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Evil and the Philosophy
of Retribution
Evil and the Philosophy
of Retribution
Modern Commentaries
on the Bhagavad-Gita

Sa n j a y Pa l s h ik a r

Routledge
Taylor &. Francis Group
LONDON NEW YORK NEW DELHI
 I ||«I pulillkliril .’III -I ln hnll.i
hl I(in111i 'i Ip,i

Sh1111li.11i i 'i ni<1 v |nililhlicil ln ilic UK

Iw Kuiiiliilgi
? I'.uli Si |i i ,i h , Mllmii l’.uk, Abingdon, Oxon 0X14 4RN

Hoiillnlnf h an imprint ofthe Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

©2014 Indian Inscitute of Advanced Study (IIAS), Shimla

Typeset by

Glyph Graphics Private Limited

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Delhi 110 096

ISBN: 978-1-138-49980-5 (hbk)

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or utilised in any form
or by any electronic, mechanical or other means, now known or hereafter invented,
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system without permission in writing from the publishers.

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A catalogue record of this book is available from the British Library

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For sale in India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka only.
 Contents

Preface vii

1. The Return of the Gita and the Rise of Hinduism 1

2. Demons and Demonisation 25

3. Sri Aurobindo: The Bow of the Kshatriya 58

4. Lokamanya Tilak: Hatvāpi sa . . . na hanti 93

5. Gandhi: The Penance of Self-effacement 131

Bibliography 168

About the Author 177

Index 178
 Evil’ is a charged word. It is used for persons and phenomena uncontrollably
destructive and morally recalcitrant. Reserving the word for such cases
of epic proportions has merit. We should not make it conceptually
impossible for people to be bad in mundane ways. Evil and violence are
connected in complex and contentious ways. Evil is violenr itself — it is
violative of the sacred or the divine — and hence, it might be claimed,
using physical force against it is no violence at all. It is easy to see what is
it about this argument that causes disagreement. It is not the conceptual
connection that is normally disputed but the attribution of evilness and
the implicit presumption of goodness that can quickly become contro-
versial outside the circles of habitual consensus. In the early 20th-century
Gita commentaries by prominent Indian thinkers, the relationship
between ‘evil’ and ‘violence’ was seen as a philosophical matter in need
of defence or scrutiny. The centrality of the Gita to the emerging Hindu
self-consciousness had of course something to do with the sense of urgency
with which these issues were reflected upon. But the causality between the
growing importance of the text and the tangled process of self-formation
of the Indian intellectuals was dense and mutual. The work presented here
does not try to find out how this web of interconnected activities and
phenomena came into being. Instead it engages with the answers given
by Aurobindo Ghose, Bal Gangadhar Tilak and Mohandas Karamchand
Gandhi to the specific question whether exceptional figures dealing with
exceptional situations are absolved of universal norms’ of morality.
If the philosophical task of coming to terms with ‘evil’ was urgent
during the colonial period, it is no less important today. True, there are
no influential treatises on the epic struggle between the good and the evil
circulating today. But popular culture is full of examples ofone’s adversar-
ies being represented as demons. On the eve of the 2011 World Cup final
between India and Sri Lanka, the Indian captain Mahendra Singh Dhoni
was presented in an advertisement as Sri Rama and the 11-member Sri
Lankan cricket team as the 10-headed Ravan. The accompanying caption
prophesied that India was going to re-enact history. The mythologically
assured 'slaying’ of the demon did take place, sparing the advertisers
minor embarrassment. A few weeks later, a veteran leftist politician from
the southern state of Kerala drew upon the same epic for some colourful
imagery and likened his electoral adversarys non-performance to the long
and deep shimber of Kumbhakarna. And the shrill, and at times sanctimo-
nious, anti-corruption movement saw alarmist discussions everywhere of
the 'evil ofcorruption’. These instances,1 within a short time span, should
convince anyone that the rakshasas and asuras are still around and that
reHecting on how to deal with them, or with the anxieties they produce,
is a worthwhile exercise.2
Ihese anxieties get heightened by communal politics. But it is help-
ful to remember that any adversary can be demonised. The discussion
of the three modern commentaries here has a purpose different from
placing the authors into familiar but problematic categories such as
‘secular’ and ‘communal’. Going into past representations of ‘evil’ and
their transformation under modern conditions is primarily an exercise
in intellectual history. What is attempted here is an inquiry into how the
pre-modern questions about spiritual praxis become, through a change
in the meaning of some of the central concepts, political questions in
the modern Gita commentaries.
Most of the work presented here was carried out at the Indian Institute
of Advanced Study, Shimla. It had its origins in a series of informal dis-
cussions with Jyotirmaya Sharma at the University of Hyderabad. At the
Institute, Sibaji Bandyopadhyay’s 2009 essay (which was later published
in the Institute’s journal Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences} and
the 2010 special number of the journal Modern IntellectualHistory on the
Gita were the early and decisive influences, and I must thank Manas Ray
andTridip Suhrud respectively for drawing my attention to them. By the
time I completed the first year of Fellowship at the Institute, it was clear
to me that in order to appreciate the significance of the modern Indian
Gita commentaries it was necessary to look at not only the pre-modern
commentaries, but also the representations of demons and the strategies
of demonisation in the Puranas, Kavyas and inscriptions. My hesitant
and limited entry into the world of ‘medieval’ texts was made possible
by Ranjeeta Dutta’s very useful suggestions. Jonardan Ganeri generously
shared with me his published and unpublished writings and also readily
engaged in a correspondence with me whenever I sought any clarifications.
Throughout this period Jyotirmaya Sharma always unfailingly responded
to my requests for books and articles I was unable to get in Shimla. Tridip
Suhrud helped with the Gujarati sources for the Gandhi chapter and
Balwant Kumar gave me access to his Aurobindo collection. All these
people and their kindness made it possible to get round the difficulties
that arose in the course of this work. I recall many engaging conversations
with Peter deSouza and his warm hospitality. I am grateful to P.K. Datta,
Nivedita Menon and Aditya Nigam for carrying most of the burden of
the projects we were doing together and to V. Rajagopal and Anindita
Mukhopadhyay for extraordinary support during the writing of this
book. Sasheej Hegde and A. Raghuramaraju, along with Rajagopal and
Jyotirmaya Sharma, were ready interlocutors whenever I was in Hyderabad
during winter breaks. Specific thanks are due to Anurag, Bettina Baumer,
Saroja Bhate, Prem Chand, Bikramaditya Chaudhary, Baisali Hui, R.N.
Misra, K. Satyanarayana, Debarshi Sen, A.K. Sharma, Shashank Thakur,
Rafael Torella, and G.C. Tripathy. I must also mention the libraries and the
library staff of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Pune, French
Institute of Pondicherry, Deccan College, Pune, and the Indian Institute
ofAdvanced Study, Shimla. Without the help ofall these institutions and
people this work would have had more shortcomings. And without the
fond memories of the friendships formed during the Fellowship period,
I would have found it harder to accept the limitations of this work.

Notes
1. The Indian Express (Chandigarh edition), 2 April 2011, p. 22, and The Times
oflndia (New Delhi and Chandigarh editions), 13 April 2011, p. 14.
2. While there is considerable literature on the rakshasas and asuras., the best
recent introduction to the topic is Devdutt Pattanaik’s Myth = Mythya: A
Handbook of Hindu Mythology (2006) and Nanditha Krishna’s The Book of
Demons (2007). For some of the arguments in chapters 1 and 2 regarding
demonisation, I have drawn upon my papers published elsewhere (Palshikar
2010, 2013).
 The Return of the Gita
and the Rise of Hinduism

Hinduism’, it has been provocatively said, ‘is an imaginary category

emerging from the minds of observers who felt an epistemological (and
political) need to unify a diversity’ (Smith 1987: 34).1 When the term
is applied in historical research, it ‘causes us to search for, arrange, and
interpret data about the religions of the Hindus in such manner that they
fit into the perceived pattern of a coherent religious system’ (Stietencron
1991: 13). Frykenberg says that ‘there has never been such a thing as a
single “Hinduism” or any single “Hindu community” for all of India’,
nor for any region of India (1991:29). Hinduism as a pan-Indian system
would mean that: it is comparable to the other religions of the world; it
is distinct enough to be easily distinguishable from other religions; it has
an i nternal coherence of doctrines and practices; its creed or belief system
could be spelt out in terms of a list of tenets that all Hindus subscribe to;
and it has, like other religions, an internal elite and sacred texts that con-
trol and regulate the conduct of its members and settle internal disputes
(Oddie 2010: 46). For most part of its historical existence Hinduism, it
is argued, has not exhibited any of these features. It has been a group of
interrelated religions within a definite geographical area sharing several
beliefs and practices (Stietencron 1991: 20). Taking a more radical posi-
tion, Friedhelm Hardy calls Hinduism ‘merely an arbitrary and external
concoction of a variety of elements’ (2007: 29). What the Europeans,
and especially the British, did was that ‘they imposed a single conceptual
category on a heterogeneous collection of sects, doctrines and customs that
the Hindus did not recognise as having anything essential in common’
(Lorenzen 2006: 4). In thus imposing unity on the variety of religious
practices found on the subcontinent, the Europeans were transforming
the unfamiliar to the familiar by perceiving Indian religions on the model
of Christianity. The disciplining of the Indian religions by reducing them
 to docti incs to be found in some authoritative texts was a crucial part of
thecolonial rnlc in India (King 1999: 101—7).2
Ihc role played in this by the colonial administrations classificatory
cxcrcisc is well known. The Census in 1891 and again in 1921 presented
thc administrators with the almost insuperable problem of defining the
category ‘Hindu’ and they resolved it by means other than conceptual:
whoever did not belong to any of the other faiths was counted as Hindu.
And yet over time the term ‘Hinduism’ gained currency, along with the
perception, however unclear and unsupported, that there was indeed
something objectively corresponding to the term. The long and complex
process by which this came about had, among others, several factors con-
tributing to it. The Brahmana sections who played a key role as translators,
interpreters and consultants to the colonial administrators found the idea
of an all-India religion with them at the top of its hierarchy very congenial.
There was Christian missionary propaganda both in India and abroad,
against a set of beliefs and practices, which had to be given a name. This
propaganda, sooner or later, was bound to provoke a defensive reaction
from the elite sections of those whom this religious identity was ascribed.
When the reaction did come, the identification itself was not disputed.
And once the identification gained currency, the term came handy in the
power struggles within the Indian society and within the ‘Hindu’ sections
(Oddie 2010: 44—50). To this list of factors one could add the European
Orientalists’ work. Drawing upon Robert E. Frykenberg (1991: 29—49),
one can see the Indian nationalist leaders acquiring their Brahmanical
understanding of what ‘Hindu’ and ‘Hinduism’ meant from the English
translations of the Sanskrit texts by the Western scholars.
While the factors that contributed to the emergence of modern
Hinduism were disparate, equally diverse and contingent were the
materials out of which the indigenous elites constructed the Hindu
identity. Of course, saying this is not analytically adequate. Terms such as
‘construction’, ‘invention’, ‘manufacturing’, though in circulation for a
few decades now, are still in need of explanation and even today we come
across scholars (de Roover and Claerhout 2010: 164) who complain about
the lack of clarity from which discussions of Hinduism sufFer because of
the use of these terms.
In his Social Construction of What?, Ian Hacking has suggested that we
ask not what the definition of‘social construction’ is but what the point is
ofcalling something a social construct (1999: 5-7). And the point almost
always is to assert that X is not natural or inevitable, certainly not in its
present form. Ihe point is to be critical of things as they are. Thus, both
the assertion and the vehement denial ofsay, Hinduism beingaconstruct,
are inherently political matters. That is to say, whether it is the irksomeness
of the suggestion of Hinduism’s contingency or the exhilaration at being
able to open its suppressed possibilities, in both cases there are things at
stake. And in political affairs, usually it is the existing power relations
that generate stakes. In pointing out the contingent nature of an idea one
is opening a way for a change in the practices partly constituted by that
idea. This may not always have liberating consequences. The realisation
that the currently dominant model of religion and religiosity is not fixed
and unchangeable can be liberating for someone who is already feeling
suffocated by it. But if you tell a member of a radical Islamic outfit or
a militant Hindutva organisation that the singulariry, eternality and the
self-evident superiority that they are assuming in their strongly held
doctrines have no objective correlates, they are more likely to be enraged
than show curiosity about the processes by which they came under the
thrall of these ideas. Here every prospect of liberation is accompanied
by the possibility of hardening of attitudes. But thats a risk inherent in
all intellectual strategies critical of strongly held beliefs. The ancientness
of Hinduism is one such belief. Its cosmic responsibility to vanquish
evil is another. Going into the past representations of ‘evil’ and their
transformation under modern conditions is important not because of
the ever-present danger of communalism alone, and the three modern
commentaries discussed in this work have not been chosen for only that
reason. Demonising adversaries is quite common. The question is about
the very nature of Hinduism, its conception of‘evil’, its preferred response
to ‘evil’. These are the issues around which Hinduism has been sought to
be organised as a religion.
When members of two organised religions confront each other, stereo-
types circulate freely, spuriously explaining the divide and recommending
aggression. These stereotypes can be traced back to past representations.
The image of the Muslim rulers from ‘medieval’ India as addicted to
drinking and beef-eating and indulging in cow-killing and vandalism
is well-known and well-circulated. But it is based on a hasty reading of
‘evidence’. For example, the 14th-century temple inscription that Cynthia
Talbott (1995) discusses, or the 16th-century Telugu text that Philip
Wagoner (1993) presents, does not speak of ‘Muslims’. Instead, it is the
Y.iv .iii .is ,md I iirnshkas being talked about in these and other similar
texis. Iie.iting this as a small detail, and ignoring it, modern communal
pol.it is.ition li.is been read back into the writings of the earlier period and a
long ii .iit .h ion of the dark medieval period has been constructed. Colonial
histot ians handsomely contributed to this enterprise by speaking of the
Muslim tyranny over the Hindus. Henry Miers Elliot and John Dowson,
i n their mid-19th-century multi-volume History oflndia as toldby its own
Historians, inferred that the ‘Muhammadan’ rule must have reduced ‘the
common people’ to ‘wretchedness and despondency’. From the material
at hand, the editors continued, we get ‘glimpses’ of intolerance, desecra-
tion, forced conversions and marriages, murders and massacres, and of
‘the sensuality and drunkenness of the tyrants’ (Eaton 2008: 94).
What the editors wanted to establish was clear: the ‘earlier rulers’ were
barbarians: the British rule was incomparably better. Introducing the first
English translation of the Gita in 1785, Warren Hastings had similarly
noted with satisfaction that the natives had at last started trusting the
new rulers who, in comparison with the earlier intolerant rulers, were
more cultivated and benevolent (Marshall 1970: 189). Unmindful of
these unconcealed motives of the British administrators, some Indian
intellectuals copied their moves and communalised the past. In the Sources
ofVijayanagar History (1986), selected and edited by S. Krishnaswami
Ayyangar, and first published from Madras in 1919, words such as
‘Yavanas’ and ‘Mlecchas’ were freely rendered as ‘Muhammadan’. That
the texts being presented gave a thoroughly negative depiction of the so-
called Muhammadans goes without saying. The editors of a 14th-century
inscription from the Andhra region similarly had no difficulty speaking
of the inhuman tyranny of the Muslim rulers, though the text they were
translating did not speak of Muslims (Chattopadhyaya 1998: 81-82).
Medieval literature often uses mythological imagery. Political adversar-
ies are called demons, their defeat reminiscent of the slaying of a fierce
daitya, and the king who vanquishes them, the very epitome of valour
and virtue. That this ruler also happens to be the worthy recipient of the
blessings of some deity is a crucial element that completes the picture.
Yavanas and Turushkas were called demons when they attacked the
inscription writer’s patrons but, in the absence of any conflict of inter-
est, they could also be praised as the very emanation of some ‘Hindu’
god (Wagoner 1993: 110). Temple destruction, itself symbolic of politi-
cal rather than religious aggression, was thought fit to be described as
 demonic, no matter who did it. Describing the raid by the Gauda
(Bengal) soldiers on the Visnu Parihāsakeśava temple in the capital of the
Sth-century Kashmiri ruler Lalitāditya, Kalhanas Rājatarañgini calls the
raiding soldiers 'rāksasd (Davis 2008: 59). And ifwe look at the 18th-
century Bengali text, Mahārāshta Purāna (Dimock and Gupta 1965),
then we have an example of the Maratha raiders into mid-1 8th century
Bengal beingcalled cow-killers, Brahmin-killers and rapists. The text says
that Goddess Parvati became angry with thosepāpamati people for their
evil deeds (pāpa karmd).
The literary strategies of demonisation were thus freely available and
were used by writers depending on specific political context. A simple
and dangerously effective way of misreading these portrayals is to see
them as factual accounts of the conduct of the rulers of a religious com-
munity furthering their theocratic goals through reprehensible means.
Epigraphic evidence can then be made to yield a facile equation: Muslims
were called Yavanas (orTurushkas); Yavanas were described as Demons,
so the Muslim rulers must have been demonic. Their victims belonged
to another religion, a religion known for its wisdom and tolerance. It was
these qualities, noble and praiseworthy as they are, that allowed hostile
outsiders to trample its followers. Now they must revive themselves and
their religion by infusing militancy in their character and unifying their
religion. By the end of the 19th century this view had started asserting
itself with increasing virulence.
Jnanananda in Bankimchandra Chatterjis Anandamath says: We are
the worshippers ofVishnu, the same Vishnu who killed powerful demons;
let us, in the name of that Hari, raze the City of Muslim foreigners and
purifyMother Earth’ (J. Sharma 2009: 158). This tropeofdemon-slaying
is also used by Savarkar. In one of the poems he wrote in the early 20th
century, Shivaji re-enacts the mythological killing of Hiranyakashipu by
Nrisimha when he rips open Afzal Khan’s stomach. These poems were
written at a time when the process of launching Hindu identity, long
under way, had reached its particularly aggressive phase. Alluding to
timeless paurānic stories was obviously a very useful device during that
phase. By retrospectively appropriating them for Hinduism, the time-
lessness of Hinduism could be established. Such attempts continue even
today but, following the work by historians in the closing decades of the
20th century, there is some scepticism now about the pre-colonial
existence of Hinduism. That work was provoked by some disturbing
6 't’ Evil and the Philosophy of Retrihution

communal instances, such as the anti-Sikh riots, demolition of the Babri

mosque, and by the upswing in the electoral fortunes of the Bharatiya
Janata I’arty. Its relevance for our understanding of the long-term trends in
Indian history, however, goes beyond those tense and anxious decades.
'lhe Gitas rise to prominence is an important part of the story of the
emergence of Hinduism in its modern form. It was composed between
200 b c e and 200-300 c e after ‘centuries of Buddhist domination’,
and probably directed to a Brahmana and Kshatriya audience which
was trying to revive Brahminism (Larson 1975: 659-60).3 Between its
composition and the modern times, the Gita appears to have been only
one of the several sacred texts, if not exactly languishing in obscurity. As
D. D. Kosambi observed long ago, several tzwt-poets of the cornmon
people across centuries — Kabir, Tukarama, Jayadeva, and Chaitanya —
‘did very well without the Gīta. Nor does the Sikh canon, he said, owe
‘anything substantial directly to the Gīta (Kosambi 1961: 201). But
things changed with the complex relationship between colonialism and
Indian nationalism. When it was translated into English for the first time
in 1785 by an official of the East India Company, the political signifi-
cance it was to acquire later for Indian nationalism could not have been
anticipated. Neither the translator Charles Wilkins, nor Warren Hastings,
who was then the Governor General of India, and who recommended its
publication by the Company, seem to have had any premonition of the
prominence that the text was going to burst into partly because of the
translation. The Court of Directors of the Company ordered its publica-
tion ‘under the patronage of this Court’, sanctioning a sum of not more
than £ 200. What considerations weighed on them to give such a generous
grant is not clear. But we have the letter addressed to the Chairman of
the Company by Warren Hastings and the translator’s Preface. Wilkins
obviously thought the text to be important in spite of its ‘many’ obscure
passages’ and ‘the confusion of sentiments’. He said he had tried his best
to ‘remove the veil of mystery’ around the text, but he was conscious that
he may not have succeeded fully where even the learned Brahmanas of
the present times had failed (Marshall 1970: 194).
The Gita, as Wilkins understood it, was opposed to ‘idolatrous sacri-
fices, and the worship of images’, and it undermined the Vedas without
frontally challenging their tenets. Its main purpose was to establish ‘the
doctrine of the unity of the Godhead’(ibid.: 193). These features of the
text seem to have recommended themselves to Wiikins. As for Hastings,
his interest in the Gita came out ofwider considerations. Roughly a decade
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