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Between Marriage and The Market Intimate Politics and Survival in Cairo Homa Hoodfar Available Full Chapters

The document discusses 'Between Marriage and the Market: Intimate Politics and Survival in Cairo' by Homa Hoodfar, which explores the economic and social dynamics of households in Cairo. It examines the roles of marriage, employment, and budgeting within the context of women's and men's contributions to family survival. The book is part of the Comparative Studies on Muslim Societies series and includes various chapters on topics such as labor markets, social networks, and fertility.

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7 views111 pages

Between Marriage and The Market Intimate Politics and Survival in Cairo Homa Hoodfar Available Full Chapters

The document discusses 'Between Marriage and the Market: Intimate Politics and Survival in Cairo' by Homa Hoodfar, which explores the economic and social dynamics of households in Cairo. It examines the roles of marriage, employment, and budgeting within the context of women's and men's contributions to family survival. The book is part of the Comparative Studies on Muslim Societies series and includes various chapters on topics such as labor markets, social networks, and fertility.

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hayamiaom0505
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Between Marriage and the Market
Comparative Studies on Muslim Societies
General Editor, Barbara D. Metcalf

1. Islam and the Political Economy of Meaning, edited by William R . Roff


2. Libyan Politics: Tribe and Revolution, by John Davis
3. Prophecy Continuous: Aspects of Ahmadï Religious Thought and Its Medie-
val Background, by Yohanan Friedmann
4. Sharfat and Ambiguity in South Asian Islam, edited by Katherine P.
Ewing
5. Islam, Politics, and Social Movements, edited by Edmund Burke, III, and
Ira M. Lapidus
6. Roots of North Indian Shi'ism in Iran and Iraq: Religion and State in
Awadh, 1722-1859, by J. R . I. Cole
7. Empire and Islam: Punjab and the Making of Pakistan, by David
Gilmartin
8. Islam and the Russian Empire: Reform and Revolution in Central Asia,
by Hélène Carrère d'Encausse
9. Muslim Travellers: Pilgrimage, Migration, and the Religious Imagination,
edited by Dale F. Eickelman and James Piscatori
10. The Dervish Lodge: Architecture, Art, and Sufism in Ottoman Turkey, ed-
ited by Raymond Lifchez
11. The Seed and the Soil: Gender and Cosmology in Turkish Village Society, by
Carol Delaney
12. Displaying the Orient: Architecture of Islam at Nineteenth-Century
World's Fairs, by Zeynep Çelik
13. Arab Voices: The Human Rights Debate in the Middle East, by Kevin
Dwyer
14. Disorienting Encounters: Travels of a Moroccan Scholar in France in 1845-
184.6, The Voyage of Muhammad as-Saffar, translated and edited by
Susan Gilson Miller
15. Beyond the Stream: Islam and Society in a West African Town, by Robert
Launay
16. The Calligraphic State: Textual Domination and History in a Muslim Soci-
ety, by Brinkley Messick
17. The Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier, 1204-1760, by Richard Eaton
COMPARATIVE STUDIES ON MUSLIM SOCIETIES iii

18. Rebel and Saint: Muslim Notables, Populist Protest, Colonial Encounters
(Algeria and Tunisia, 1800-1904), by Julia A. Clancy-Smith
19. The Vanguard of the Islamic Revolution: The Jamcfat-i Islami of Pakistan,
by Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr
20. The Prophet's Pulpit: Islamic Preaching in Contemporary Egypt, by
Patrick D. Gaffney
21. Heroes of the Age: Moral Faultlines on the Afghan Frontier, by David B.
Edwards
22. Making Muslim Space in North America and Europe, edited by
Barbara D. Metcalf
23. Nationalism and the Genealogical Imagination: Oral History and Textual
Authority in Tribal Jordan, by Andrew Shryock
24. Between Marriage and the Market: Intimate Politics and Survival in
Cairo, by Homa Hoodfar
25. Putting Islam to Work: Education, Politics, and Religious Transformation
in Egypt, by Gregory Starrett
Between Marriage
and the Market
Intimate Politics and Survival in Cairo

Homa Hoodfar

U N I V E R S I T Y OF C A L I F O R N I A PRESS

Berkeley / Los Angeles / London


A portion of this book is adapted in part from "Household Budget-
ing and Financial Management in a Lower-Income Cairo Neighbor-
hood," by Homa Hoodfar, in A Home Divided: Women and Income
in the Third World, edited by Daisy Dwyer and Judith Bruce, repro-
duced with the permission of the publishers, Stanford University
Press. © 1988 by the Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Uni-
versity.

University of California Press


Berkeley and Los Angeles, California

University of California Press


London, England
Copyright © ¡997 by The Regents of the University of California

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Hoodfar, Homa.
Between marriage and the market : intimate politics and survival
in Cairo / Homa Hoodfar.
p. cm. — (Comparative studies on Muslim societies ; 24)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-520-20611-8 (cloth : alk. paper). — ISBN 0-520-20825-0
(pbk. : alk. paper)
1. Households—Economic aspects—Egypt—Cairo Region.
2. Home economics—Egypt—Cairo Region. 3. Poor—Egypt—
Cairo Region. 4. Sex role—Egypt—Cairo Region. I. Title.
II. Series.
HC830.Z7C343 1997
339.2'2—dc2I 96-37296
CIP

Printed in the United States of America


1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements


of American National Standard for Information Sciences—
Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials,
ANSI Z39.48-1984 @
To my mother, who taught me to
appreciate the resourcefulness of
women. To Leila el-Kilani, who
made me a better anthropologist
and a better person by teaching
me the value of the unspoken
word. To Frederic Shorter,
extraordinary mentor of so many
students and scholars of the
Middle East. And above all, to
the women of the
neighborhoods, who so
generously shared their thoughts
and daily lives with me.
Contents

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS xiii

GLOSSARY xvii

Introduction i
My Early Lessons in Household Economy i
Theoretical Framework 6
Objectives of the Study 15

1
The Research and Its Social and
Physical Setting 22
Arriving in Cairo 22
Methodology 32
The People 35
The Neighborhoods 38
The Macro Context: The Making of Egypt's
Modern Economy 42
International Migration 48
Summary 49

2
Marriage, Family, and Household 51
Why Marriage? 51
Marriage in Its Cultural Context 52
Choosing a Suitor 55
Arranged Marriages versus Love Marriages 61
Marriage Negotiations: Strategies to Reduce
Marital Conflicts 66

ix
CONTENTS

Polygynous Marriages 74
Summary 77

3
In Search of Cash: Men in the Labor Market 8o
The Rising Need for Cash 8o
Urban Employment Opportunities 8i
Male Employment in the Neighborhoods 82
Employment Opportunities in the Informal
Economy 88
Migration as a Cash-raising Strategy 93
Cash Contributions from Other Male Members
of the Household 100
Summary 101

4
Women and Employment 103
Urban Women in the Labor Market:
The Historical View 104
The Legal Position of Women in the Labor
Market 105
Major Issues in Measuring the Female Labor
Force in Egypt 108
Gainful Employment among the Informants 112
Employment in the Formal Sector 114
Attitudes Toward Gainful Employment 132
The Male View of Women's Paid Work 138
Summary 140

5
Money Management and Patterns of
Household Budgeting 141
Financial Arrangements 142
Patterns of Budgeting in the Neighborhoods 146
Impact of Male Migration on Budgeting 154
The Contribution of Women's Wages 157
Men's Pocket Money 159
Summary 161

6
Nonmonetary Contributions to the
Household Pool 163
Domestic Work 163
Domestic Work in the Neighborhoods 166
Child-rearing 172
Shopping 175
CONTENTS xi

Cash-saving Labor 181


Dealing with Public Institutions 184
Summary 186

7
Expenditure and Consumption Patterns 188
Patterns of Expenditure 191
Recurrent Expenditures 192
Rent and Other Miscellaneous Routine
Expenditures 202
Accumulation of Assets 204
Financing Methods 210
Decision Making 211
Summary 215

8
Social Networks and Informal Associations 217
The Saving Associations 219
Communal Marital and Childbirth
Contributions 222
Neighborly Networks 223
Men's Networks 228
Vertical and Bureaucratic Networks 229
Kin Networks 232
Summary 239

9
Fertility and Sexual Politics 241
Fertility 243
Sexuality and Sexual Desire in Everyday Life 250
Enhancing Children's Sexuality: Why
Circumcision? 256
Summary 262

10
Conclusion 264
REFERENCES 277

INDEX 299
Acknowledgments

In January 1983,1 arrived in Cairo, lonely, anxious, and poor. By 1984,


my friends and neighbors, particularly in the neighborhoods, had helped
me to regard Egypt as home, and even twelve years later I often find
myself homesick and longing for Cairo. There, I experienced more
kindness and generosity than I could possibly acknowledge. My friends'
and neighbors' names have been changed in this account for the usual
reasons of anthropological anonymity, but I wish to express to them
my deepest gratitude and appreciation, for adopting me as their daugh-
ter and sister and for generously sharing with me their joy and sorrow,
their thoughts and criticisms, and their food and homes. I have learned
from them not just about their lives but about myself and my culture,
as well as the British university culture in which I was being trained as
an anthropologist. I would like them to know that despite the difficult
political and financial situation, the early years of my fieldwork remain
the happiest and most meaningful time of my life.
This study would not have materialized without the support of sev-
eral scholars, advisers, friends, and family during the years of the re-
search. Special thanks and gratitude go to Professor Paul Stirling, whose
door was always open for advice and encouragement. Dr. Barbara Ibra-
him, whom I met for the first time shortly after my arrival in Cairo,
has been instrumental through her advice, encouragement, and con-
tinuous support in the success of my research. Dr. Cynthia Myntti's
advice, encouragement, and sharing, among other things, of her field
experiences gave me confidence at just those hard moments when it was

xiii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

most needed. Dr. Cynthia Nelson, my adviser while in Cairo, and Dr.
Nanneke Redclift, my supervisor at Kent University, were a source of
encouragement and intellectual challenge. Professor Teodor Shanin, de-
spite his apprehension about the focus of my research, remained a con-
stant source of intellectual support and encouragement even after I left
Manchester University. I owe much to Dr. Richard Lobban, who pro-
vided critical structural and methodological advice at the outset of the
research in Cairo and has continued to provide encouragement and in-
tellectual support.
I am among the lucky students who were adopted by Dr. Frederic
Shorter in Cairo. He patiently and generously lent me his ear and
guided me to see that the dividing line between biology and economy
is but an artificial boundary and one not always useful in understanding
the complexity of everyday life. His dedication to his adopted students
and his generous and gracious support for their research are truly re-
markable. I am also indebted to Professor Peter Worsley not only for
encouraging me at the planning stage to take up my research on women
and households but also for his insightful comments on the finished
thesis, as my external examiner. Professor B. Baviskar, who was visiting
McGill University during the year I taught there, became a source of
support and inspiration. I am also grateful to Dr. David Howes who
read the entire manuscript and offered many insightful comments.
Christine Eickelman, Douglas Abrams Arava, my editor at the Univer-
sity of California Press, and two anonymous reviewers have been most
encouraging and have made many constructive comments that have im-
proved the manuscript. I would also like to thank Sheila Berg at the
University of California Press, whose copyediting was sensitive and
thorough.
Throughout this research I have benefited greatly from the advice,
comments, and encouragement of Arlene MacLeod, Mona Anis, Sima
Motamen, Rosemary Kent, Steve Jordan, Fatma Khafagy, Hania Shol-
kamy, Samira el-Kilani, Mahmoud and Shohrat al-Alem, and Karen
Glasgow. Diane Singerman, whom I met in Cairo, not only has been a
constant source of intellectual and emotional support but also over the
years has shared patiently many moments of my frustration. Carolyn
Makinson, with her unending energy, optimism, intellectual inquisi-
tiveness, and logical approach to problem solving, has become a role
model for me, and I am grateful to her for her generous intellectual
support and constant encouragement.
Mark Grimshaw read much of the early drafts and patiently took
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

time to edit them; he was a source of much-needed encouragement in


the austere city o f Canterbury. I am also thankful to Professor John
Davis for organizing the pasta seminars that brightened socially and
intellectually the lonely life of many graduate students in Canterbury.
Patricia Kelly has shared with me her insightful knowledge of the Mus-
lim discourse on many topics and has read and edited several drafts of
this book. She has been an encouraging force behind the completion
of the manuscript. Heather Howard and Marlene Caplan read and ed-
ited and provided helpful comments to improve the manuscript. Jody
Staveley patiently printed and reprinted each chapter several times, and
with such goodwill. I am also indebted to my husband, who found
himself married not only to me but to the "Cairo project" as well, and
sometimes he objected to the co-wife he did not choose. I am also in-
debted to him for reading and editing part of this work and changing
it from my Persian-English to English and for crossing out hundreds o f
"a"s and "the"s where they were not needed and inserting them where
they were missing.
I am deeply indebted to Leyla el-Kilani who opened her home and
her heart to me soon after my arrival in Cairo and has treated me as her
daughter ever since. My parents and brothers, at times despite their
early apprehensions about anthropology, have been a constant source
of encouragement. I shall be forever indebted to my sister, Katayoon
Hoodfar. We were two "foreign" students in the United Kingdom, hop-
ing to complete our graduate studies and return home, when we found
ourselves in the middle of a political upheaval and revolution, followed
by the senseless Iran-Iraq war, and the at least initially worsening situa-
tion for women in Iran. Judging our disciplines unessential, the Iranian
government canceled our parents' permit to send us funds shortly after
the revolution. As Iranians we were disqualified from applying to most
sources of scholarship and grants, and it became evident that we could
not both afford to pay the high cost o f education for "foreign" students
in the U.K. However, my sister generously gave up her own plans for
doing her doctorate, took a job teaching in the U.K., and supported
me until I finished my studies. Her generosity presented a reversal of
roles, since according to our tradition and cultural norms, it should have
been me, the elder sister, who provided support for her. This of course
made me even more sensitive to the value o f familial support, interde-
pendence, and the resources of poverty.
I would also like to express my gratitude to the Department of So-
ciology and Anthropology of the American University in Cairo where
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I was affiliated as a research fellow during the first year of my field re-
search. A small expense allowance in summer 1983 from the Ford Foun-
dation was probably the most significant grant I have ever received.
However modest, it covered my field expenses, and without it I could
not have renewed my visa and would have had to leave without com-
pleting the research. The Population Council in Cairo provided me
with research funds in 1985 and enabled a return to Cairo to look at the
impact of international migration on families and the role of women
left behind. Later, the Population Council in New York awarded me a
fellowship that enabled me to complete my doctoral dissertation. The
Social Science and Humanities Council of Canada provided me with a
three-year grant (1992-1994) to return to Cairo on several occasions
to carry out follow-up studies. I am also indebted to my colleagues,
especially Dr. Susan Hoecker-Drysdale who accommodated my teach-
ing schedule to enable me to complete the fieldwork and finish the
manuscript.
Glossary

Arabic singular and plural n o u n forms are separated by a comma.

afrangi European-style, Westernized


agnabi foreign (non-Arab), usually refers to white Europeans or North
Americans
babbur portable kerosene stove
baladi adj. relating to traditional urban practices
dallala, dallalat woman petty trader
daya midwife
fallahi adj. relating to the village or villagers
fallMn villagers, peasants
fatiha the first chapter of the Qur'an
fino refined white rolls
ful a popular dish made with beans
gallabiya a loose, long shirtlike garment, the common dress of traditional
Egyptians
£anfiya,£a.nf iyat literally "association"; often refers to a savings club or ro-
tating credit association to which each member contributes a fixed sum at
regular intervals and from which each member will receive the collected
kitty once during the term of the club; also a cooperative store that sells
subsidized goods
ghalbanin defeated or hopeless
¿¡irgir watercress
hadith a saying traced back to the Prophet Muhammad
hakim a traditionally trained health practitioner
hala-l legitimate and permitted according to Islamic laws
hamdullah "Thanks to God," a frequently used expression indicating grati-
tude or resignation

xvii
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