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SOCIOLOGY | ANTHROPOLOGY

belloni
Tens of thousands of Eritreans make perilous voyages across Africa and the Mediter-
ranean Sea every year. Why do they risk their lives to reach European countries where
so many more hardships await them? By visiting family homes in Eritrea and living with
refugees in camps and urban peripheries across Ethiopia, Sudan, and Italy, Milena

|
Belloni untangles the reasons behind one of the most under-researched refugee pop-

THE BIG GAMBLE

ulations today. Balancing encounters with refugees and their families, smugglers, and
visa officers, The Big Gamble contributes to ongoing debates about blurred bound-
aries between forced and voluntary migration, the complications of transnational
marriages, the social matrix of smuggling, and the role of family expectations, emo-
tions, and values in migrants’ choices of destinations.

“Milena Belloni’s engrossing ethnography—carried out across time, space, and place—
is particularly commendable because of her scholarly commitment to ‘getting things
right.’ The Eritrean women and men whose lives provided its empirical ground will see
their pain, joy, and contradictions reflected back at them. This is scholar activism at
its finest.” LAURA BISAILLON, Professor of Health and Society, University of Toronto
Scarborough

“The Big Gamble is a study of a migrant group that has received very little scholarly
attention. Its focus on the Eritrea to Europe corridor is a novel approach, and Milena
Belloni has produced a compelling and courageous account.” PETER KIVISTO,

THE MIGRATION OF ERITREANS TO EUROPE

Augustana College and University of Helsinki

“A monumental and perceptive story of migration, taking the reader on a journey not
just from Africa to Europe but through reflections on moralities, risk, and trust that are
central to contemporary mobility and immobility. Belloni’s account of Eritrean migra-
tion experiences is powered by formidable fieldwork and written with warmth and
wisdom.” JØRGEN CARLING, Peace Research Institute Oslo

MILENA BELLONI is a sociologist at the University of Trento. Her doctoral research

on Eritrean migration received the 2016 IMISCOE Award. Belloni has published in
the Journal of Refugee Studies and the Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies. THE BIG GAMBLE
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS THE MIGRATION OF ERITREANS TO EUROPE
www.ucpress.edu | www.luminosoa.org
A free ebook version of this title is available through Luminos, University of
California Press’s Open Access publishing program for monographs.
Visit www.luminosoa.org to learn more. milena belloni
Cover illustration: Sidet-Exile, by Ambasager Welday, 2015.
 Luminos is the Open Access monograph publishing program
from UC Press. Luminos provides a framework for preserving and
reinvigorating monograph publishing for the future and increases
the reach and visibility of important scholarly work. Titles published
in the UC Press Luminos model are published with the same high
standards for selection, peer review, production, and marketing as
those in our traditional program. www.luminosoa.org
 The publisher and the University of California Press Foundation
gratefully acknowledge the generous support of the Anne G. Lipow
Endowment Fund in Social Justice and Human Rights.
The Big Gamble
 The Big Gamble
The Migration of Eritreans to Europe

Milena Belloni

UNIVERSIT Y OF CALIFORNIA PRESS

University of California Press
Oakland, California

© 2019 by Milena Belloni

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons [CC-BY-NC-ND]

license. To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/
licenses.

Suggested citation: Belloni, M. The Big Gamble: The Migration of Eritreans

to Europe. Oakland: University of California Press, 2019. DOI: https://doi.
org/10.1525/luminos.82

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Belloni, Milena, author.
Title: The big gamble : the migration of Eritreans to Europe /
Milena Belloni.
Description: Oakland, California : University of California Press, [2019]|
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2019021373 (print) | LCCN 2019980901 (ebook) |
ISBN 9780520298705 (paperback) | ISBN 9780520970755 (ebook other)
Subjects: LCSH: Eritreans—Social aspects—Europe. | Africans—|
Migrations—Social aspects.
Classification: LCC DT16.5 .B44 2019 (print) | LCC DT16.5 (ebook) |
DDC 304.8/40635—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019021373
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019980901

28 27 26 25 24 23 22 21 20 19
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
 C onte nts

Acknowledgments vii
List of Protagonists ix
Introduction 1
1. When Migration Becomes the Norm: Ingredients of an Ordinary Crisis 25
2. Hypermobile and Immobile: Diverse Responses to Protracted
Displacement in Ethiopia and Sudan 50
3. An Endless Journey: Transnational and Peer Pressure in Onward
Migration in Europe 79
4. Moralities of Border Crossing: Inside the World of Smuggling and
Transnational Marriages 101
5. Entrapped: Making Sense of High-Risk Migration through Gambling 125
Conclusion 137
Postscript 145

Appendix. Backstage: Notes on Methodology and Ethics 147

Notes 169
References 197
Index 225
 Ac knowle d gme n ts

This work would have not been possible without the help and care of my Eritrean
informants, whose real names have been changed to protect their safety. They are
the protagonists and the soul of this book. Among them I would like to mention
my friends Violetta, Johanna, Lwam, Alazar, Adonay, Gabriel, Esther, Saba, Baba,
Gebreyesus, Samuel, Michael, Paolos, Noah and his Kunama family, Maria, Sister
Kudussan, and Sister Lethe Brahne and the nuns of her congregation, whose work
is of immense relief to many. It is to all of them that I dedicate this book.
I am obliged to Ambassador Renzo Rosso for providing me with institutional
support while doing fieldwork in Ethiopia, and to Dr. Fekadu Adugna and the
Department of Anthropology of Addis Ababa University for facilitating my local
academic affiliation. I am also deeply indebted to Martina Messa, who welcomed me
in Asmara, Ernesto Molinari and his family in Addis Ababa for their support during
the initial phases of my stay in Addis Ababa, and to Khaled Mohamed for facilitat-
ing my entering Sudan. I owe a special thanks to Ephrem Tadesse for his logistical
support in Shire and to Mohand Hassan Fadeel for his priceless help in Khartoum.
The writing process has been long and strenuous and would have not been pos-
sible without the encouragement of my family and friends. But money also helps,
and I am indebted to the American Academy in Rome for awarding me with the
Italian Fellowship in Modern Italian Studies and providing me with the perfect envi-
ronment and means to complete the first draft of the book. I am especially grateful
to Eric Cazdyn for pushing me to get to the core of the ideas that inspire this book.
At the University of Trento, I would like to thank Paolo Boccagni for his patient
comments and Giuseppe Sciortino for his wise jokes, which made my doctoral
time much more inspiring. Finally, I would also like to thank Jørgen Carling, Nauja
Kleist, Michael Collyer and Anna Triandafyllidou, who encouraged me to turn my
thesis into a book, and the anonymous reviewers who critically assessed it.
vii
 Protagonists

NOTE:  ll names have been changed to protect the anonymity of my

A
informants. Ages are given here ca. 2014.
Alazar: a 30-year-old ex-military refugee, originally from Asmara, my
main contact in Eritrean informal networks in Rome.
Senay: Alazar’s friend and age-mate, my host in a Roman squat.
Kibreab: my main informant in a Roman shantytown inhabited by
Eritreans in transit to other destinations.
Ogbazgi: a 25-year-old refugee living in Sicily whom I met in Ethiopia
on the occasion of his marriage. I also visited his family in May
Nefas, a village in the southern region of Eritrea.
Gabriel: my 28-year-old main informant in Milan, who facilitated my
stay at his aunt’s place in Asmara.
Ester: the head of the family who hosted me in Asmara.
Salam: Ester’s youngest daughter, who shared her room with me
during my stay in Asmara.
Johanna: Salam’s friend and neighbor, who became one of my main
informants in Eritrea.
Lwam: Gabriel’s younger sister, my main interpreter during my home
visits in Asmara.
Minia: Alazar’s mother. I met with her family in Asmara and then in
Ethiopia after their escape from the country.
Sister an Eritrean nun who had lived in Addis Ababa for more than
Kudussan: three decades, where her small convent was a meeting place for
young Eritrean refugees.
Hagos: a 30-year-old refugee from Mai Nefas and main spokesperson
among the group of Catholic refugees I met in Addis Ababa
ix
x    Protagonists

Violetta:  y flat mate in Addis Ababa.

m
Adonay: a 28-year-old refugee student at Addis Ababa University.
Jeremiah: a 40-year-old translator and informant in the Adi Harush camp
in Ethiopia.
Noah: a 25-year-old Kunama translator and informant in the camp of
Shimelba.
Tsegay: the middleman I interviewed in Addis Ababa, who became a
people smuggler to earn a living and pay for the migration of
his siblings.
Maria: my 28-year-old host in Khartoum. I lived with her and her
8-year-old daughter, Anna, for over a month.
Michael: a 23-year-old successful broker of people smuggling in
Khartoum.
 Introduction

It was 2016. Surrounded by the perpetual noise and relentless coming and going
of Termini Station in Rome, my friend Alazar and I were drinking coffee at our
usual meeting point.
“My brother is saying that I should join him in Canada . . . ,” Alazar said.
“How is that possible?” I answered, surprised.
“My brother said not to worry . . . that he will find a way for me,” Alazar replied
quietly.
Alazar, whom I have known since he sought asylum in Italy in 2008, had finally
found a job in a local restaurant and seemed to be feeling quite at home in Rome.
After surviving a war when he was only eighteen, enduring a troublesome Medi-
terranean crossing, and spending a few years of unstable existence between Italy
and the few countries in which he had sought asylum afterwards, Alazar had
finally found some stability, I thought. He had a full international protection, a
lot of friends and spoke some Italian. Apparently, however, he was not yet at his
final destination as far as his relatives were concerned. Life was not easy for Alazar
and many of the other Eritrean refugees I knew in the city. They often lived in
poor housing and had few, irregular jobs. But I nonetheless had trouble under-
standing how Alazar’s brother could even think that moving to Canada, probably
through an incredibly dangerous and expensive crossing of the Mexico-U.S. and
then the U.S.-Canada borders, could be a good idea. Why gamble resources, time
and energy again for an unsure outcome?
Such situations were not new to me. The restless search for a suitable final
home in spite of all obstacles characterized the trajectories of most of the Eritre-
ans I met during my research across Eritrea, Ethiopia, Sudan, and Italy. The
dream of fulfilling family expectations and finding not only a safe haven but some

1
2    Introduction

degree of socioeconomic and existential stability at one’s next destination was

typical of the stories I collected. My Eritrean interlocutors felt that migration, no
matter how risky, was their best option if they were to change their lives and those
of their families. Their resources, time, and energy were all invested in this, the big
gamble of the protagonists of this book, in which the stakes are incredibly high
and the outcome extremely uncertain.
Through the hardships of the national service in Eritrea and the adversities
of exile in refugee camps and peripheral neighborhoods in Sudan, Ethiopia, and
Italy, The Big Gamble investigates migrants’ and their families’ fears, dreams and
stratagems in navigating the opportunities and constraints produced by national
migration policies and the international asylum regime. Besides describing their
experience of deprivation and violence, I reconstruct the choices faced by my
research participants at each stage of their migration. In each site, I account
not only for the importance of socioeconomic resources for geographic mobil-
ity, but also for the role of shared moralities (that is to say, shared conceptions
of what is moral and immoral), transnational expectations and imagination in
the decision whether to stay put or move on. In each site, I illustrate the cumu-
lative impact of previous emotional and material investments to reach the
desired destination.
In a nutshell, The Big Gamble seeks to show the space of refugees’ agency—to
explore the paradox of choice for those who are defined by the lack of it. In so
doing, I break with long-standing assumptions, criticized but never really over-
come, that reduce the explanations of refugee movements to push factors and con-
fine the debate about them to the paradigm of emergency and exceptionality. By
considering the role of aspirations in the context of chronic crisis, the influence
of families on refugees’ decision-making long after they left home and the emic
perception of risk in dangerous border-crossings, this book shows the relevance
of concepts developed in broader migration studies for the theoretical interpreta-
tion of refugee movements. In particular, building on long-standing debates on
imaginaries, culture of migration and transnational moral economies, the idea of
cosmologies of destinations, explained below, is for me a way to understand the
interplay of mobility and immobility by analyzing how shared moral norms, per-
sonal aspirations, and collective emotions shape refugees’ choices for mobility and
their directions.
After introducing the idea of cosmologies of destinations and placing it within
the larger debate over mobility and immobility, this introduction briefly revisits
the history of refugee and forced migration studies and shows the theoretical as
well as political importance of blurring the boundaries between research on forced
and voluntary migrations. Then, it explains the significance of the Eritrean case in
today’s scenario and provides a historical overview of the country. Finally, I pres-
ent the main features of my multi-sited ethnography across four countries and a
summary of the book chapters.
 Introduction    3

M O D E R N C O SM O L O G I E S

Since starting to work with Eritreans in 2008, I have come to realize how the
desired outcomes of their migration trajectories are patterned along a geographic
hierarchy, with Canada, the United States, and the Scandinavian countries at the
top and Eritrea at the bottom. In the middle, countries like Ethiopia, Sudan, and
even Italy were perceived only as transit places, unsuitable for long-term settle-
ment. Although individual preferences, family connections, rumors about recent
policy changes, and other contingent circumstances could orient choices of a final
destination—“Is it better to go to Sweden, Norway, or Switzerland?”—Eritrean
refugees I encountered seemed to share common perceptions about the levels of
safety, individual freedom, and labor market opportunities in different countries
both among themselves and with their relatives around the globe. Far from being
simply a configuration of geographic imaginaries, this hierarchy—which I define
as a cosmology of destinations—also reflects a pathway of moral achievements
and recognitions. Migrants’ journeys are constructed as more or less successful,
depending on the final country of settlement.
In anthropology, cosmologies are conventionally defined as widespread repre-
sentations of the world as a hierarchically ordered whole.1 Traditionally pertaining
to the vocabulary of religion studies, cosmologies have progressively come to refer
more generally to systems of classification and their related moral and emotional
attitudes. Although for a time, this concept has been regarded as an outdated and
ethnocentric notion, it is nevertheless an important heuristic tool for linking rep-
resentations of reality with perceptions of morality and prescribed actions.2 The
concept of cosmologies has recently been used, for instance, to talk about social
security conceptions in South Africa (“cosmologies of welfare”),3 to refer to the
capitalist system and its encompassing narrative,4 and to denote the system of reli-
gious values underpinning the economic transactions involved in irregular migra-
tion from Fouzhou in China (“cosmologies of credit”).5 Cosmologies are crucial
in Liisa Malkki’s Purity and Exile, a founding text in refugee studies. Malkki illus-
trates how the mythico-historical reinterpretation of the Burundian genocide—a
cosmology in its own right—shaped refugees’ understanding of daily life in the
camps and oriented their interactions with locals. Hutu refugees regarded inter-
marriage with locals and residence outside the camp, in particular, as threats to
the purity of their identity.6
Whereas Malkki’s Purity and Exile examines the cosmological beliefs of a lim-
ited number of refugees living in a confined camp, The Big Gamble aims to make
sense of transnationally diffused worldviews among migrants in transit, their
families back home, and their relatives and friends in the diaspora. Their views
emerge not only from a national history of the Eritrean people as colonial subjects,
war martyrs, and sacrificial migrants, but also from the wider effects of global
cultural circulation on local cultures of migration, imaginaries and aspirations.
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