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 The Political Philosophy of Zionism
Trading Jewish Words for a Hebraic Land

Zionism emerged at the end of the nineteenth century in response

to a rise in anti-Semitism in Europe, to a deteriorating economic
­predicament for Jews in Eastern Europe, and to the crisis of modern
Jewish identity. This novel, national revolution aimed to unite a scat-
tered community defined mainly by shared texts and literary ­tradition
into a vibrant political entity destined for the Holy Land. As this
remarkable book demonstrates, however, Zionism was about much
more than a national political ideology and practice. This movement
pictured time as wholly open and aesthetic in nature, attempted to
humanize space through collective action, and enlivened the Hebrew
language but stripped it of its privileged ontological status in Judaism.
By tracing the origins of Zionism in the context of a European history
of ideas, and by considering the writings of key Jewish and Hebrew
writers and thinkers from the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, this
book offers an entirely new philosophical perspective on Zionism as a
unique movement based on intellectual boldness and belief in human
action. In counterdistinction to the studies of history and ideology
that dominate the field, this book also offers a new way of reflecting
on contemporary Israeli politics.

Eyal Chowers is a Senior Lecturer of Political Science at Tel Aviv

University in Israel, where he also serves as the co-head of the graduate
program in political leadership. He is the author of The Modern Self
in the Labyrinth: Politics and the Entrapment Imagination (2004).
A poster by the Histadrut, The General Federation of Labor in Israel, calling
upon new immigrants that came to Israel in the 1950s to take part in the mass
campaign “hanchalat halashon” (fostering the language) and register for Hebrew
classes provided by the Histadrut and other organizations all over the ­country. The
poster was created by Eliyahu Vardimon (the exact year is unknown). Courtesy of
The Central Zionist Archives, Jerusalem.
The Political Philosophy of Zionism
Trading Jewish Words for a Hebraic Land

Eyal Chowers
Tel Aviv University
 cambridge university press
Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town,
Singapore, São Paulo, Delhi, Tokyo, Mexico City

Cambridge University Press

32 Avenue of the Americas, New York, ny 10013-2473, usa
www.cambridge.org
Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781107005945

© Eyal Chowers 2012

This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception

and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
no reproduction of any part may take place without the written
permission of Cambridge University Press.

First published 2012

Printed in the United States of America

A catalog record for this publication is available from the British Library.

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication data

Chowers, Eyal.
The political philosophy of Zionism : trading Jewish words for a Hebraic
land / by Eyal Chowers.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
isbn 978-1-107-00594-5 (hardback)
1. Zionism. 2. Zionism – Philosophy. 3. Hebrew
language – Political aspects. 4. Hebrew language – Social
aspects. I. Title.
ds149.c446 2011
320.54095694–dc22    2011006214

isbn 978-1-107-00594-5 Hardback

Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of urls
for external or third-party Internet Web sites referred to in this publication and does not
guarantee that any content on such Web sites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.
 Contents

List of Illustrations page vii

Acknowledgments ix

Introduction 1
1. Jews and the Temporal Imaginations of Modernity 19
I. Kant and the Future Integration of Human Space 24
II. Semicyclicality and the Poetic Redemption of Time 36
III. Spatial Mobility, Self-Interest, and the Ascent
of Present-Centeredness 60
2. The Zionist Temporal Revolution 72
I. Judaism and Revolution 76
II. The Skeleton of History 82
III. Zionism and Sundered History 94
IV. From Sundered History to Building 109
3. The End of Building 115
I. Building as an End in Itself 121
II. Zionism, Discontinuity, and Modernist Architecture 128
III. Belonging and the World of Matter 133
IV. Belonging and the Humanization of Space 136
V. Community of Builders 142
VI. Telishut 148
4. Hebrew and Politics 153
I. Can Man be the Measure of All Things in Hebrew? 157
II. Language, Collective Sprit, and Teleological Time:
Ahad Ha’am 171
III. Language, Time, and Revolution: Chaim Nachman
Bialik 189

v
vi Contents

5. Democratic Language and Zionism 215

I. Language and Revealment 218
II. Democratic Language and Tradition 226
Conclusion 241

Bibliography 257
Index 271
 List of Illustrations

1. Israel and Rivka Pollack upon their arrival at the

moshav Ein Ayala, Israel (1951). Photo by Zoltan
Kluger, courtesy of The Central Zionist Archives,
Jerusalem. page 18
2. A mosaic floor with Hebrew-Aramaic inscription in a
fifth-century synagogue in Jericho. Photo by Milner
Moshe, May 19, 1968. Courtesy of the Government Press
Office, Israel. 36
3. Defense Minister Moshe Dayan. Photo by Moshe
Milner, July 24, 1969. Courtesy of the Government Press
Office, Israel. 71
4. A poster announcing a boxing competition (1943).
Photo courtesy of The Central Zionist Archives, Jerusalem. 108
5. Jewish laborers on the shore near Tel Aviv loading
camels with sand for building. Photo by Zoltan Kluger,
August 1, 1939. Courtesy of the Government
Press Office, Israel. 114
6. A construction worker, Rothschild Boulevard, Tel
Aviv. Photo by Ze’ev Aleksandrowicz, 1933. 120
7. A worker at a brick manufacturing factory in Tel Aviv.
Photo by Hans Pinn, June 1, 1946. Courtesy of the
Government Press Office, Israel. 128

vii
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viii List of Illustrations

8. Chief of Staff Yitzhak Rabin speaking at the Mount Scopus

Amphitheatre after receiving an honorary doctorate from
the Hebrew University at the end of the Six Day War. Photo
by Ilan Bruner, June 28, 1967. Courtesy of the Government
Press Office, Israel. 147
9. Lord Arthur Balfour addressing the audience at the
opening ceremony of the Hebrew University (1925).
Unknown photographer; photo courtesy of The Central
Zionist Archives, Jerusalem. 151
10. Notrim (or Gafirim, members of the Jewish police force set
up by the British administration in Mandatory Palestine)
guarding the Hebrew University on Mount Scopus (1947).
Photo by Ya’akov Ben-Dov, courtesy of The Central Zionist
Archives, Jerusalem. 151
11. A donkey carrying books for the National Library at the
Hebrew University. Unknown photographer and year;
photo courtesy of The Central Zionist Archives, Jerusalem. 152
12. A “youth Aliya” girl on guard duty at the “Ayanot”
agriculture school. Photo by Zoltan Kluger, April 4,
1948. Courtesy of the Government Press Office, Israel. 170
13. David Ben-Gurion and the late poet Chaim Nachman
Bialik aboard the S.S. Martha Washington on a cruise.
Unknown photographer, October 1, 1933. Courtesy of the
Government Press Office, Israel. 190
14. Chaim Nachman Bialik (1925). Unknown photographer;
photo courtesy of The Central Zionist Archives, Jerusalem. 191
15. A poster issued during the 1950s by Haifa’s city council
as part of a national effort to teach the new Jewish
immigrants Hebrew. Poster courtesy of The Central
Zionist Archives, Jerusalem. 213
16. A poster issued by the Ministry of Education during
the 1950s explaining basic concepts regarding
transportation and travel to new immigrants.
Poster courtesy of The Central Zionist Archives, Jerusalem. 214
17. Jewish and Arab workers marching in the May Day
parade in Ramle. Photo by Zoltan Kluger, May 1, 1949.
Courtesy of the Government Press Office, Israel. 240
 Acknowledgments

I started working on this project a long time ago, erroneously believing

it would take me just a few years to complete. But the more I delved into
the subject of Zionism and its relation to modernity, the more subtle and
fascinating this subject became, in my opinion at least.
There are certainly many downsides to writing a book over an extended
period of time, but one of the advantages is that one can consult with and
benefit from many friends, colleagues, and students.
I would like to thank Janet Benton, Leora Bilsky, Eppie Kreitner, David
Myers, Natalie Oman, Yoav Peled, Nancy Schwartz, Idith Zertal, and
Yael Zerubavel for reading parts of this manuscript and helping me to
improve it substantially. Thanks, especially, to Charles Blattberg and
Aharon Klieman for their many useful comments and for being gener-
ous with their time. I also benefited from illuminating discussions with
Revital Amiran, Seyla Benhabib, Eva Illouz Yaron Ezrahi, Azar Gat, Ariel
Hirschfeld, Steven Smith, Bernard Yack, and Ronald Zweig. Thanks also
to Lior Erez, Dimitry Kortukov, and Yonatan Preminger from Tel Aviv
University for their help at different stages, as well as to Anat Banin and
Nechma Kanner from the Zionist Archives.
I would also like to thank the Shalem Center in Jerusalem for support-
ing the early parts of my research and for its hospitality, and the Van Leer
Jerusalem Institute for allowing me to use its splendid library for many
years.
My students at Tel Aviv University (and, during one semester, at Yale
University) have been extremely helpful in the formation of this book.
They have tolerated my half-baked ideas during many classes, challenged
me, and enriched my thought immensely; I am very grateful to them.

ix
x Acknowledgments

I am beholden to Eliyahu Vardimon (1912–81), the creator of the beau-

tiful poster reprinted on the cover of this book. Mr. Vardimon, a chalutz,
artist, designer, and author of archaeology books, came to Mandatory
Palestine from Dresden, Germany, in 1934. He created many posters
for various Zionist organizations such as the Jewish National Fund and
Keren Hayesod, and he was a chief designer of numerous international
exhibitions representing the government of Israel and others. Vardimon’s
poster conveys the attempt of Zionists to displace foreign languages with
Hebrew, not to trade Jewish words for a Hebraic land – but as we shall
see, these ideas are akin.
Many thanks also to my editor, Marigold Acland, for her trust, insight-
ful guidance, and very substantial help along the way. I have also benefited
much from the comments of the anonymous readers for Cambridge
University Press.
In the production of this book, I was very fortunate to receive excellent
professional assistance and a friendly attitude from Phyllis Berk, Mark
Fox, and Regina Paleski. Thanks also to Joy Mizan for her patience and
for facilitating the communication among all those involved.
I am especially grateful to Yael Agam, who encouraged me along the
way.
I would like to dedicate this book to two young and extraordinary
persons I loved who died during their military service: Michal Amit
(1961–80) and my cousin Ephraim Chowers (1960–82).
Earlier versions of some parts of this book have been published else-
where. I would like to thank the following publishers for kindly allow-
ing me to make use of the following materials: “The End of Building:
Zionism and the Politics of the Concrete,” by Eyal Chowers, The Review
of Politics, Vol. 64 (no. 4), Sept. 2002, pp. 599–626, © 2002 University
of Notre Dame. Reprinted with the permission of Cambridge University
Press; Eyal Chowers, “Language and Democracy in the Thought of
Hannah Arendt,” in Hannah Arendt: A Half-Century of Polemics, Idith
Zertal and Moshe Zuckermann (eds.), pp. 33–48 (Tel Aviv: Hakibbutz
Hameuchad, 2005), © 2005 Hakibbutz Hameuchad. Reprinted with the
permission of Hakibbutz Hameuchad; Eyal Chowers, “The Marriage of
Time and Identity: Kant, Benjamin, and the Nation-State,” Philosophy
and Social Criticism, May 1999, Vol. 25 (no. 3), pp. 55–80, © 1999, Sage
Publications. Reprinted with the permission of Sage Publications; Eyal
Chowers, “Gushing Time: Modernity and the Multiplicity of Temporal
Homes,” Time and Society, Sept. 2002, Vol. 11 (nos. 2 & 3), pp. 235–
249, © 2002, Sage Publications. Reprinted with the permission of Sage
 Acknowledgments xi

Publications; Eyal Chowers, “Time in Zionism: The Life and Afterlife

of a Temporal Revolution,” Political Theory, Vol. 26 (no. 5), Oct. 1998,
pp. 652–85, © 1998, Sage Publications. Reprinted with the permission of
Sage Publications; Eyal Chowers, “Ahad Ha’am and the Jewish Volkgeist,”
in Global Politics: Essays in the Honour of David Vital, A. Ben-Zvi and
A. Kleiman (eds.), pp. 267–82 (London: Frank Cass Publishers, 2001), ©
2001, Taylor & Francis. Reprinted with the permission of the Taylor &
Francis Group.
 Introduction

There are rare moments in one’s life when radical change becomes
­inescapable. We do not seek these moments; they most often occur when
all other options have been pushed to the ground, and collapsed. We
have a number of tactics to cope with challenging times, tactics we cling
to more tightly when we are desperate to escape radical change. Some of
us flee into the present: We immerse ourselves in the little pleasures of
life, in intimacy and bonding, in the objects we possess and the achieve-
ments we have marshaled; the rest, the dreadful memories and cloudy
prospects – the events that are too certain and those that are wholly
uncertain – we tend to deliberately ignore. Not to think too much is the
credo of the present seeker. Or some of us try to trust in the future, hop-
ing to gradually reform ourselves and the world, believing, like Hegel
and Marx did, that the contradictions in human life must be resolved
through progress in history, that the promise of harmony, fulfillment,
and happiness eludes us just because we are limited by our location in
the narrative. We may be devoured by opposing forces, commitments,
relations – but on a higher plane, to which we shall be carried by the
wings of time, these forces are not incompatible. Still others among us
flee to the past: We believe that tradition possesses the ultimate author-
ity, that it contains truth and wisdom, that if we cling to the old ways of
dwelling in the world we will not only maintain dignity and identity, but
will also be able to cope well with the contingencies of circumstances.
When these and other strategies of escape have been exhausted, how-
ever – when the present becomes too harsh, the notion of the future as
progressive betterment is revealed as an illusion, and tradition is experi-
enced as totally at odds with actual circumstances – the moment arrives

1
2 The Political Philosophy of Zionism

when we accept that we must face a decision: to make a radical trans-

formation in the ways we act and think or to relinquish the hope of
becoming a whole, or at least capable, individual. This is a moment of
both sadness and excitement, of letting go of one mode of existence that
shaped us and exploring the unknown.
Something similar happens to communities. They also, at rare times
to be sure, reach points at which they must make decisions: change or
disappear, create themselves anew or perish in their old ways. These
are times for beginning from scratch, for destroying and inventing,
for forgetting and imagining. When individuals transform their lives,
they seclude themselves or change their vocation, or alter relations, or
exhume their inner voice; when communities seek transformation, they
give birth to or breathe new life into politics.
This book is about the crisis of the Jewish people in modernity, and
especially about the radical politics some of them have embraced in the
form of Zionism. Zionism is the creation of politics: of new institutions
and resources, of zealous leaders and committed movements, of lofty
ideologies and practical strategies and planning, of a public sphere (even
prior to the existence of a territory) and a language enlivened mainly for
the sake of that sphere – and ultimately, of course, of collective action
and mass mobilization. As a phenomenon embodying radical politics,
Zionism is inherently intertwined with a temporal crisis faced by some
Jews at the end of the nineteenth century: a dire present in which they
found themselves due to increasing anti-Semitism across Europe and to
economic deterioration in the East; a disbelief that the future promised
genuine integration into European nation-states or into a cosmopolitan
community; and a disenchantment with faith in an almighty God and
the enduring relevance of tradition. Underlying the rise of Zionism is
a transformation in the way a number of Jews viewed the meaning of
history, perceived its direction or lack thereof, conceived of its dangers
and potentials, and interpreted the times in which they were living: “In
the life of nations, as in the life of the private individual, there are rare,
weighty moments, and the way these moments are being handled would
determine that fate of the people or person in the future, for good or for
bad. We are currently undergoing such a moment.”1

1
Leo Pinsker, Auto-Emancipation [Selbstemanzipation, 1882], at http://www.benye-
huda.org/ginzberg/pinsker_autoemancipation.html. I have been assisted in the trans-
lations from this text by the English translation of the original German by Dr. D. S.
Blondheim, Federation of American Zionists, 1916, at http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.
org/jsource/Zionism/pinsker.html. (Unless I indicate otherwise, all translations in this
book are mine. EC)
 Introduction 3

Yet this study also seeks to go beyond Zionism, or rather to reflect

on certain aspects of modernity by virtue of understanding Zionism.
Specifically, the predicament of Jews in general and of Zionists in par-
ticular serves as a springboard for reflection on the temporal imagina-
tions of modernity, since in the European scene the modern Jews are the
prime temporal agents. They are considered by others (and sometimes
by themselves) to be the ultimate strangers, an uprooted people, and
therefore they have often become the most ardent believers in visions
of a future cosmopolitan society, for in such a future they will finally
be at home with others and enjoy equal rights and respect regardless of
primordial, territorial, cultural, national, religious, or other particular-
istic attachments. The Jews are also steadfast believers in their tradition:
They epitomize the power of human memory in their insistence on cer-
tain practices and customs, rituals and holidays, legal codes and learn-
ing. Their identity seems to depend on their capacity for remembrance
and on their ability to reinterpret and reproduce the past. Yet the Jews
are also the people most identified with industrialization, commerce,
and market capitalism generally. Therefore, they are often identified
with the present-centeredness of this economic system, with its promo-
tion of immediate gains, its cultivation of self-interest without regard
to prior or succeeding generations, its constantly looming materialism
and hedonism. In short, the Jews are the people most immersed in time,
as they lack a space or a polity of their own as alternative anchors of
identity. It is not an exaggeration to say, in fact, that the story of Jewish
temporality since the late eighteenth century reflects the story of modern
temporality at large.
I have used the term temporal imagination. By this I mean (to put it
briefly at this stage) the ways that people represent the nature of time,
as when they ponder such things as whether it is quantitative or quali-
tative, what connection (or lack of connection) exists among proximate
and distant events, and what the overarching structure and direction of
time is (ranging from a tight, progressing totality to complete arbitrari-
ness). But before I say more about the temporal imaginations of moder-
nity – and about their critical effects on Zionism – let us bear in mind
the familiar and important accounts of the crisis of modern Jewry and
the reasons for the emergence of Zionism.
This emergence is often described as the upshot of the deteriorating
status of citizenship experienced by Jews in the late nineteenth century.
In France, observes David Vital, “the question Jews had . . . increas-
ingly to face was less whether they would be allowed to become citi-
zens of the state than whether they would be granted membership in the
4 The Political Philosophy of Zionism

nation.”2 What was true in France was even more acutely felt in Central
and Eastern European countries, where organic nationalism, Volkish
ideologies, racism, and traditional stereotypes led many to view Jews
with suspicion because of their distinct religion, culture, language, and
origins. Indeed, toward the end of the nineteenth century, the universal-
ism and equality of citizenship that had characterized the emancipation
of the Jews since the French Revolution and the rise of bourgeois liberal-
ism were gradually evaporating, and they felt increasingly discriminated
against socially and humiliated.3 Although formally Jews gained equal
rights, this did not mean that they became part of the nation; the attempt
of state institutions (especially in Germany and France) to integrate them
into the general population ebbed with the emergence of new, populist
forces that made use of the emerging public sphere and transformed the
political discourse and practice by presenting Jews as interlopers. If in
France this phenomenon was epitomized in the Dreyfus affair, in Tsarist
Russia – where Jews were never considered equal citizens – matters
were much worse: The hundreds of pogroms that occurred in southern
Russia during the early 1880s demonstrated to them that their (limited)
bond with the state was finished, that because of its need to boost its
shaky legitimacy, the state withdrew its hold over the population and let
Jews be the prey of the city mob, the frustrated peasants, or the various
national minorities within its bounds.
In fact, Jews had begun to understand that even the equality of rights
that started to elude them everywhere would not have promised respect
in the eyes of nations, since such respect can only be given to members
of a cohesive nation with a place and political institutions of its own,
not to dispersed individuals that are alien everywhere and are always
dependent on the goodwill of others.4 It is not only the respect of oth-
ers that was missing, to be precise, but also self-respect, the profound
other-dependency of Jews affecting their perception of themselves and

2
David Vital, A People Apart: The Jews in Europe, 1789–1939 (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2000), p. 248.
3
For a history of the Jews in nineteenth-century Europe, see J. Frankel and S.
Zipperstein, eds., Assimilation and Community: The Jews in Nineteenth-Century
Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992).
4
As Leo Strauss notes, political Zionists, in particular, argued that the goal must be “the
restoration of their [Jews’] honor through the acquisition of statehood and therefore of
a country – any country.” Strauss seems to concur that Jewish honor and self-respect
are at the core of Zionism. See Leo Strauss, Spinoza’s Critique of Religion (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1997), p. 5. On Strauss and Zionism, see Steven B. Smith,
Reading Leo Strauss (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006), Chap. 2.
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