance of the
meal during the time in which it originated as one of the central
symbols of a Jewish sect—that is, during the time of Christ, to
whom the injunctions "eat my flesh" and "drink my blood" are
attributed—and the somewhat later time of Paul and other New
Testament writers, on whom we are primarily dependent for

1. This quotation is from The New English Bible with the Apocrypha (1970),
hereafter cited as NEB. Unless so noted, biblical quotations in this work are from
the New Oxford Annotated Bible with the Apocrypha (May and Metzger 1977).

I
 T H E L O R D ' S T A B L E

information concerning the origins and development of early

Christianity.
The eucharist is familiar to us now, but it was unusual, even
shocking, to participants and observers at the time of Christ.
Why did early Christians choose to represent their beliefs in
such an extraordinary meal? The answer must be sought in the
larger context, in the eating habits of contemporary Jews and
gentiles as exhibited in documents written or in use during the
Greco-Roman period in Palestine and the diaspora.
Meals, I will argue, symbolize proper behavior among social
groups in relation to one another and in relation to God. Who
may eat what with whom is a direct expression of social, politi-
cal, and religious relations. The eating behavior described by
early Christian symbolists—the feeding miracles, the fasting,
the dietary indiscretions, and especially the last supper—was
intended to contrast their more universalistic politico-religious
beliefs, attributed to Jesus Christ, with the more nationalistic
conceptions of other Jewish sects, symbolized above all by the
passover meal.
The purpose of this chapter is to discuss some of the an-
thropological work on food and the Bible out of which this argu-
ment developed and to describe the approach to these subjects
that will be taken here.

Anthropology and Biblical Scholarship

Although anthropologists have always been interested in
religion, they have rarely analyzed the Bible from an anthropo-
logical perspective. Edmund Leach is one of the outstanding
exceptions. In the fourth of five articles on Old and New Testa-
ment themes published between 1961 and 1973, Leach castigates
anthropologists from Frazer to the present for their conspicuous
avoidance of biblical material, which he attributes to an "ex-
traordinary squeamishness about the analysis of Christianity
and Judaism, religions in which they themselves or their close
friends are deeply involved." In his view, "If anthropologists are
to justify their claim to be students of comparative religion, they
need to be less polite" (1967:46).

2
 Anthropology and the Bible

We could, with Geertz (1968:22), argue that anthropologists

have been studying their own religions all along, disguised as
the religions of "exotic others." Nevertheless, in fairness to
Frazer, we must also acknowledge that if he did not deal ade-
quately with virgin birth or any other New Testament topic, he
did tackle the Old Testament, notably in his three-volume work
on Folk-Lore in the Old Testament (1918), written for the purpose
of "detecting the savagery under civilization" (i:viii). Further-
more, his influence on biblical scholarship, through his own
work and through the work of William Robertson Smith, his
teacher and close friend, was considerable (Beidelman 1974;
Hahn 1966:44-82; Rogerson 1978).
Indeed, it is largely owing to the treatment of biblical
themes by Frazer and his contemporaries that the comparative,
or "anthropological," approach to biblical studies has fallen into
disrepute, not only among anthropologists, but also among bibli-
cal scholars (Wilson 1977:13-14). Biblical scholars came to attack
anthropological analyses of the Bible for many of the same rea-
sons anthropologists came to criticize the methods of evolution-
ists and diffusionists generally. They depended too often on data
of poor quality, snatched from context and forced into specula-
tive evolutionary designs that purported to be about time and
change while remaining remarkably static and normative.
Commenting on the dangers of imposing anthropological theory
at the cost of Old Testament realities, as illustrated in Hubert
and Mauss's study of sacrifice (1899), Hahn summarizes issues
that are still problematic in anthropological analyses of biblical
subjects:

In order to fit the data into their scheme of interpretation,

they treated the Old Testament as all of a piece, ignoring the
possibility of variation in viewpoint or of historical growth
in the ideas expressed. Declaring that their purpose was to
make a general analysis of sacrifice, not a historical^study of
its forms, they took the whole Pentateuch as their base,
disregarding the critical analysis of its parts and paying
little or no attention to the data which criticism had
amassed regarding the historical development of sacrificial
customs among the Israelites. More confidence in the valid-
ity of their conclusions would have been possible if they had

3
 T H E L O R D ' S T A B L E

taken into account the results of other approaches to the Old

Testament. [1966:63]
Except for Schapera, in his Frazer Lecture on "The sin of
Cain" (1955), anthropologists avoided biblical studies until the
1960s, when Edmund Leach, then Mary Douglas, began writing
on the subject. Their example has inspired many, if not all, of
the more recent studies, including the present one.2 The meth-
ods of these efforts range from structuralism to cultural ecology.
Nevertheless, they share a common interest in justifying our
claim to be students of comparative religion and in broadening
our cross-cultural understanding by including archeological
and historical as well as ethnographic data.
Some of these authors use anthropological theory and meth-
odology to explicate the Bible, just as Frazer sought an explana-
tion of the mark of Cain in comparative ethnography because
the meaning of the mark was not stated in the biblical text (1918,
1:78-103). Others are more interested in using biblical material
to explain the religious behavior of other people. Thus Schapera
(1955) uses the Old Testament accounts of Cain and Abel to ana-
lyze the distinctions made in African societies between the kill-
ing of kin and the killing of non-kin. Leach (1967) deliberately
includes Christian material in explaining alleged beliefs in
virgin birth among Australian aborigines and Trobrianders.
Likewise, Bourdillon (1977) examines divination and politics in
ancient Israel in order to contribute to our understanding of
contemporary Shona oracles.
Similar motives seem to account for the renewed interest of
biblical scholars in anthropological analysis. This is particu-
larly true of New Testament specialists, who had never shared
their Old Testament colleagues' interest in anthropology (Der-
rett 1973:100; Gager 1975:14-15)-
Gager, as a biblical scholar, wonders, like Leach, why "the
study of early Christianity, as normally practiced, seems so diff-
erent from the study of more exotic religions in Africa, Aus-
tralia, and Melanesia?" (i975:xi), and suggests that theological,

2. Leach 1961, 1962, 1966, 1967, 1973a, 1973b; Douglas 1966a, 1971, 1973; Andriolo
1973; Beidelman 1963; Bourdillon 1977; Bourdillon and Fortes 1980; Carroll 1977;
Derrett 1971, 1973, 1979; M. Harris 1974a, 1974b; Keyser 1975; Marshall 1979; Pam-
ment 1972, 1973; Pitt-Rivers 1977; Pocock 1975.

4
 Anthropology and the Bible

cultural, and historical factors, afflicting even the ostensibly

more objective historical-critical school, are responsible. New
Testament scholarship in particular has been so overwhelmed
by theological and related concerns that he regards his own
treatment of early Christianity as "a social world in the making"
as "a paradigm-shift in a highly traditional field of scholarship"
(ibid.: 2, 3).
Gager argues that one of the most fruitful ways of dealing
with the limits imposed by "woefully incomplete" data is to move
away from the historical and sometimes theological particula-
rism that has characterized New Testament scholarship toward
a more comparative and theoretical approach. The value of such
an approach lies in the external controls and additional data
concerning human behavior in similar situations that models
drawn from the study of other cultures may provide (ig75:xi, 3-4).
Other scholars, arguing that Gager's efforts at broad cross-
cultural comparison are premature, have nevertheless been in-
spired by the possibilities to create a study group on "The Social
World of Early Christianity," jointly sponsored by the American
Academy of Religion and the Society of Biblical Literature, for
the purpose of collecting the basic historical data they feel are
essential to such an enterprise (Meeks 1975a; J. Z. Smith 1975,
1978a).
These scholars are not alone in advocating a more anthropo-
logical or sociological approach to the analysis of biblical and
related material. Especially notable are the studies of Gottwald
(1979) on the political economy and ideology of early Israel;
Neusner (1973a) on the concept of purity in Talmudic Judaism,
to which Mary Douglas has contributed a "critique and com-
mentary"; Theissen (1978) on the community organization of the
"Jesus movement"; and Wilson on genealogy and history in the
biblical world (1977) and on Israelite prophecy (1980). To these
might be added a variety of other works reflecting the kind of
multicultural approach that seems to be increasingly character-
istic of the field.3

3. See, for example, Bauer 1971; Davies 1977; Isenberg 1975; Isenberg and
Owen 1977; Kee 1977, 1980; Kelber 1976b; R. A. Kraft 1975; Malherbe 1977; Meeks
1972; Meeks and Wilken 1978; J. Z. Smith 1978b and M. Smith 1971a. See also the
review articles of Harrington 1980; Scroggs 1980; and Worgul 1979.

5
 T H E L O R D ' S T A B L E

This monograph is intended as a contribution to the cooper-

ative, interdisciplinary research of colleagues in anthropo-
logical and biblical studies. Anthropologists stand to benefit
especially from the richness and historical depth of the data on
food symbolism in Israel and among Jews of the diaspora during
the Greco-Roman period. An anthropological understanding of
the cultural and social significance of food symbolism elsewhere
and in other times may help to clarify some of the more enig-
matic culinary issues in scripture as well.

The Anthropology of Food

Food is the subject of a vast anthropological literature. The prob-
lem of who eats what with whom and why has been approached
from a variety of perspectives, ranging from the ecological to the
symbolic.
It is my own conviction that nutritional and other utilitarian
considerations do not adequately explain the ideology and be-
havior involved in the production, preparation, and consump-
tion of food. People classify as "food" only a small portion of the
wide range of edible and nourishing materials available to them
in their environments. Moreover, attitudes toward the plants,
animals, and other things characterized as edible, edible under
certain circumstances, or inedible appear to be related by means
of complex systems of classification to other ways in which they
conceptualize their worlds.4 Before expanding on this theme, it
might be useful to examine some of the alternative explanations
as they have been applied to Jewish dietary laws.
The prominence in both the theory and practice of Judaism
of rules concerning food has long posed a problem to anthropolo-
gists as well as biblical scholars. Frazer could not neglect what
he regarded as "relics of ruder times .. . preserved like fossils in
the Old Testament" (1918, i:vii). He begins his chapter "Not to
Seethe a Kid in its Mother's Milk" by saying:

4. See, for example, Bulmer 1967; Douglas 1957, 1966, 1971, 1973; Leach 1964;
Lévi-Strauss 1962, 1964-71; McKnight 1973; Middleton 1961; Panoff 1970; Tambiah
1969; Verdier 1966; Wijeyewardene 1968; and Y a l m a n 1969.

6
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