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ROTH FAMILY FOUNDATION

Music in America Imprint

Michael P. Roth
and Sukey Garcetti
have endowed this
imprint to honor the
memory of their parents,
Julia and Harry Roth,
whose deep love of music
they wish to share
with others.
 The publisher gratefully acknowledges the generous

contribution to this book provided by the Music in America

Endowment Fund of the University of California Press Foundation,

which is supported by a major gift from Sukey and Gil Garcetti,

Michael Roth, and the Roth Family Foundation.

Making Music in Los Angeles
Making Music in Los Angeles
Transforming the Popular

catherine parsons smith

University of California Press

berkeley los angeles london
University of California Press, one of the most distinguished university
presses in the United States, enriches lives around the world by advanc-
ing scholarship in the humanities, social sciences, and natural sciences.
Its activities are supported by the UC Press Foundation and by philan-
thropic contributions from individuals and institutions. For more infor-
mation, visit www.ucpress.edu.

The following chapters were previously published in different form and

appear courtesy of their original publishers: a portion of chapter 3 as
“Making Music in Los Angeles: The E. C. Bagley Collection,” Coranto:
Journal of the Friends of the USC Libraries, no. 26 (1992): 56–70; chap-
ter 4 as “ ‘Popular Prices Will Prevail’: Setting the Social Role of
European-Based Concert Music,” Selected Reports in Ethnomusicology
10 (1994): 206–21 (Los Angeles issue), used by permission of the De-
partment of Ethnomusicology Publications, University of California,
U.C. Regents; chapter 8 as “ ‘Something of Good for the Future’: The
People’s Orchestra of 1912–1913,” Nineteenth-Century Music 16, no. 2
(1992): 147–61, copyright 1992–1993 by The Regents of the University
of California; and chapter 10 as “Founding the Hollywood Bowl,” Amer-
ican Music 11 (1993): 206–43, courtesy of University of Illinois Press.

University of California Press

Berkeley and Los Angeles, California

University of California Press, Ltd.

London, England

© 2007 by The Regents of the University of California

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Smith, Catherine Parsons.
Making music in Los Angeles : transforming the popular / Catherine
Parsons Smith.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index.
isbn 978-0-520-25139-7 (cloth : alk. paper)
1. Music—Social aspects—California—Los Angeles—History—20th
century. 2. Music—Social aspects—California—Los Angeles—
History—19th century. I. Title.
ML3917.U6S65 2007
780.9794'94—dc22 2006036207

Manufactured in the United States of America

16 15 14 13 12 11 10 09 08 07
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

This book is printed on New Leaf EcoBook 50, a 100% recycled fiber of
which 50% is de-inked post-consumer waste, processed chlorine-free.
EcoBook 50 is acid-free and meets the minimum requirements of
ansi/astm d5634-01 (Permanence of Paper).1
Contents

List of Illustrations ix

Preface and Acknowledgments xi

1. Music Making as Popular Practice 1

part i. music for the “people”

2. “The Largest and Most Enthusiastic Audience
That Ever Has Assembled in the City”:
The National Opera Company of 1887 15

3. “A Precarious Means of Living”:

Early Working Musicians and Their Jobs 26

4. “Popular Prices Will Prevail”:

Competing and Cooperating Impresarios 43

5. Amateurs, Professionals, and Symphonies:

Harley Hamilton and Edna Foy 56

6. “Our Awe Struck Vision”:

A Prominent Impresario Reconsidered 73

part ii. progressive-era musical idealism

7. The “True Temple of Art”:
Philharmonic Auditorium and Progressive Ideology 95

8. “Something of Good for the Future”:

The People’s Orchestra of 1912–1913 106

9. Producing Fairyland, 1915 124

10. Founding the Hollywood Bowl 132

part iii. from progressive to ultramodern
11. Old Competitors, New Opera Companies in 1925 157

12. The New Negro Movement in Los Angeles 166

13. Welcoming the Ultramodern 187

14. Second Thoughts 202

15. Calling the Tune: The Los Angeles Federal Music Project 215

Appendix A. Los Angeles Population Growth, with Racial

and Ethnic Distribution 239

Appendix B. Musicians and Teachers of Music in the

United States and Los Angeles 245

Appendix C. A Music Chronology for Los Angeles,

1781–1941 251

Notes 255

Bibliography 325

Index 345
Illustrations

figures
1. Third Street, Los Angeles, 1885 17
2. National Opera Company program book, 1887 19
3. Hazard’s Pavilion 20
4. Hazard’s Pavilion interior, circa 1900 21
5. Douglas Military Band 27
6. Program for Faust, Fiesta Park, June 1897 35
7. Harry C. Wyatt 45
8. Frederick W. Blanchard 49
9. Harley Hamilton 57
10. Edna Foy 63
11. Los Angeles Women’s Orchestra 67
12. L. E. Behymer self-promotion 88
13. Program for American Syncopated Orchestra, Trinity
Auditorium, Los Angeles, 1919 90
14. Philharmonic (formerly Temple) Auditorium 98
15. Charles Farwell Edson 108
16. Jennie Winston 115
17. Fairyland program, 1915 129
18. First Annual Convention of the California Federation of
Music Clubs, May 1919 130
19. Artie Mason Carter 134

ix
x / Illustrations

20. Greater Los Angeles Municipal Band, 1921 145

21. Movie playbill, The Clansman, 1915 163
22. African American band, circa 1895 168
23. Alma Hightower with students, 1939 175
24. Olga Steeb 193
25. Dane Rudhyar 197
26. Program, Symphonies under the Stars at the Hollywood
Bowl, July 1933 208
27. Cover, The Baton, April 1937 224
28. California Society of Composers, circa 1937 233
29. WPA orchestra and dance troupe 236

tables
1. Los Angeles population growth 240
2. Population characteristics of Los Angeles and San Francisco,
1930 241
3. Principal ethnic origins of the 60,584 foreign-born whites in
Los Angeles County, 1910 242
4. Racial distribution as counted by the U.S. Census: Los Angeles
County 243
5. Gender distribution in Los Angeles and San Francisco: ratio of
males per 100 females 244
6. Musicians and teachers of music (separately) in the United
States, by gender, in 1870 and 1910 246
7. Musicians and teachers of music (in total) in the United States,
by gender, 1870–1930 247
8. Musicians and teachers of music, by gender (percentages only) 248
9. Racial minorities: musicians and teachers of music in
Los Angeles 249
10. Musicians and teachers of music per 10,000 population in 1910,
by city 250
Preface and Acknowledgments

Making Music in Los Angeles evolved through a series of productive acci-

dents and timely detours. Inspired by the wave of feminist discovery that
had filtered into the field of musicology by the late 1970s, I found myself
tracking the biography of a little-known American composer of opera, Mary
Carr Moore. My quest led to Los Angeles, where some rather simple ques-
tions presented themselves: Why had “my” composer actually chosen to go
there, to a city long ridiculed as not really much of a city at all? More to the
point, why did she choose to stay there through the last half of a long and
productive creative career, in a place long rumored to be utterly lacking in
musical interest? I had long accepted what I now call the “musical vacuum”
theory about music in Los Angeles. Moore’s career forced me to reexamine
my assumptions about her choice and started me thinking more carefully
about the role of music and music making in the lives of Los Angelenos, in
the lives of other Americans, and, by extension, even—especially—in our
lives today.
I soon learned that there was much more to the city’s musical life than
the usually recognized handful of canonic high spots, such as the founding
of the Philharmonic in 1919 and the arrival of the composer-émigrés from
Hitler in the 1930s. Everywhere I looked, there was more material that
raised more questions. As I discovered, my composer was just one of nu-
merous journeyman composers who survived very nicely, most of them in-
dependent of the film colony, finding sufficient audiences and students and
supporters to thrive, however modestly, in what was for many of them a
kind of artistic Eden.1 When I finished the Moore project, I was just discov-
ering Los Angeles and the culture on whose shoulders she and her contem-
poraries stood.
A number of stories emerged as I worked backward, looking for an ap-
xi
xii / Preface and Acknowledgments

propriate starting point for my new topic. Early on, there was a seminal con-
test over how concerts by visiting artists would be presented. There was the
People’s Orchestra, whose short and highly politicized career is now forgot-
ten, because it was carefully ignored by the now-dominant Los Angeles
Times. There were the contesting interests that, miraculously, gave the city
the Hollywood Bowl as a permanent institution. There was a series of defin-
ing opera productions. There was the conundrum of the city’s leading im-
presario, a self-promoting and tenacious individual who did not always at-
tract universal admiration. After 1920, there was the puzzle of “new” music,
welcomed early on and, after a few years, vigorously resisted. And finally,
there was the Federal Music Project, whose strengths and weaknesses more
or less reflected the position of music making and music makers at the end
of my period. Coaxing out these accounts, and others, proved a long-term
challenge.
My investigations continued intermittently, long after the biography of
Moore was completed. Presently, my study came to include the decades
from the arrival of the Santa Fe Railroad in the late 1880s up until the start
of World War II. It encompasses the period of political Progressivism and,
as it emerges, musical progressivism, along with their aftermath, that is, the
emergence of the modern, with its own strengths and vulnerabilities that
echo in our own time. All the while, the complexities of individual involve-
ment in music making and in the overall cultural fabric of the community
grew more obvious. Almost certainly more such stories remain unidentified
and untold—very likely as many music-making stories as there were com-
munities and generations—just in this one city. In these pages, it seems, I
have just begun to count the ways that we, like those long-ago Los Angeles
characters, have come to love and struggle with music as an essential means
of communication and self-expression.
The stories are unique, but their underlying messages are not. In Los An-
geles, as elsewhere, music inevitably reflects the wider cultural fabric and
even influences it. As I attempted to understand some of these inflections, I
marveled at the wealth of music making that kept turning up and at the pas-
sionate engagement it regularly attracted among all who involved them-
selves, whatever the manner of their participation. The feminist origins of
my engagement with music making in Los Angeles have surely affected the
outcome of this study, both my various discoveries and my ways of inter-
preting them, although by now the influences are more indirect, entangled
with other themes and considerations.
• • •
 Preface and Acknowledgments / xiii

Several opportunities over a considerable period have enabled me to pursue

this project to its completion. Sabbatical leaves from the University of
Nevada, Reno, and two fellowships from the National Endowment for the
Humanities all made this project possible and contributed materially to my
exploration of what is basically a new area of study. Shorter fellowships
from the Andrew Mellon Foundation Fund at the Huntington Library, the
New York Times Foundation, and the Institute for the Federal Theatre Proj-
ect at George Mason University, along with several travel grants from the
Graduate School and the Department of Music at UNR, allowed research on
specific topics.
Many individuals have helped me discover and interpret the wealth of
Los Angeles music history explored here. Their expertise has been invalu-
able, and I thank them for sharing it with me. I am especially grateful to the
staff at the California State Library in Sacramento, the University of Cali-
fornia at Los Angeles (both the Young Research Library and the Music Li-
brary), the University of California at Berkeley (both the Bancroft Library
and the Music Library), California State University Long Beach, Cambria
Master Recordings and Archives, the Honnold/Mudd Library of the Clare-
mont Colleges, the Getty Library, the Hollywood Bowl Museum, the Hunt-
ington Library, the Library of Congress, Los Angeles City Archives, George
Mason University (Fenwick Library), Los Angeles Music Center Archives,
Los Angeles Philharmonic Archives, Los Angeles Public Library, National
Archives and Records Administration, New York Public Library for the Per-
forming Arts, San Francisco Public Library, Southwest Museum, Syracuse
University (Arents Library), University of Arkansas at Fayetteville Library,
University of Melbourne (Grainger Museum), University of Southern Cal-
ifornia (Archival Research Center), University of Texas at Austin (Harry
Ransom Humanities Research Library), Yale University (Beinecke Library),
and my home library at the University of Nevada, Reno. Innumerable dis-
cussions with colleagues at UNR (both in music and in several other de-
partments) and in the Society for American Music, the American Musico-
logical Society, and the Conferences on Feminist Theory and Music, held
biennially since 1989, have stimulated and challenged my thinking. Several
individuals made their private collections available and lent their personal
expertise, and I thank them. Lance Bowling at Cambria Master Recordings
and Archives of Lomita, California, has been particularly helpful; his Cam-
bria label plans to issue an audio CD of sounds from pre–World War II Los
Angeles in support of this volume. Ralph E. Shaffer helped with accessing
materials not easily available otherwise. In addition, I am particularly grate-
ful to Paul Charosh, John Koegel, Leta Miller, Gayle Murchison, David
xiv / Preface and Acknowledgments

Nicholls, Cindy Richardson, Wayne Shirley, Marge Sill, and several others
for their careful reading of all or substantial portions of the manuscript at
various stages and for the valuable suggestions that resulted. The editors at
the University of California Press and a whole series of anonymous read-
ers there have contributed materially to the shaping of the volume as well
as the preparation of the manuscript. Family members and friends have
heard much more about this project than they might have chosen for them-
selves; I thank them profoundly for their tolerance and patience, their con-
sistent support, and their many useful suggestions. In the end, though, I am
responsible for the topics chosen, the opinions expressed, and the conclu-
sions drawn in this book.
Chapters 3, 4, 8, and 10 originally appeared in different form in scholarly
journals and are used here with permission. Earlier versions of these and
several other chapters were read as papers to the Society for American
Music, the American Musicological Society, and elsewhere.
I also acknowledge with thanks a subvention from the Society for Amer-
ican Music, which defrayed most of the author’s expenses for manuscript
preparation.
1 Music Making as Popular Practice

Los Angeles is regularly reported as having had little to offer in the way of
music—“culturally unfocused” in one recent, relatively tolerant formula-
tion—until émigrés from Hitler’s Germany began to find their way there
in the mid-1930s.1 Yet in 1910 more musicians and music teachers were
working there, in proportion to its total population, than in any other city
in the United States. In fact, almost half again as many professional music
makers addressed the demand for music teachers, church soloists, bands-
men, theater musicians, and other paid music makers per capita than in New
York City, then the center of the entertainment industry in America.2 Even
if the U.S. Census figures (summarized in two appendices here) are less than
precise, it is clear that, long before canned and digitized music of all de-
scriptions could be had virtually anywhere for little more than the touch of
a finger, a lot of music making took place, involving a lot of people. More
than that, the presence of music was so fully taken for granted, so com-
monplace as a way of life, that later observers thought its abundance
scarcely worth comment. Music making was truly popular.
This widespread practice of music as a popular activity changed over the
three decades before and after that 1910 Census, just as other aspects of the
culture changed, resulting in the “transformation” referred to in my title.
By following that changing practice in this one city, over that half century
and more, this book lays bare some unexpected elements bridging two style
periods in music (late romantic versus modernist for concert music) that are
often, for the United States, considered separate and almost independent of
each other. On one hand, the book sketches a part of the essential back-
ground against which the musics of commercial mass culture blossomed in
the twentieth century. On the other, it suggests some previously unex-
plored, even deliberately ignored, connections (and disconnections) be-
1
2 / Music Making as Popular Practice

tween the practice of American musical romanticism (sometimes labeled the

“genteel” tradition) and the seemingly abrupt emergence of musical mod-
ernism in the 1920s. Although these two periods have been described in
terms of stylistic differences in the music, it turns out that the gaps between
them reflect changing ideas and practices about class, gender, age, and eth-
nicity as well. Those gaps, as we also discover, were repeatedly contested in
music as elsewhere, though in often fragmented and indirect ways.
As is already clear, I use popular here in its earlier sense of widely preva-
lent forms of engagement with music, rather than in the later sense of
music’s most commercially profitable (as well as widely prevalent) genres. At
the start of my period, the term was appropriate to much music that we no
longer consider popular. In fact, a lot of the music making (and music mak-
ers) traced in this book became less visible when the term popular music
came to imply primarily the music of commercial mass culture. Some music
of that older sense of popular has disappeared, and some of it came to be con-
sidered “elite,” partly for its increasingly rigid class associations, partly be-
cause its survival depended on some form of special investment or some
other cultural formation, as opposed to commercial mass culture. Because of
this focus, the book might be thought of as describing a special case of the
“antimodern.”3 In music, though, the situation has its own complexities, for
that now largely submerged earlier practice did much to shape the terms
under which much later public music making took place. It becomes clearer
than ever in these pages that apparently straightforward acts of music mak-
ing carried wider social and political freight than the notes on the page might
suggest and that the complexities of the process were far greater than music
critics noted at the time or even than recent cultural critics have argued.4
This, then, is a social history. Even though much of it deals with what is
now called concert music, it rarely deals directly with the notes or the
sounds. Instead, it centers on the extensive web of listeners, patrons, teach-
ers, students, and entrepreneurs, as well as performers and composers, all of
whom I include in the term music makers. It celebrates the involvement of
a large portion of the population, even before commercial mass culture and
new forms of mechanical or electronic reproduction gained more than a toe-
hold.5 The European-based concert and opera traditions, right along with
the practices of domestic, theatrical, ceremonial, religious, and many other
kinds of music, all had widespread currency in Los Angeles—as elsewhere
in the United States—as common means of self-expression and communi-
cation, among men as well as women, and across a wide range of ethnic and
racial identities.6 Most of the music making discussed here comes from
these traditions and practices.
 Music Making as Popular Practice / 3

I treat a wide range of music makers, women as well as men, for no single
individual or group could embody so widespread and varied a practice. The
organization of public music making is also very important to my study. Yet
I have deliberately chosen to avoid focusing on such criteria as success in
importing the most famous virtuosi to give public concerts, or the music of
commercial mass culture, or the primacy of the mid-twentieth-century aes-
thetic of high modernism, as other authors have done.7 (All of these crite-
ria come up, but so do many other things less often discussed. On the same
principle, I have not placed the Los Angeles Philharmonic Orchestra
(1919–), for long the lynchpin of the city’s concert music establishment, in
its customary front-and-center position.) Often-drawn distinctions such as
amateur-versus-professional or public-versus-private are likewise down-
played or, occasionally, challenged. All of the four types of activities pro-
posed by Michael Broyles as necessary to the formation of a concert music
establishment—the development of musical organizations including per-
forming groups, the construction of concert venues, the emergence of pa-
trons, and the education of an audience—are among the activities reported
here. Yet they are present in far less tidy categories and with far more over-
lapping and mixed motivations than those neat categories might imply;
even then they are not the whole story, for commercial presenters and their
various economic interests played an essential role, too.8 In practice, that
means that the individuals I discuss were performing musicians as well as
variously patrons, entrepreneurs, and other musical activists. Some can fit
into more than one of these categories. Social class, gender conventions,
racial and ethnic identities, business interests, and political leanings shaped
the manner of their participation as much as did individual talent and per-
sonal inclination.
This is a regional study as well as a social history, unusual because it does
not focus on a specific genre or performing organization, as many studies
centered on individual cities do.9 For Los Angeles, the only works with wide
historical aspirations until recently have been Henry W. Splitter’s “Music
in Los Angeles,” covering Anglo concert life and theater circa 1850–1900,
and Howard Swan’s 1952 Music in the Southwest, which traces the history
of concert music in the city almost entirely through the eyes of one impre-
sario.10 As a regionally based social history, this book takes us in directions
in which, given the constraints of their one-volume format, the several ex-
cellent overviews of American music cannot go, for their size limitations
prevent them from offering more than broad-stroked accounts of regional
differences.11 The West Coast perspective of this book is, in fact, a rare one
for an investigation of Progressive-era music making or the advent of mu-
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