Cold War

The Cold War was a period of global geopolitical

rivalry between the United States (US) and the Soviet Cold War
Union (USSR) and their respective allies, the capitalist 12 March 1947 – 26 December 1991[A]
Western Bloc and communist Eastern Bloc, which
Truman Doctrine Dissolution of the
began in the aftermath of the Second World War[A] and
Soviet Union
ended with the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991.
The term cold war is used because there was no direct
fighting between the two superpowers, though each
supported opposing sides in regional conflicts known
as proxy wars. In addition to the struggle for
ideological and economic influence and an arms race
in both conventional and nuclear weapons, the Cold
War was expressed through technological rivalries
such as the Space Race, espionage, propaganda
campaigns, embargoes, and sports diplomacy.

After the end of the Second World War in 1945, during

which the US and USSR had been allies, the USSR
installed satellite governments in its occupied NATO and Warsaw Pact states during
territories in Eastern Europe and North Korea by 1949, the Cold War era
resulting in the political division of Europe (and Duration 44 years and 9 months
Germany) by an "Iron Curtain". The USSR tested its Part of the post-World War II era
first nuclear weapon in 1949, four years after their use
by the US on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and allied with
the People's Republic of China, founded in 1949. The US
declared the Truman Doctrine of "containment" of
communism in 1947, launched the Marshall Plan in 1948 to
assist Western Europe's economic recovery, and founded the
NATO military alliance in 1949 (matched by the Soviet-led
Warsaw Pact in 1955). The Berlin Blockade of 1948 to 1949
The "Three Worlds" of the Cold War era,
was an early confrontation, as was the Korean War of 1950 to
between 30 April and 24 June 1975:
1953, which ended in a stalemate.
First World: Western Bloc led by the
United States and its allies
US involvement in regime change during the Cold War
Second World: Eastern Bloc led by
included support for anti-communist and right-wing
the Soviet Union, China (independent),
dictatorships and uprisings, while Soviet involvement
and their allies
included the funding of left-wing parties, wars of Third World: Non-Aligned and neutral
independence, and dictatorships. As nearly all the colonial countries
states underwent decolonization, many became Third World
battlefields of the Cold War. Both powers used economic aid
in an attempt to win the loyalty of non-aligned countries. The Cuban Revolution of 1959 installed the first
communist regime in the Western Hemisphere, and in 1962, the Cuban Missile Crisis began after
deployments of US missiles in Europe and Soviet missiles in Cuba; it is widely considered the closest the
Cold War came to escalating into nuclear war. Another major proxy conflict was the Vietnam War of 1955
to 1975, which ended in defeat for the US.

The USSR solidified its domination of Eastern Europe with its crushing of the Hungarian Revolution in
1956 and the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968. Relations between the USSR and China
broke down by 1961, with the Sino-Soviet split bringing the two states to the brink of war amid a border
conflict in 1969. In 1972, the US initiated diplomatic contacts with China and the US and USSR signed a
series of treaties limiting their nuclear arsenals during a period known as détente. In 1979, the toppling of
US-allied governments in Iran and Nicaragua and the outbreak of the Soviet–Afghan War again raised
tensions. In 1985, Mikhail Gorbachev became leader of the USSR and expanded political freedoms,
which contributed to the revolutions of 1989 in the Eastern Bloc and the collapse of the USSR in 1991,
ending the Cold War.

Terminology
Writer George Orwell used cold war, as a general term, in his essay "You and the Atomic Bomb",
published 19 October 1945. Contemplating a world living in the shadow of the threat of nuclear warfare,
Orwell looked at James Burnham's predictions of a polarized world, writing:

Looking at the world as a whole, the drift for many decades has been not towards anarchy but
towards the reimposition of slavery... James Burnham's theory has been much discussed, but
few people have yet considered its ideological implications—that is, the kind of world-view,
the kind of beliefs, and the social structure that would probably prevail in a state which was at
once unconquerable and in a permanent state of "cold war" with its neighbours.[1]

In The Observer of 10 March 1946, Orwell wrote, "after the Moscow conference last December, Russia
began to make a 'cold war' on Britain and the British Empire."[2]

The first use of the term to describe the specific post-war geopolitical confrontation between the Soviet
Union and the United States came in a speech by Bernard Baruch, an influential advisor to Democratic
presidents,[3] on 16 April 1947. The speech, written by journalist Herbert Bayard Swope,[4] proclaimed,
"we are today in the midst of a cold war."[5] Newspaper columnist Walter Lippmann gave the term wide
currency with his book The Cold War. When asked in 1947 about the source of the term, Lippmann traced
it to a French term from the 1930s, la guerre froide.[6][B]

Background and periodization

The roots of the Cold War can be traced to diplomatic and military tensions preceding World War II. The
1917 Russian Revolution and the subsequent Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, where Soviet Russia ceded vast
territories to Germany, deepened distrust among the Western Allies. Allied intervention in the Russian
Civil War further complicated relations, and although the Soviet Union later allied with Western powers
to defeat Nazi Germany, this cooperation was strained by mutual suspicions.
In the immediate aftermath of World War II, disagreements about the future of Europe, particularly
Eastern Europe, became central. The Soviet Union's establishment of communist regimes in the countries
it had liberated from Nazi control—enforced by the presence of the Red Army—alarmed the US and UK.
Western leaders saw this as Soviet expansionism, clashing with their vision of a democratic Europe.
Economically, the divide was sharpened with the introduction of the Marshall Plan in 1947, a US
initiative to provide financial aid to rebuild Europe and prevent the spread of communism by stabilizing
capitalist economies. The Soviet Union rejected the Marshall Plan, seeing it as an effort by the US to
impose its influence on Europe. In response, the Soviet Union established Comecon (Council for Mutual
Economic Assistance) to foster economic cooperation among communist states.

The United States and its Western European allies sought to strengthen their bonds and used the policy of
containment against Soviet influence; they accomplished this most notably through the formation of
NATO, which was essentially a defensive agreement in 1949. The Soviet Union countered with the
Warsaw Pact in 1955, which had similar results with the Eastern Bloc. As by that time the Soviet Union
already had an armed presence and political domination all over its eastern satellite states, the pact has
been long considered superfluous.[7] Although nominally a defensive alliance, the Warsaw Pact's primary
function was to safeguard Soviet hegemony over its Eastern European satellites, with the pact's only
direct military actions having been the invasions of its own member states to keep them from breaking
away;[8] in the 1960s, the pact evolved into a multilateral alliance, in which the non-Soviet Warsaw Pact
members gained significant scope to pursue their own interests. In 1961, Soviet-allied East Germany
constructed the Berlin Wall to prevent the citizens of East Berlin from fleeing to West Berlin, at the time
part of United States-allied West Germany.[9] Major crises of this phase included the Berlin Blockade of
1948–1949, the Chinese Communist Revolution of 1945–1949, the Korean War of 1950–1953, the
Hungarian Revolution of 1956 and the Suez Crisis of that same year, the Berlin Crisis of 1961, the Cuban
Missile Crisis of 1962, and the Vietnam War of 1955–1975. Both superpowers competed for influence in
Latin America and the Middle East, and the decolonising states of Africa, Asia, and Oceania.

Following the Cuban Missile Crisis, this phase of the Cold War saw the Sino-Soviet split. Between China
and the Soviet Union's complicated relations within the Communist sphere, leading to the Sino-Soviet
border conflict, while France, a Western Bloc state, began to demand greater autonomy of action. The
Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia occurred to suppress the Prague Spring of 1968, while the
United States experienced internal turmoil from the civil rights movement and opposition to United States
involvement in the Vietnam War. In the 1960s–1970s, an international peace movement took root among
citizens around the world. Movements against nuclear weapons testing and for nuclear disarmament took
place, with large anti-war protests. By the 1970s, both sides had started making allowances for peace and
security, ushering in a period of détente that saw the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks and the 1972 visit
by Richard Nixon to China that opened relations with China as a strategic counterweight to the Soviet
Union. A number of self-proclaimed Marxist–Leninist governments were formed in the second half of the
1970s in developing countries, including Angola, Mozambique, Ethiopia, Cambodia, Afghanistan, and
Nicaragua.

Détente collapsed at the end of the decade with the beginning of the Soviet–Afghan War in 1979.
Beginning in the 1980s, this phase was another period of elevated tension. The Reagan Doctrine led to
increased diplomatic, military, and economic pressures on the Soviet Union, which at the time was
undergoing the Era of Stagnation. This phase saw the new Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev introducing
the liberalizing reforms of glasnost ("openness") and perestroika ("reorganization") and ending Soviet
involvement in Afghanistan in 1989. Pressures for national sovereignty grew stronger in Eastern Europe,
and Gorbachev refused to further support the Communist governments militarily.

The fall of the Iron Curtain after the Pan-European Picnic and the Revolutions of 1989, which
represented a peaceful revolutionary wave with the exception of the Romanian revolution and the Afghan
Civil War (1989–1992), overthrew almost all of the Marxist–Leninist regimes of the Eastern Bloc. The
Communist Party of the Soviet Union itself lost control in the country and was banned following the
1991 Soviet coup attempt that August. This in turn led to the formal dissolution of the Soviet Union in
December 1991 and the collapse of Communist governments across much of Africa and Asia. The
Russian Federation became the Soviet Union's successor state, while many of the other republics emerged
as fully independent post-Soviet states.[10] The United States was left as the world's sole superpower.

Containment, Truman Doctrine, Korean War (1947–1953)

Iron Curtain, Iran, Turkey, Greece, and Poland

In February 1946, George F. Kennan's "Long Telegram" from
Moscow to Washington helped to articulate the US
government's increasingly hard line against the Soviets,
which would become the basis for US strategy toward the
Soviet Union. The telegram galvanized a policy debate that
would eventually shape the Truman administration's Soviet
policy.[11] Washington's opposition to the Soviets
accumulated after broken promises by Stalin and Molotov
concerning Europe and Iran.[12] Following the World War II Remains of the "Iron Curtain" in the
Anglo-Soviet invasion of Iran, the country was occupied by Czech Republic, 2014
the Red Army in the far north and the British in the south. [13]

Iran was used by the United States and British to supply the
Soviet Union, and the Allies agreed to withdraw from Iran within six months after the cessation of
hostilities.[13] However, when this deadline came, the Soviets remained in Iran under the guise of the
Azerbaijan People's Government and Kurdish Republic of Mahabad.[14] On 5 March, former British
prime minister Winston Churchill delivered his famous "Iron Curtain" speech calling for an Anglo-
American alliance against the Soviets, whom he accused of establishing an "iron curtain" dividing
Europe.[15][16]

A week later, on 13 March, Stalin responded vigorously to the speech, saying Churchill could be
compared to Adolf Hitler insofar as he advocated the racial superiority of English-speaking nations so
that they could satisfy their hunger for world domination, and that such a declaration was "a call for war
on the USSR." The Soviet leader also dismissed the accusation that the USSR was exerting increasing
control over the countries lying in its sphere. He argued that there was nothing surprising in "the fact that
the Soviet Union, anxious for its future safety, [was] trying to see to it that governments loyal in their
attitude to the Soviet Union should exist in these countries."[17][18]
Soviet territorial demands to Turkey regarding the Dardanelles in the
Turkish Straits crisis and Black Sea border disputes were also a major
factor in increasing tensions.[12][19] In September, the Soviet side
produced the Novikov telegram, sent by the Soviet ambassador to the
US but commissioned and "co-authored" by Vyacheslav Molotov; it
portrayed the US as being in the grip of monopoly capitalists who
were building up military capability "to prepare the conditions for
winning world supremacy in a new war".[20] On 6 September 1946,
James F. Byrnes delivered a speech in Germany repudiating the
Morgenthau Plan (a proposal to partition and de-industrialize post-war
Germany) and warning the Soviets that the US intended to maintain a European military alliances
military presence in Europe indefinitely.[21][22] As Byrnes stated a
month later, "The nub of our program was to win the German
people ... it was a battle between us and Russia over minds ..." In
December, the Soviets agreed to withdraw from Iran after persistent
US pressure, an early success of containment policy.

By 1947, US president Harry S. Truman was outraged by the

perceived resistance of the Soviet Union to American demands in
Iran, Turkey, and Greece, as well as Soviet rejection of the Baruch
Plan on nuclear weapons.[23] In February 1947, the British
government announced that it could no longer afford to finance the
Kingdom of Greece in its civil war against Communist-led European economic blocs
insurgents.[24] In the same month, Stalin conducted the rigged 1947
Polish legislative election which constituted an open breach of the Yalta Agreement. The US government
responded by adopting a policy of containment,[25] with the goal of stopping the spread of communism.
Truman delivered a speech calling for the allocation of $400 million to intervene in the war and unveiled
the Truman Doctrine, which framed the conflict as a contest between free peoples and totalitarian
regimes.[25] American policymakers accused the Soviet Union of conspiring against the Greek royalists in
an effort to expand Soviet influence even though Stalin had told the Communist Party to cooperate with
the British-backed government.[26][27][28]

Enunciation of the Truman Doctrine marked the beginning of a US bipartisan defense and foreign policy
consensus between Republicans and Democrats focused on containment and deterrence that weakened
during and after the Vietnam War, but ultimately persisted thereafter.[29] Moderate and conservative
parties in Europe, as well as social democrats, gave virtually unconditional support to the Western
alliance,[30] while European and American Communists, financed by the KGB and involved in its
intelligence operations,[31] adhered to Moscow's line, although dissent began to appear after 1956. Other
critiques of the consensus policy came from anti-Vietnam War activists, the Campaign for Nuclear
Disarmament, and the anti-nuclear movement.[32]

Marshall Plan, Czechoslovak coup and formation of two German states

In early 1947, France, Britain and the United States unsuccessfully attempted to reach an agreement with
the Soviet Union for a plan envisioning an economically self-sufficient Germany, including a detailed
accounting of the industrial plants, goods and infrastructure already taken by the Soviets.[33] In June
1947, in accordance with the Truman Doctrine, the United States enacted the Marshall Plan, a pledge of
economic assistance for all European countries willing to
participate.[33] Under the plan, which President Harry S. Truman
signed on 3 April 1948, the US government gave to Western European
countries over $13 billion (equivalent to $189 billion in 2016). Later,
the program led to the creation of the OECD.

The plan's aim was to rebuild the democratic and economic systems of
Europe and to counter perceived threats to the European balance of
power, such as communist parties seizing control.[34] The plan also
stated that European prosperity was contingent upon German economic
recovery.[35] One month later, Truman signed the National Security Act
of 1947, creating a unified Department of Defense, the Central The labeling used on the
Intelligence Agency (CIA), and the National Security Council (NSC). Marshall Plan economic aid to
These would become the main bureaucracies for US defense policy in Western Europe.
the Cold War.[36]

Stalin believed economic integration with the West would

allow Eastern Bloc countries to escape Soviet control, and
that the US was trying to buy a pro-US re-alignment of
Europe.[37] Stalin therefore prevented Eastern Bloc nations
from receiving Marshall Plan aid.[37] The Soviet Union's
alternative to the Marshall Plan, which was purported to
involve Soviet subsidies and trade with central and eastern
Europe, became known as the Molotov Plan (later
institutionalized in January 1949 as the Council for Mutual
Economic Assistance).[27] Stalin was also fearful of a
reconstituted Germany; his vision of a post-war Germany did
not include the ability to rearm or pose any kind of threat to Map of Cold War-era Europe and the
the Soviet Union.[38] Near East showing countries that
received Marshall Plan aid. The red
In early 1948, Czech Communists executed a coup d'état in columns show the relative amount of total
Czechoslovakia (resulting in the formation of the aid received per nation.
Czechoslovak Socialist Republic), the only Eastern Bloc state
that the Soviets had permitted to retain democratic
structures.[39] The public brutality of the coup shocked Western powers
more than any event up to that point and swept away the last vestiges
of opposition to the Marshall Plan in the United States Congress.[40][41]

In an immediate aftermath of the crisis, the London Six-Power

Conference was held, resulting in the Soviet boycott of the Allied
Control Council and its incapacitation, an event marking the beginning
of the full-blown Cold War, as well as ending any hopes at the time for
a single German government and leading to formation in 1949 of the
Federal Republic of Germany and German Democratic Republic.[42] Construction in West Berlin
under Marshall Plan aid
The twin policies of the Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan led to
billions in economic and military aid for Western Europe, Greece, and
Turkey. With the US assistance, the Greek military won its civil war.[36] Under the leadership of Alcide
De Gasperi the Italian Christian Democrats defeated the powerful Communist–Socialist alliance in the
elections of 1948.[43]

Outside of Europe, the United States also began to express interest in the development of many other
countries, so that they would not fall under the sway of Eastern Bloc communism. In his January 1949
inaugural address, Truman declared for the first time in U.S. history that international development would
be a key part of U.S. foreign policy. The resulting program later became known as the Point Four
Program because it was the fourth point raised in his address.[44]

Espionage
All major powers engaged in espionage, using a great variety of spies, double agents, moles, and new
technologies such as the tapping of telephone cables.[45] The Soviet KGB ("Committee for State
Security"), the bureau responsible for foreign espionage and internal surveillance, was famous for its
effectiveness. The most famous Soviet operation involved its atomic spies that delivered crucial
information from the United States' Manhattan Project, leading the USSR to detonate its first nuclear
weapon in 1949, four years after the American detonation and much sooner than expected.[46][47] A
massive network of informants throughout the Soviet Union was used to monitor dissent from official
Soviet politics and morals.[45][48] Although to an extent disinformation had always existed, the term itself
was invented, and the strategy formalized by a black propaganda department of the Soviet KGB.[49][C]

Based on the amount of top-secret Cold War archival information that has been released, historian
Raymond L. Garthoff concludes there probably was parity in the quantity and quality of secret
information obtained by each side. However, the Soviets probably had an advantage in terms of
HUMINT (human intelligence or interpersonal espionage) and "sometimes in its reach into high policy
circles." In terms of decisive impact, however, he concludes:[50]

We also can now have high confidence in the judgment that there were no successful "moles"
at the political decision-making level on either side. Similarly, there is no evidence, on either
side, of any major political or military decision that was prematurely discovered through
espionage and thwarted by the other side. There also is no evidence of any major political or
military decision that was crucially influenced (much less generated) by an agent of the other
side.

According to historian Robert L. Benson, "Washington's forte was 'signals' intelligence – the procurement
and analysis of coded foreign messages," leading to the Venona project or Venona intercepts, which
monitored the communications of Soviet intelligence agents.[51] Moynihan wrote that the Venona project
contained "overwhelming proof of the activities of Soviet spy networks in America, complete with
names, dates, places, and deeds."[52] The Venona project was kept highly secret even from policymakers
until the Moynihan Commission in 1995.[52] Despite this, the decryption project had already been
betrayed and dispatched to the USSR by Kim Philby and Bill Weisband in 1946,[52][53] as was discovered
by the US by 1950.[54] Nonetheless, the Soviets had to keep their discovery of the program secret, too,
and continued leaking their own information, some of which was still useful to the American program.[53]
According to Moynihan, even President Truman may not have been fully informed of Venona, which may
have left him unaware of the extent of Soviet espionage.[55][56]
Clandestine atomic spies from the Soviet Union, who infiltrated the Manhattan Project during WWII,
played a major role in increasing tensions that led to the Cold War.[51]

In addition to usual espionage, the Western agencies paid special attention to debriefing Eastern Bloc
defectors.[57] Edward Jay Epstein describes that the CIA understood that the KGB used "provocations",
or fake defections, as a trick to embarrass Western intelligence and establish Soviet double agents. As a
result, from 1959 to 1973, the CIA required that East Bloc defectors went through a counterintelligence
investigation before being recruited as a source of intelligence.[58]

During the late 1970s and 1980s, the KGB perfected its use of espionage to sway and distort
diplomacy.[59] Active measures were "clandestine operations designed to further Soviet foreign policy
goals," consisting of disinformation, forgeries, leaks to foreign media, and the channeling of aid to
militant groups.[60] Retired KGB Major General Oleg Kalugin described active measures as "the heart
and soul of Soviet intelligence."[61]

During the Sino-Soviet split, "spy wars" also occurred between the USSR and PRC.[62]

Cominform and the Tito–Stalin Split

In September 1947, the Soviets created Cominform to impose orthodoxy within the international
communist movement and tighten political control over Soviet satellites through coordination of
communist parties in the Eastern Bloc.[37] Cominform faced an embarrassing setback the following June,
when the Tito–Stalin split obliged its members to expel Yugoslavia, which remained communist but
adopted a non-aligned position and began accepting financial aid from the US.[63]

Besides Berlin, the status of the city of Trieste was at issue. Until the break between Tito and Stalin, the
Western powers and the Eastern bloc faced each other uncompromisingly. In addition to capitalism and
communism, Italians and Slovenes, monarchists and republicans as well as war winners and losers often
faced each other irreconcilably. The neutral buffer state Free Territory of Trieste, founded in 1947 with
the United Nations, was split up and dissolved in 1954 and 1975, also because of the détente between the
West and Tito.[64][65]

Berlin Blockade
The US and Britain merged their western German occupation
zones into "Bizone" (1 January 1947, later "Trizone" with the
addition of France's zone, April 1949).[66] As part of the
economic rebuilding of Germany, in early 1948,
representatives of a number of Western European
governments and the United States announced an agreement
for a merger of western German areas into a federal
governmental system.[67] In addition, in accordance with the
Marshall Plan, they began to re-industrialize and rebuild the
West German economy, including the introduction of a new
Deutsche Mark currency to replace the old Reichsmark American C-47s unloading at the Berlin
Tempelhof Airport during the Berlin
currency that the Soviets had debased.[68] The US had
Blockade
secretly decided that a unified and neutral Germany was
undesirable, with Walter Bedell Smith telling General
Eisenhower "in spite of our announced position, we really do not want nor intend to accept German
unification on any terms that the Russians might agree to, even though they seem to meet most of our
requirements."[69]

Shortly thereafter, Stalin instituted the Berlin Blockade (June 1948 – May 1949), one of the first major
crises of the Cold War, preventing Western supplies from reaching West Germany's exclave of West
Berlin.[70] The United States (primarily), Britain, France, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and several
other countries began the massive "Berlin airlift", supplying West Berlin with provisions despite Soviet
threats.[71]

The Soviets mounted a public relations campaign against the policy change. Once again, the East Berlin
communists attempted to disrupt the Berlin municipal elections,[66] which were held on 5 December 1948
and produced a turnout of 86% and an overwhelming victory for the non-communist parties.[72] The
results effectively divided the city into East and West, the latter comprising US, British and French
sectors. 300,000 Berliners demonstrated and urged the international airlift to continue,[73] and US Air
Force pilot Gail Halvorsen created "Operation Vittles", which supplied candy to German children.[74] The
Airlift was as much a logistical as a political and psychological success for the West; it firmly linked West
Berlin to the United States.[75] In May 1949, Stalin lifted the blockade.[76][77]

In 1952, Stalin repeatedly proposed a plan to unify East and West Germany under a single government
chosen in elections supervised by the United Nations, if the new Germany were to stay out of Western
military alliances, but this proposal was turned down by the Western powers. Some sources dispute the
sincerity of the proposal.[78]

Beginnings of NATO and Radio Free Europe

Britain, France, the United States, Canada and eight other
western European countries signed the North Atlantic Treaty
of April 1949, establishing the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO).[76] That August, the first Soviet atomic
device was detonated in Semipalatinsk, Kazakh SSR.[27]
Following Soviet refusals to participate in a German
rebuilding effort set forth by western European countries in
1948,[67][79] the US, Britain and France spearheaded the
establishment of the Federal Republic of Germany from the
three Western zones of occupation in April 1949.[80] The
President Truman signs the North Atlantic
Soviet Union proclaimed its zone of occupation in Germany
Treaty with guests in the Oval Office.
the German Democratic Republic that October.[81]

Media in the Eastern Bloc was an organ of the state,

completely reliant on and subservient to the communist party. Radio and television organizations were
state-owned, while print media was usually owned by political organizations, mostly by the local
communist party.[82] Soviet radio broadcasts used Marxist rhetoric to attack capitalism, emphasizing
themes of labor exploitation, imperialism and war-mongering.[83]

Along with the broadcasts of the BBC and the Voice of America to Central and Eastern Europe,[84] a
major propaganda effort began in 1949 was Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, dedicated to bringing
about the peaceful demise of the communist system in the Eastern Bloc.[85] Radio Free Europe attempted
to achieve these goals by serving as a surrogate home radio station, an alternative to the controlled and
party-dominated domestic press in the Soviet Bloc.[85] Radio Free Europe was a product of some of the
most prominent architects of America's early Cold War strategy, especially those who believed that the
Cold War would eventually be fought by political rather than military means, such as George F.
Kennan.[86] Soviet and Eastern Bloc authorities used various methods to suppress Western broadcasts,
including radio jamming.[87][88]

American policymakers, including Kennan and John Foster Dulles, acknowledged that the Cold War was
in its essence a war of ideas.[86] The United States, acting through the CIA, funded a long list of projects
to counter the communist appeal among intellectuals in Europe and the developing world.[89] The CIA
also covertly sponsored a domestic propaganda campaign called Crusade for Freedom.[90]

German rearmament
The rearmament of West Germany was achieved in the early
1950s. Its main promoter was Konrad Adenauer, the
chancellor of West Germany, with France the main opponent.
Washington had the decisive voice. It was strongly supported
by the Pentagon (the US military leadership), and weakly
opposed by President Truman; the State Department was
ambivalent. The outbreak of the Korean War in June 1950
changed the calculations and Washington now gave full
support. That also involved naming Dwight D. Eisenhower in
charge of NATO forces and sending more American troops to Generals Adolf Heusinger and Hans
West Germany. There was a strong promise that West Speidel sworn into the newly founded
Bundeswehr by Theodor Blank in
Germany would not develop nuclear weapons.[91]
November 1955
Widespread fears of another rise of German militarism
necessitated the new military to operate within an alliance
framework under NATO command.[92] In 1955, Washington secured full German membership of
NATO.[81] In May 1953, Lavrentiy Beria, by then in a government post, had made an unsuccessful
proposal to allow the reunification of a neutral Germany to prevent West Germany's incorporation into
NATO, but his attempts were cut short after he was executed several months later during a Soviet power
struggle.[93] The events led to the establishment of the Bundeswehr, the West German military, in
1955.[94][95]

Chinese Civil War, SEATO, and NSC 68

In 1949, Mao Zedong's People's Liberation Army defeated Chiang Kai-shek's United States-backed
Kuomintang (KMT) Nationalist Government in China. The KMT-controlled territory was now restricted
to the island of Taiwan, the nationalist government of which exists to this day. The Kremlin promptly
created an alliance with the newly formed People's Republic of China.[96] According to Norwegian
historian Odd Arne Westad, the communists won the Civil War because they made fewer military
mistakes than Chiang Kai-Shek made, and because in his search for a powerful centralized government,
Chiang antagonized too many interest groups in China. Moreover, his party was weakened during the war
against Japan. Meanwhile, the communists told different groups, such as the peasants, exactly what they
wanted to hear, and they cloaked themselves under the cover of Chinese nationalism.[97]
 Confronted with the communist revolution in China and the
end of the American atomic monopoly in 1949, the Truman
administration quickly moved to escalate and expand its
containment doctrine.[27] In NSC 68, a secret 1950 document,
the National Security Council proposed reinforcing pro-
Western alliance systems and quadrupling spending on
defense.[27] Truman, under the influence of advisor Paul
Nitze, saw containment as implying complete rollback of
Mao Zedong and Joseph Stalin in Soviet influence in all its forms.[98]
Moscow, December 1949
United States officials moved to expand this version of
containment into Asia, Africa, and Latin America, in order to
counter revolutionary nationalist movements, often led by communist parties financed by the USSR.[99]
In this way, this US would exercise "preponderant power," oppose neutrality, and establish global
hegemony.[98] In the early 1950s (a period sometimes known as the "Pactomania"), the US formalized a
series of alliances with Japan (a former WWII enemy), South Korea, Taiwan, Australia, New Zealand,
Thailand and the Philippines (notably ANZUS in 1951 and SEATO in 1954), thereby guaranteeing the
United States a number of long-term military bases.[81]

Korean War
One of the more significant examples of the implementation
of containment was the United Nations US-led intervention in
the Korean War. In June 1950, after years of mutual
hostilities,[D][100][101] Kim Il Sung's North Korean People's
Army invaded South Korea. Stalin had been reluctant to
support the invasion[E] but ultimately sent advisers.[102] To
Stalin's surprise,[27] the United Nations Security Council
backed the defense of South Korea, although the Soviets were
then boycotting meetings in protest of the fact that Taiwan
(Republic of China), not the People's Republic of China, held
General Douglas MacArthur, UN a permanent seat on the council.[103] A UN force of sixteen
Command CiC (seated), observes the countries faced North Korea,[104] although 40 percent of
naval shelling of Incheon, Korea from
troops were South Korean, and about 50 percent were from
USS Mt. McKinley, 15 September 1950.
the United States.[105]

The US initially seemed to follow containment, only pushing

back North Korea across the 38th Parallel and restoring South Korea's sovereignty while allowing North
Korea's survival as a state. However, the success of the Inchon landing inspired the US/UN forces to
pursue a rollback strategy instead and to overthrow communist North Korea, thereby allowing nationwide
elections under U.N. auspices.[106] General Douglas MacArthur then advanced into North Korea. The
Chinese, fearful of a possible US invasion, sent in a large army and pushed the U.N. forces back below
the 38th parallel.[107] The episode was used to support the wisdom of the containment doctrine as
opposed to rollback. The Communists were later pushed to roughly around the original border, with
minimal changes. Among other effects, the Korean War galvanised NATO to develop a military
structure.[108] The Korean Armistice Agreement was approved in July 1953.[109][110]
Nuclear Arms Race and escalation
(1953–1962)

Khrushchev, Eisenhower, and de-

Stalinization
In 1953, changes in political leadership on both sides shifted
the dynamic of the Cold War.[36] Dwight D. Eisenhower was US Marines engaged in street fighting
inaugurated president that January. During the last 18 months during the liberation of Seoul, September
of the Truman administration, the American defense budget 1950
had quadrupled, and Eisenhower moved to reduce military
spending by a third while continuing to fight the Cold War
effectively.[27]

Joseph Stalin died in 1953. Nikita Khrushchev eventually

won the ensuing power struggle by the mid-1950s. In 1956,
he denounced Joseph Stalin and proceeded to ease controls
over the party and society (de-Stalinization).[36]

NATO and Warsaw Pact troop strengths

in Europe in 1959

On 18 November 1956, while addressing Western dignitaries

at a reception in Moscow's Polish embassy, Khrushchev
From left to right: Soviet head of state infamously declared, "Whether you like it or not, history is on
Kliment Voroshilov, Soviet first secretary our side. We will bury you", shocking everyone present.[111]
Nikita Khrushchev and Finnish president He would later claim he had not been referring to nuclear war,
Urho Kekkonen at Moscow in 1960 but the "historically fated victory of communism over
capitalism."[112]

Eisenhower's secretary of state, John Foster Dulles, initiated a "New Look" for the containment strategy,
calling for a greater reliance on nuclear weapons against US enemies in wartime.[36] Dulles also
enunciated the doctrine of "massive retaliation", threatening a severe US response to any Soviet
aggression. Possessing nuclear superiority, for example, allowed Eisenhower to face down Soviet threats
to intervene in the Middle East during the 1956 Suez Crisis.[27] The declassified US plans for retaliatory
nuclear strikes in the late 1950s included the "systematic destruction" of 1,200 major urban centers in the
Soviet Bloc and China, including Moscow, East Berlin and Beijing.[113][114]
In spite of these events, there were substantial hopes for détente when an upswing in diplomacy took
place in 1959, including a two-week visit by Khrushchev to the US, and plans for a two-power summit
for May 1960. The latter was disturbed by the U-2 spy plane scandal, however, in which Eisenhower was
caught lying about the intrusion of American surveillance aircraft into Soviet territory.[115][116]

Warsaw Pact and Hungarian Revolution

The Hungarian Revolution of
1956

March of protesters in
Budapest, on 25 October;

The maximum territorial extent of Soviet

influence, after the Cuban Revolution of
1959 and before the official Sino-Soviet
split of 1961

While Stalin's death in 1953 slightly relaxed tensions, the situation

in Europe remained an uneasy armed truce.[117] The Soviets, who A destroyed Soviet T-34-85
had already created a network of mutual assistance treaties in the tank in Budapest
Eastern Bloc by 1949, established a formal alliance therein, the
Warsaw Pact, in 1955. It stood opposed to NATO.[81]

The Hungarian Revolution of 1956 occurred shortly after Khrushchev arranged the removal of Hungary's
Stalinist leader Mátyás Rákosi.[118] In response to a popular anti-communist uprising,[F] the new regime
formally disbanded the secret police, declared its intention to withdraw from the Warsaw Pact and
pledged to re-establish free elections. The Soviet Army invaded.[119] Thousands of Hungarians were
killed and arrested, imprisoned and deported to the Soviet Union,[120] and approximately 200,000
Hungarians fled Hungary.[121] Hungarian leader Imre Nagy and others were executed following secret
trials.[122]

From 1957 through 1961, Khrushchev openly and repeatedly threatened the West with nuclear
annihilation. He claimed that Soviet missile capabilities were far superior to those of the United States,
capable of wiping out any American or European city. According to John Lewis Gaddis, Khrushchev
rejected Stalin's "belief in the inevitability of war," however. The new leader declared his ultimate goal
was "peaceful coexistence".[123] In Khrushchev's formulation, peace would allow capitalism to collapse
on its own,[124] as well as giving the Soviets time to boost their military capabilities,[125] which remained
for decades until Gorbachev's later "new thinking" envisioning peaceful coexistence as an end in itself
rather than a form of class struggle.[126]
 The events in Hungary produced ideological fractures within the
communist parties of the world, particularly in Western Europe, with
great decline in membership, as many in both western and socialist
countries felt disillusioned by the brutal Soviet response.[127] The
communist parties in the West would never recover.[127]

Rapacki Plan and Berlin Crisis of 1958–1959

In 1957, Polish foreign minister Adam Rapacki proposed the Rapacki
Plan for a nuclear free zone in central Europe. Public opinion tended to
be favourable in the West, but it was rejected by leaders of West
Germany, Britain, France and the United States. They feared it would
leave the powerful conventional armies of the Warsaw Pact dominant
Hungarian flag (1949–1956) over the weaker NATO armies.[128]
with the communist coat of
arms cut out was an anti-Soviet During November 1958, Khrushchev made an unsuccessful attempt to
revolutionary symbol turn all of Berlin into an independent, demilitarized "free city". He
gave the United States, Great Britain and France a six-month
ultimatum to withdraw their troops from the sectors of West Berlin, or
he would transfer control of Western access rights to the East Germans. Khrushchev earlier explained to
Mao Zedong that "Berlin is the testicles of the West. Every time I want to make the West scream, I
squeeze on Berlin."[129] NATO formally rejected the ultimatum in mid-December and Khrushchev
withdrew it in return for a Geneva conference on the German question.[130]

American military buildup

Like Truman and Eisenhower, John F. Kennedy supported containment. President Eisenhower's New
Look policy had emphasized the use of less expensive nuclear weapons to deter Soviet aggression by
threatening massive nuclear attacks on all of the Soviet Union. Nuclear weapons were much cheaper than
maintaining a large standing army, so Eisenhower cut conventional forces to save money. Kennedy
implemented a new strategy known as flexible response. This strategy relied on conventional arms to
achieve limited goals. As part of this policy, Kennedy expanded the United States special operations
forces, elite military units that could fight unconventionally in various conflicts. Kennedy hoped that the
flexible response strategy would allow the US to counter Soviet influence without resorting to nuclear
war.[131]

To support his new strategy, Kennedy ordered a massive increase in defense spending and a rapid build-
up of the nuclear arsenal to restore the lost superiority over the Soviet Union. In his inaugural address,
Kennedy promised "to bear any burden" in the defense of liberty, and he repeatedly asked for increases in
military spending and authorization of new weapons systems. From 1961 to 1964, the number of nuclear
weapons increased by 50 percent, as did the number of B-52 bombers to deliver them. The new ICBM
force grew from 63 intercontinental ballistic missiles to 424. He authorized 23 new Polaris submarines,
each of which carried 16 nuclear missiles. Kennedy also called on cities to construct fallout
shelters.[132][133]
Competition in the Third World
Nationalist movements in
some countries and regions,
notably Guatemala, Indonesia
and Indochina, were often
allied with communist groups
or otherwise perceived to be
unfriendly to Western
interests. [36] In this context,
the United States and the
Soviet Union increasingly
competed for influence by European colonial empires in Asia and Africa all collapsed in the years after
1945.
proxy in the Third World as
decolonization gained
momentum in the 1950s and early 1960s.[134] Both sides were selling armaments to gain influence.[135]
The Kremlin saw continuing territorial losses by imperial powers as presaging the eventual victory of
their ideology.[136]

The United States used the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to undermine neutral or hostile Third
World governments and to support allied ones.[137] In 1953, President Eisenhower implemented
Operation Ajax, a covert coup operation to overthrow the Iranian prime minister, Mohammad
Mosaddegh. The popularly elected Mosaddegh had been a Middle Eastern nemesis of Britain since
nationalizing the British-owned Anglo-Iranian Oil Company in 1951. Winston Churchill told the United
States that Mosaddegh was "increasingly turning towards Communist influence."[138][139] The pro-
Western shah, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, assumed control as an autocratic monarch.[140] The shah's
policies included banning the communist Tudeh Party of Iran, and general suppression of political dissent
by SAVAK, the shah's domestic security and intelligence agency.

In Guatemala, a banana republic, the 1954 Guatemalan coup d'état ousted the left-wing President Jacobo
Árbenz with material CIA support.[141] The post-Arbenz government—a military junta headed by Carlos
Castillo Armas—repealed a progressive land reform law, returned nationalized property belonging to the
United Fruit Company, set up a National Committee of Defense Against Communism, and decreed a
Preventive Penal Law Against Communism at the request of the United States.[142]

The non-aligned Indonesian government of Sukarno was faced with a major threat to its legitimacy
beginning in 1956 when several regional commanders began to demand autonomy from Jakarta. After
mediation failed, Sukarno took action to remove the dissident commanders. In February 1958, dissident
military commanders in Central Sumatra (Colonel Ahmad Husein) and North Sulawesi (Colonel Ventje
Sumual) declared the Revolutionary Government of the Republic of Indonesia-Permesta Movement
aimed at overthrowing the Sukarno regime. They were joined by many civilian politicians from the
Masyumi Party, such as Sjafruddin Prawiranegara, who were opposed to the growing influence of the
communist Partai Komunis Indonesia. Due to their anti-communist rhetoric, the rebels received arms,
funding, and other covert aid from the CIA until Allen Lawrence Pope, an American pilot, was shot down
after a bombing raid on government-held Ambon in April 1958. The central government responded by
launching airborne and seaborne military invasions of rebel strongholds at Padang and Manado. By the
end of 1958, the rebels were militarily defeated, and the last remaining rebel guerilla bands surrendered
by August 1961.[143]
In the Republic of the Congo, also known as Congo-Léopoldville,
newly independent from Belgium since June 1960, the Congo Crisis
erupted on 5 July leading to the secession of the regions Katanga and
South Kasai. CIA-backed President Joseph Kasa-Vubu ordered the
dismissal of the democratically elected Prime Minister Patrice
Lumumba and the Lumumba cabinet in September over massacres by
the armed forces during the invasion of South Kasai and for involving
Soviets in the country.[144][145] Later the CIA-backed Colonel Mobutu
Sese Seko quickly mobilized his forces to seize power through a
military coup d'état,[145] and worked with Western intelligence
agencies to imprison Lumumba and hand him over to Katangan
authorities who executed him by firing squad.[146][147]

In British Guiana, the leftist People's Progressive Party (PPP) 1961 USSR stamp
candidate Cheddi Jagan won the position of chief minister in a commemorating Patrice
colonially administered election in 1953 but was quickly forced to Lumumba, assassinated prime
resign from power after Britain's suspension of the still-dependent minister of the Republic of the
nation's constitution. [148] Embarrassed by the landslide electoral Congo
victory of Jagan's allegedly Marxist party, the British imprisoned the
PPP's leadership and maneuvered the organization into a divisive
rupture in 1955.[149] Jagan again won the colonial elections in 1957 and 1961, despite Britain's shift to a
reconsideration of its view of the left-wing Jagan as a Soviet-style communist at this time. The United
States pressured the British to withhold Guyana's independence until an alternative to Jagan could be
identified, supported, and brought into office.[150] In Malaya, the British colonialists suppressed the
communist anti-colonial rebellion.

The civil war and the colonial war in Vietnam became internationalized and intertwined with the global
Cold War when communist China and the Soviet Union recognized the Democratic Republic of Vietnam,
while the United States and other Western bloc countries recognized the State of Vietnam in
1950.[151]: 90–95 Following the watershed defeat by the communist Viet Minh rebels at the Battle of Dien
Bien Phu, the French accepted a negotiated abandonment of their neo-colonial stake in Vietnam in 1954.
On June 4, France granted full sovereignty to the anti-communist State of Vietnam, an independent
country within the French Union.[152] In the Geneva Conference in July, peace accords were signed,
leaving Vietnam divided between a pro-Soviet administration in North Vietnam and a pro-Western
administration in South Vietnam at the 17th parallel north. Between 1954 and 1961, Eisenhower's United
States sent economic aid and military advisers to strengthen South Vietnam's pro-Western government
against communist efforts to destabilize it.[27]

Many emerging nations of Asia, Africa, and Latin America rejected the pressure to choose sides in the
East–West competition. In 1955, at the Bandung Conference in Indonesia, dozens of Third World
governments resolved to stay out of the Cold War.[153] The consensus reached at Bandung culminated
with the creation of the Belgrade-headquartered Non-Aligned Movement in 1961.[36] Meanwhile,
Khrushchev broadened Moscow's policy to establish ties with India and other key neutral states.
Independence movements in the Third World transformed the post-war order into a more pluralistic world
of decolonized African and Middle Eastern nations and of rising nationalism in Asia and Latin
America.[27]
Sino-Soviet split
After 1956, the Sino-Soviet alliance began to break down.
Mao had defended Stalin when Khrushchev criticized him in
1956 and treated the new Soviet leader as a superficial
upstart, accusing him of having lost his revolutionary
edge.[154] For his part, Khrushchev, disturbed by Mao's glib
attitude toward nuclear war, referred to the Chinese leader as
a "lunatic on a throne".[155]

After this, Khrushchev made many desperate attempts to

reconstitute the Sino-Soviet alliance, but Mao considered it
useless and denied any proposal.[154] The Chinese-Soviet
animosity spilled out in an intra-communist propaganda
war.[156] Further on, the Soviets focused on a bitter rivalry Map showing greatest territorial extent of
with Mao's China for leadership of the global communist the Soviet Union and the states that it
movement.[157] Historian Lorenz M. Lüthi argues: dominated politically, economically and
militarily in 1960, after the Cuban
The Sino-Soviet split was one of the key events of Revolution of 1959 but before the official
the Cold War, equal in importance to the Sino-Soviet split of 1961 (total area: c.
construction of the Berlin Wall, the Cuban Missile 35,000,000 km2)[G]
Crisis, the Second Vietnam War, and Sino-
American rapprochement. The split helped to
determine the framework for the Cold War period 1979–1985 in general, and influenced
the course of the Second Vietnam War in particular.[158]

Space Race
On the nuclear weapons front, the United States and the
Soviet Union pursued nuclear rearmament and developed
long-range weapons with which they could strike the territory
of the other.[81] In August 1957, the Soviets successfully
launched the world's first intercontinental ballistic missile
(ICBM),[159] and in October they launched the first Earth
satellite, Sputnik 1.[160] This led to what became known as
the Sputnik crisis. The Central Intelligence Agency described
the orbit of Sputnik 1 as a "stupendous scientific
achievement" and concluded that the USSR had likely
perfected an intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) capable Clockwise from top left: Sputnik 1, Apollo
of reaching 'any desired target with accuracy'.[161] 11 Moon landing, Space station Mir

The launch of Sputnik inaugurated the Space Race. This led

to a series of historic space exploration milestones, and most notably the Apollo Moon landings from
1969 by the United States, which astronaut Frank Borman later described as "just a battle in the Cold
War."[162] The public's reaction in the Soviet Union was mixed. The Soviet government limited the
release of information about the lunar landing, which affected the reaction. A portion of the populace did
not give it any attention, and another portion was angered by it.[163] A major Cold War element of the
Space Race was satellite reconnaissance, as well as signals intelligence to gauge which aspects of the
space programs had military capabilities.[164] The Soviet Salyut programme, conducted in the 1970s and
1980s, put a crewed space station in long term orbit; two of the successful installations to the station were
covers for secret military Almaz reconnaissance stations: Salyut 3, and Salyut 5.[165][166][167][168]

During the whole duration of the cold war, the US and the USSR represented the largest and dominant
space powers of the world.[169] Despite their fierce competition, both nations signed international space
treaties in the 1960s which would limit the militarization of space.[170]

The first research of anti-satellite weapon technology also came about during this period.[171]

Later, the US and USSR pursued some cooperation in space as part of détente, notably the Apollo–Soyuz
orbital rendezvous and docking.[172]

Aftermath of the Cuban Revolution

In Cuba, the 26th of July Movement, led by young revolutionaries
Fidel Castro and Che Guevara, seized power in the Cuban Revolution
on 1 January 1959.[173] Although Fidel Castro's first refused to
categorize his new government as socialist and repeatedly denying
being a communist, Castro appointed Marxists to senior government
and military positions.[174][175][176]

Diplomatic relations between Cuba and the United States continued for
some time after Batista's fall, but President Eisenhower deliberately
left the capital to avoid meeting Castro during the latter's trip to
Washington, D.C. in April, leaving Vice President Richard Nixon to
conduct the meeting in his place.[177] Cuba began negotiating for arms
purchases from the Eastern Bloc in March 1960.[178] The same month,
Che Guevara (left) and Fidel
Castro (right) in 1961
Eisenhower gave approval to CIA plans and funding to overthrow
Castro.[179]

In January 1961, just prior to leaving office, Eisenhower formally severed relations with the Cuban
government. That April, the administration of newly elected American President John F. Kennedy
mounted the unsuccessful CIA-organized ship-borne invasion of the island by Cuban exiles at Playa
Girón and Playa Larga in Santa Clara Province—a failure that publicly humiliated the United States.[180]
Castro responded by publicly embracing Marxism–Leninism, and the Soviet Union pledged to provide
further support.[180] In December, the US government began a violent campaign of terrorist attacks
against civilians in Cuba, and covert operations and sabotage against the administration, in an attempt to
overthrow the Cuban government.[185]

Berlin Crisis of 1961

The Berlin Crisis of 1961 was the last major incident in the Cold War regarding the status of Berlin and
post–World War II Germany. By the early 1950s, the Soviet approach to restricting emigration movement
was emulated by most of the rest of the Eastern Bloc.[186] However, hundreds of thousands of East
Germans annually emigrated to free and prosperous West Germany through a "loophole" in the system
that existed between East Berlin and West Berlin.[187][188]
The emigration resulted in a massive "brain drain" from East
Germany to West Germany of younger educated
professionals, such that nearly 20% of East Germany's
population had migrated to West Germany by 1961.[189] That
June, the Soviet Union issued a new ultimatum demanding
the withdrawal of Allied forces from West Berlin.[190] The
request was rebuffed, but the United States now limited its
security guarantees to West Berlin.[191] On 13 August, East
Germany erected a barbed-wire barrier that would eventually
be expanded through construction into the Berlin Wall, Soviet and American tanks face each
effectively closing the loophole and preventing its citizens other at Checkpoint Charlie during the
from fleeing to the West.[192] Berlin Crisis of 1961

Cuban Missile Crisis and Khrushchev's ousting

The Kennedy administration continued seeking ways to oust
Castro following the Bay of Pigs invasion, experimenting
with various ways of covertly facilitating the overthrow of the
Cuban government. Significant hopes were pinned on the
program of terrorist attacks and other destabilization
operations known as Operation Mongoose, that was devised
under the Kennedy administration in 1961. Khrushchev
learned of the project in February 1962,[193] and preparations
to install Soviet nuclear missiles in Cuba were undertaken in
response.[193]

Alarmed, Kennedy considered various reactions. He

Aerial photograph of a Soviet missile site ultimately responded to the installation of nuclear missiles in
in Cuba, taken by a US spy aircraft, 1 Cuba with a naval blockade, and he presented an ultimatum to
November 1962
the Soviets. Khrushchev backed down from a confrontation,
and the Soviet Union removed the missiles in return for a
public American pledge not to invade Cuba again as well as a covert deal to remove US missiles from
Turkey.[194]

The Cuban Missile Crisis (October–November 1962) brought the world closer to nuclear war than ever
before.[195] The aftermath led to efforts in the nuclear arms race at nuclear disarmament and improving
relations, although the Cold War's first arms control agreement, the Antarctic Treaty, had come into force
in 1961.[J]

The compromise embarrassed Khrushchev and the Soviet Union because the withdrawal of US missiles
from Italy and Turkey was a secret deal between Kennedy and Khrushchev, and the Soviets were seen as
retreating from circumstances that they had started. In 1964, Khrushchev's Kremlin colleagues managed
to oust him, but allowed him a peaceful retirement.[196] He was accused of rudeness and incompetence,
and John Lewis Gaddis argues that he was also blamed with ruining Soviet agriculture, bringing the
world to the brink of nuclear war, and becoming an "international embarrassment" when he authorized
construction of the Berlin Wall.[197] According to Dobrynin, the top Soviet leadership took the Cuban
outcome as "a blow to its prestige bordering on humiliation".[198][199]
From confrontation to détente (1962–1979)

Soviet Premier Alexei Kosygin with U.S.

President Lyndon B. Johnson at the 1967
Glassboro Summit Conference.

NATO and Warsaw Pact troop strengths

In the course of the 1960s and 1970s, Cold War participants in Europe in 1973
struggled to adjust to a new, more complicated pattern of
international relations in which the world was no longer
divided into two clearly opposed blocs.[36] From the beginning of the post-war period, with American
help Western Europe and Japan rapidly recovered from the destruction of World War II and sustained
strong economic growth through the 1950s and 1960s, with per capita GDPs approaching those of the
United States, while Eastern Bloc economies stagnated.[36][200]

The Vietnam War descended into a quagmire for the United States, leading to a decline in international
prestige and economic stability, derailing arms agreements, and provoking domestic unrest. America's
withdrawal from the war led it to embrace a policy of détente with both China and the Soviet Union.[201]

Backed by the Kampuchean United Front for National Salvation, an organization of Khmer pro-Soviet
Communists and Khmer Rouge defectors, Vietnam invaded Cambodia on 22 December 1978. The
invasion succeeded in deposing Pol Pot, but the new state struggled to gain international recognition
beyond the Soviet Bloc sphere. Despite the international outcry at Pol Pot regime's gross human rights
violations, representatives of the Khmer Rouge were allowed to be seated in the UN General Assembly,
with strong support from China, Western powers, and the member countries of ASEAN. Following the
destruction of the Khmer Rouge, the national reconstruction of Cambodia was hampered, and Vietnam
suffered a punitive Chinese attack.[202] Although unable to deter Vietnam from ousting Pol Pot, China
demonstrated that its Cold War communist adversary, the Soviet Union, was unable to protect its
Vietnamese ally.[203] Former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger wrote that "China succeeded in
exposing the limits of...[Soviet] strategic reach" and speculated that the desire to "compensate for their
ineffectuality" contributed to the Soviets' decision to intervene in Afghanistan a year later.[204]

In the 1973 oil crisis, Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) cut their petroleum output.
This raised oil prices and hurt Western economies, but helped the Soviet Union by generating a huge flow
of money from its oil sales.[205]
As a result of the oil crisis, combined with the growing influence of Third World alignments such as
OPEC and the Non-Aligned Movement, less powerful countries had more room to assert their
independence and often showed themselves resistant to pressure from either superpower.[99] Meanwhile,
Moscow was forced to turn its attention inward to deal with the Soviet Union's deep-seated domestic
economic problems.[36] During this period, Soviet leaders such as Leonid Brezhnev and Alexei Kosygin
embraced the notion of détente.[36]

Vietnam War
Under President John F. Kennedy, US troop levels in Vietnam
grew from just under a thousand in 1959 to 16,000 in
1963.[206][207] South Vietnamese President Ngo Dinh Diem's
heavy-handed crackdown on Buddhist monks in 1963 led the
US to endorse a deadly military coup against Diem.[208] The
war escalated further in 1964 following the controversial Gulf
of Tonkin incident, in which a US destroyer was alleged to
have clashed with North Vietnamese fast attack craft. The
Gulf of Tonkin Resolution gave President Lyndon B. Johnson
US combat operations during the Battle
broad authorization to increase US military presence, of Ia Drang, South Vietnam, November
deploying ground combat units for the first time and 1965
increasing troop levels to 184,000.[209] Soviet leader Leonid
Brezhnev responded by reversing Khrushchev's policy of
disengagement and increasing aid to the North Vietnamese, hoping to entice the North from its pro-
Chinese position. The USSR discouraged further escalation of the war, however, providing just enough
military assistance to tie up American forces.[210] From this point, the People's Army of Vietnam (PAVN)
engaged in more conventional warfare with US and South Vietnamese forces.[211]

The Tet Offensive of 1968 proved to be the turning point of the war. Despite years of American tutelage
and aid, the South Vietnamese forces were unable to withstand the communist offensive and the task fell
to US forces instead.[212] At the same time, in 1963–1965, American domestic politics saw the triumph of
liberalism. According to historian Joseph Crespino:

It has become a staple of twentieth-century historiography that Cold War concerns were at
the root of a number of progressive political accomplishments in the postwar period: a
high progressive marginal tax rate that helped fund the arms race and contributed to
broad income equality; bipartisan support for far-reaching civil rights legislation that
transformed politics and society in the American South, which had long given the lie to
America's egalitarian ethos; bipartisan support for overturning an explicitly racist
immigration system that had been in place since the 1920s; and free health care for the
elderly and the poor, a partial fulfillment of one of the unaccomplished goals of the New
Deal era. The list could go on.[213]

Nuclear testing and Use of Outer-Space treaties

The Partial Nuclear Test Ban Treaty was signed on August 5, 1963, by the United States, the Soviet
Union, and over 100 other nations. This treaty banned nuclear weapons tests in the atmosphere, outer
space, and underwater, restricting such tests to underground environments.[214][215][216][217] The treaty
followed heightened concerns over the militarization of space, amplified by the United States' Starfish
Prime test in 1962, which involved the detonation of a nuclear device in the upper atmosphere.[218][219]

To further delineate the peaceful use of outer space, the United Nations facilitated the drafting of the
Treaty on Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space,
including the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies, commonly known as the Outer Space Treaty. Signed on
January 27, 1967, by the United States, the Soviet Union, and the United Kingdom, it entered into force
on October 10, 1967. The treaty established space as a domain to be used exclusively for peaceful
purposes, prohibiting the placement of nuclear weapons or any other weapons of mass destruction in orbit
or on celestial bodies.[220][221][222]

Invasion of Czechoslovakia
In 1968, a period of political liberalization took place in
Czechoslovakia called the Prague Spring. An "Action
Program" of reforms included increasing freedom of the
press, freedom of speech and freedom of movement, along
with an economic emphasis on consumer goods, the
possibility of a multiparty government, limitations on the
power of the secret police,[223][224] and potential withdrawal
from the Warsaw Pact.[225]
The invasion of Czechoslovakia by the
In answer to the Prague Spring, on 20 August 1968, the Soviet Union in 1968 was one of the
Soviet Army, together with most of their Warsaw Pact allies, biggest military operations on European
invaded Czechoslovakia.[226] The invasion was followed by a soil since World War II.
wave of emigration, including an estimated 70,000 Czechs
and Slovaks initially fleeing, with the total eventually
reaching 300,000.[227][228] The invasion sparked intense protests from Yugoslavia, Romania, China, and
from Western European countries.[229]

Sino-Soviet split and Nixon-China visit

As a result of the Sino-Soviet split, tensions along the
Chinese–Soviet border reached their peak in 1969, when the
Soviet planned to launch a large-scale nuclear strike against
China.[230] United States President Richard Nixon
intervened,[230] and decided to use the conflict to shift the
balance of power towards the West in the Cold War through a
policy of rapproachment with China, which began with his
1972 visit to China and culminated in 1979 with the signing
of the Joint Communiqué on the Establishment of Diplomatic U.S. President Richard Nixon shakes
Relations by President Carter and Chinese Communist Party hands with Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai
leader Deng Xiaoping.[231][232] at Beijing Capital International Airport
Nixon, Brezhnev, and détente
Although indirect conflict between Cold War powers
continued through the late 1960s and early 1970s, tensions
were beginning to ease.[233] Following the ousting of
Khrushchev, another period of collective leadership ensued,
consisting of Leonid Brezhnev as general secretary, Alexei
Kosygin as Premier and Nikolai Podgorny as Chairman of the
Presidium, lasting until Brezhnev established himself in the
early 1970s as the preeminent Soviet leader.
Nikolai Podgorny visiting Tampere,
Following his visit to China, Nixon met with Soviet leaders in Finland on 16 October 1969
Moscow.[234] These Strategic Arms Limitation Talks resulted
in landmark arms control treaties. These aimed to limit the
development of costly anti-ballistic missiles and nuclear missiles.[36]

Nixon and Brezhnev proclaimed a new era of "peaceful coexistence" and established the groundbreaking
new policy of détente (or cooperation) between the superpowers. Meanwhile, Brezhnev attempted to
revive the Soviet economy, which was declining in part because of heavy military expenditures. The
Soviet Union's military budget in the 1970s was massive, 40–60% of the federal budget and 15% of
GDP.[235] Between 1972 and 1974, the two sides also agreed to strengthen their economic ties,[27]
including agreements for increased trade. As a result of their meetings, détente would replace the hostility
of the Cold War and the two countries would live mutually.[236] These developments coincided with
Bonn's "Ostpolitik" policy formulated by the West German Chancellor Willy Brandt,[229] an effort to
normalize relations between West Germany and Eastern Europe. Other agreements were concluded to
stabilize the situation in Europe, culminating in the Helsinki Accords signed at the Conference on
Security and Co-operation in Europe in 1975.[237]

The Helsinki Accords, in which the Soviets promised to grant

free elections in Europe, has been called a major concession
to ensure peace by the Soviets. In practice, the Soviet
government significantly curbed the rule of law, civil
liberties, protection of law and guarantees of
property,[238][239] which were considered examples of
"bourgeois morality" by Soviet legal theorists such as Andrey
Vyshinsky.[240] The Soviet Union signed legally-binding
human rights documents, such as the International Covenant
Soviet general secretary Leonid
on Civil and Political Rights in 1973 and the Helsinki
Brezhnev and US President Jimmy
Carter sign the SALT II arms limitation Accords in 1975, but they were neither widely known or
treaty in Vienna on 18 June 1979. accessible to people living under Communist rule, nor were
they taken seriously by the Communist authorities.[241]
Human rights activists in the Soviet Union were regularly
subjected to harassment, repressions and arrests.

The pro-Soviet American business magnate Armand Hammer of Occidental Petroleum often mediated
trade relations. Author Daniel Yergin, in his book The Prize, writes that Hammer "ended up as a go-
between for five Soviet General Secretaries and seven U.S. Presidents."[242] Hammer had extensive
business relationship in the Soviet Union stretching back to the 1920s with Lenin's approval.[243][244]
According to Christian Science Monitor in 1980, "although his business dealings with the Soviet Union
were cut short when Stalin came to power, he had more or less single-handedly laid the groundwork for
the [1980] state of Western trade with the Soviet Union."[243]

Kissinger and Nixon were "realists" who deemphasized idealistic

goals like anti-communism or promotion of democracy worldwide
because those goals were too expensive in terms of America's
economic capabilities.[245] They rejected "idealism" as impractical
and too expensive, and neither man showed much sensitivity to the
plight of people living under Communism. Kissinger's realism fell
out of fashion as idealism returned to American foreign policy with
Carter's moralism emphasizing human rights, and Reagan's rollback
strategy aimed at destroying Communism.[246]

Late 1970s deterioration of relations

In the 1970s, the KGB, led by Yuri Andropov, continued to persecute
distinguished Soviet dissidents, such as Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn and
Andrei Sakharov, who were criticising the Soviet leadership in harsh Iranian people protesting against
terms.[247] Indirect conflict between the superpowers continued the Pahlavi dynasty, during the
through this period of détente in the Third World, particularly during Iranian Revolution
political crises in the Middle East, Chile, Ethiopia, and Angola.[248]

In 1973, Nixon announced his administration was committed to seeking most favored nation trade status
with the USSR,[249] which was challenged by Congress in the Jackson-Vanik Amendment.[250] The
United States had long linked trade with the Soviet Union to its foreign policy toward the Soviet Union
and, especially since the early 1980s, to Soviet human rights policies. The Jackson-Vanik Amendment,
which was attached to the 1974 Trade Act, linked the granting of most-favored-nation to the USSR to the
right of persecuted Soviet Jews to emigrate. Because the Soviet Union refused the right of emigration to
Jewish refuseniks, the ability of the President to apply most-favored nation trade status to the Soviet
Union was restricted.[251]

Although President Jimmy Carter tried to place another limit on the arms race with a SALT II agreement
in 1979,[252] his efforts were undermined by the other events that year, including the Iranian Revolution
and the Nicaraguan Revolution, which both ousted pro-US governments, and his retaliation against the
Soviet coup in Afghanistan in December.[27]

Renewal of tensions (1979–1985)

The period in the late 1970s and early 1980s showed an intensive reawakening of Cold War tensions and
conflicts. Tensions greatly increased between the major powers with both sides becoming more
militant.[253] Diggins says, "Reagan went all out to fight the second cold war, by supporting
counterinsurgencies in the third world."[254] Cox says, "The intensity of this 'second' Cold War was as
great as its duration was short."[255]
Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and end of
détente
In April 1978, the communist People's Democratic Party of
Afghanistan (PDPA) seized power in Afghanistan in the Saur
Revolution. Within months, opponents of the communist
regime launched an uprising in eastern Afghanistan that
quickly expanded into a civil war waged by guerrilla
mujahideen against government forces countrywide.[256] The
Protest in Amsterdam against the
Islamic Unity of Afghanistan Mujahideen insurgents received
deployment of Pershing II missiles in
military training and weapons in neighboring Pakistan and Europe, 1981
China,[257][258] while the Soviet Union sent thousands of
military advisers to support the PDPA government.[256]
Meanwhile, increasing friction between the competing
factions of the PDPA—the dominant Khalq and the more
moderate Parcham—resulted in the dismissal of Parchami
cabinet members and the arrest of Parchami military officers
under the pretext of a Parchami coup. By mid-1979, the
United States had started a covert program to assist the
mujahideen.[259][260]

In September 1979, Khalqist President Nur Muhammad The Soviet invasion during Operation
Taraki was assassinated in a coup within the PDPA Storm-333 on 26 December 1979

orchestrated by fellow Khalq member Hafizullah Amin, who

assumed the presidency. Distrusted by the Soviets, Amin was
assassinated by Soviet special forces during Operation Storm-333 in December 1979. Afghan forces
suffered losses during the Soviet operation; 30 Afghan palace guards and over 300 army guards were
killed while another 150 were captured.[261] In the aftermath of the operation, a total of 1,700 Afghan
soldiers who surrendered to Soviet forces were taken as prisoners,[262] and the Soviets installed Babrak
Karmal, the leader of the PDPA's Parcham faction, as Amin's successor. Veterans of the Soviet Union's
Alpha Group have stated that Operation Storm-333 was one of the most successful in the unit's history.
Documents released following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in the 1990s revealed that the Soviet
leadership believed Amin had secret contacts within the American embassy in Kabul and "was capable of
reaching an agreement with the United States";[263] however, allegations of Amin colluding with the
Americans have been widely discredited.[264][K][L] The PDBA was tasked to fill the vacuum and carried
out a purge of Amin supporters. Soviet troops were deployed to put Afghanistan under Soviet control
with Karmal in more substantial numbers, although the Soviet government did not expect to do most of
the fighting in Afghanistan. As a result, however, the Soviets were now directly involved in what had
been a domestic war in Afghanistan.[265]

Carter responded to the Soviet invasion by withdrawing the SALT II treaty from ratification, imposing
embargoes on grain and technology shipments to the USSR, and demanding a significant increase in
military spending, and further announced the boycott of the 1980 Summer Olympics in Moscow, which
was joined by 65 other nations.[266][267][268] He described the Soviet incursion as "the most serious threat
to the peace since the Second World War".[269]
 Reagan and Thatcher

President Reagan publicizes his support

by meeting with Afghan mujahideen President Reagan with Prime Minister
leaders in the White House, 1983. Margaret Thatcher during a working
luncheon at Camp David, December
1984
In January 1977, four years prior to becoming president,
Ronald Reagan bluntly stated, in a conversation
with Richard V. Allen, his basic expectation in
relation to the Cold War. "My idea of American
policy toward the Soviet Union is simple, and
some would say simplistic," he said. "It is this:
We win and they lose."[270] In 1980, Ronald
Reagan won the 1980 presidential election,
vowing to increase military spending and
confront the Soviets everywhere.[271] Both
Reagan and new British Prime Minister The world map of military alliances in 1980
Margaret Thatcher denounced the Soviet Union
and its ideology. Reagan labeled the Soviet
Union an "evil empire" and predicted that Communism would be left on the "ash heap of history," while
Thatcher inculpated the Soviets as "bent on world dominance."[272] In 1982, Reagan tried to cut off
Moscow's access to hard currency by impeding its proposed gas line to Western Europe. It hurt the Soviet
economy, but it also caused ill will among American allies in Europe who counted on that revenue.
Reagan retreated on this issue.[273][274]

By early 1985, Reagan's anti-communist position had developed into a stance known as the new Reagan
Doctrine—which, in addition to containment, formulated an additional right to subvert existing
communist governments.[275] Besides continuing Carter's policy of supporting the Islamic opponents of
the Soviet Union and the Soviet-backed PDPA government in Afghanistan, the CIA also sought to
weaken the Soviet Union itself by promoting Islamism in the majority-Muslim Central Asian Soviet
Union.[276] Additionally, the CIA encouraged anti-communist Pakistan's ISI to train Muslims from
around the world to participate in the jihad against the Soviet Union.[276]

Polish Solidarity movement and martial law

Pope John Paul II provided a moral focus for anti-communism; a visit to his native Poland in 1979
stimulated a religious and nationalist resurgence centered on the Solidarity movement trade union that
galvanized opposition, and may have led to his attempted assassination two years later.[277][278][279] In
December 1981, Poland's Wojciech Jaruzelski reacted to the crisis by imposing a period of martial law.
Reagan imposed economic sanctions on Poland in response.[280] Mikhail Suslov, the Kremlin's top
ideologist, advised Soviet leaders not to intervene if Poland fell under the control of Solidarity, for fear it
might lead to heavy economic sanctions, resulting in a catastrophe for the Soviet economy.[280]

US and USSR military and economic issues

The Soviet Union had built up a military that
consumed as much as 25 percent of its gross national
product at the expense of consumer goods and
investment in civilian sectors.[281] Soviet spending on
the arms race and other Cold War commitments both
caused and exacerbated deep-seated structural
problems in the Soviet system,[282] which
experienced at least a decade of economic stagnation
during the late Brezhnev years.

Soviet investment in the defense sector was not driven

by military necessity but in large part by the interests US and USSR/Russian nuclear weapons
stockpiles, 1945–2006
of the nomenklatura, which was dependent on the
sector for their own power and privileges.[283] The
Soviet Armed Forces became the largest in the world in terms of the numbers and types of weapons they
possessed, in the number of troops in their ranks, and in the sheer size of their military–industrial
base.[284] However, the quantitative advantages held by the Soviet military often concealed areas where
the Eastern Bloc dramatically lagged behind the West.[285] For example, the Persian Gulf War
demonstrated how the armor, fire control systems, and firing range of the Soviet Union's most common
main battle tank, the T-72, were drastically inferior to the American M1 Abrams, yet the USSR fielded
almost three times as many T-72s as the US deployed M1s.[286]

By the early 1980s, the USSR had built up a military arsenal and army
surpassing that of the United States. Soon after the Soviet invasion of
Afghanistan, President Carter began massively building up the United
States military. This buildup was accelerated by the Reagan
administration, which increased the military spending from 5.3 percent
of GNP in 1981 to 6.5 percent in 1986,[287] the largest peacetime
defense buildup in United States history.[288] The American-Soviet
tensions present during 1983 was defined by some as the start of "Cold
War II". While in retrospective this phase of the Cold War was
generally defined as a "war of words",[289] the Soviet's "peace
offensive" was largely rejected by the West.[290]

Tensions continued to intensify as Reagan revived the B-1 Lancer

program, which had been canceled by the Carter administration,[291]
Delta 183 launch vehicle lifts produced LGM-118 Peacekeeper missiles,[292] installed US cruise
off, carrying the Strategic missiles in Europe, and announced the experimental Strategic Defense
Defense Initiative sensor
Initiative, dubbed "Star Wars" by the media, a defense program to
experiment "Delta Star".
shoot down missiles in mid-flight.[293] The Soviets deployed RSD-10
Pioneer ballistic missiles targeting Western Europe, and NATO
decided, under the impetus of the Carter presidency, to deploy MGM-31 Pershing and cruise missiles in
Europe, primarily West Germany.[294] This deployment placed missiles just 10 minutes' striking distance
from Moscow.[295]

After Reagan's military buildup, the Soviet Union did not respond by further building its military,[296]
because the enormous military expenses, along with inefficient planned manufacturing and collectivized
agriculture, were already a heavy burden for the Soviet economy.[297] At the same time, Saudi Arabia
increased oil production,[298] even as other non-OPEC nations were increasing production.[M] These
developments contributed to the 1980s oil glut, which affected the Soviet Union as oil was the main
source of Soviet export revenues.[281] Issues with command economics,[299] oil price decreases and large
military expenditures gradually brought the Soviet economy to stagnation.[298]

On 1 September 1983, the Soviet Union shot down Korean Air Lines
Flight 007, a Boeing 747 with 269 people aboard, including sitting
Congressman Larry McDonald, an action which Reagan characterized
as a massacre. The airliner was en route from Anchorage to Seoul but
owing to a navigational mistake made by the crew, it flew through
Russian prohibited airspace. The Soviet Air Force treated the
unidentified aircraft as an intruding U.S. spy plane and destroyed it
with air-to-air missiles.[300] The incident increased support for military
deployment, overseen by Reagan, which stood in place until the later
accords between Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev.[301] During the early
hours of 26 September 1983, the 1983 Soviet nuclear false alarm
incident occurred; systems in Serpukhov-15 underwent a glitch that
claimed several intercontinental ballistic missiles were heading
towards Russia, but officer Stanislav Petrov correctly suspected it was After ten-year-old American
a false alarm, ensuring the Soviets did not respond to the non-existent Samantha Smith wrote a letter
attack.[302] As such, he has been credited as "the man who saved the to Yuri Andropov expressing
world".[303] The Able Archer 83 exercise in November 1983, a realistic her fear of nuclear war,
Andropov invited Smith to the
simulation of a coordinated NATO nuclear release, was perhaps the
Soviet Union.
most dangerous moment since the Cuban Missile Crisis, as the Soviet
leadership feared that a nuclear attack might be imminent.[304]

American domestic public concerns about intervening in foreign conflicts persisted from the end of the
Vietnam War.[305] The Reagan administration emphasized the use of quick, low-cost counterinsurgency
tactics to intervene in foreign conflicts.[305] In 1983, the Reagan administration intervened in the
multisided Lebanese Civil War, invaded Grenada, bombed Libya and backed the Central American
Contras, anti-communist paramilitaries seeking to overthrow the Soviet-aligned Sandinista government in
Nicaragua.[99] While Reagan's interventions against Grenada and Libya were popular in the United
States, his backing of the Contra rebels was mired in controversy.[306] The Reagan administration's
backing of the military government of Guatemala during the Guatemalan Civil War, in particular the
regime of Efraín Ríos Montt, was also controversial.[307]

Meanwhile, the Soviets incurred high costs for their own foreign interventions. Although Brezhnev was
convinced in 1979 that the Soviet war in Afghanistan would be brief, Muslim guerrillas, aided by the US,
China, Britain, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan,[258] waged a fierce resistance against the invasion.[308] The
Kremlin sent nearly 100,000 troops to support its puppet regime in Afghanistan, leading many outside
observers to dub the war "the Soviets' Vietnam".[308] However, Moscow's quagmire in Afghanistan was
far more disastrous for the Soviets than Vietnam had been for the Americans because the conflict
coincided with a period of internal decay and domestic crisis in the Soviet system.

A senior US State Department official predicted such an outcome as early as 1980, positing that the
invasion resulted in part from a:

...domestic crisis within the Soviet system. ... It may be that the thermodynamic law of entropy
has ... caught up with the Soviet system, which now seems to expend more energy on simply
maintaining its equilibrium than on improving itself. We could be seeing a period of foreign
movement at a time of internal decay.[309]

Final years (1985–1991)

Gorbachev's reforms
By the time the comparatively youthful Mikhail Gorbachev
became General Secretary in 1985,[272] the Soviet economy
was stagnant and faced a sharp fall in foreign currency
earnings as a result of the downward slide in oil prices in the
1980s.[310] These issues prompted Gorbachev to investigate
measures to revive the ailing state.[310]

An ineffectual start led to the conclusion that deeper

structural changes were necessary, and in June 1987
Mikhail Gorbachev in one-to-one
Gorbachev announced an agenda of economic reform called discussions with US President Ronald
perestroika, or restructuring.[311] Perestroika relaxed the Reagan
production quota system, allowed cooperative ownership of
small businesses and paved the way for foreign investment.
These measures were intended to redirect the country's
resources from costly Cold War military commitments to
more productive areas in the civilian sector.[311]

Despite initial skepticism in the West, the new Soviet leader

proved to be committed to reversing the Soviet Union's
deteriorating economic condition instead of continuing the
arms race with the West.[312] Partly as a way to fight off
Mikhail Gorbachev and Ronald Reagan
internal opposition from party cliques to his reforms, sign the INF Treaty at the White House,
Gorbachev simultaneously introduced glasnost, or openness, 1987.
which increased freedom of the press and the transparency of
state institutions.[313] Glasnost was intended to reduce the
corruption at the top of the Communist Party and moderate the abuse of power in the Central
Committee.[314] Glasnost also enabled increased contact between Soviet citizens and the Western world,
particularly with the United States, contributing to the accelerating détente between the two nations.[315]
Thaw in relations
In response to the Kremlin's military and political
concessions, Reagan agreed to renew talks on economic
issues and the scaling-back of the arms race.[316] The first
summit was held in November 1985 in Geneva,
Switzerland.[316] A second summit was held in October 1986
in Reykjavík, Iceland. Talks went well until the focus shifted
to Reagan's proposed Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI),
which Gorbachev wanted to be eliminated. Reagan
The beginning of the 1990s brought a refused.[317] The negotiations failed, but the third summit
thaw in relations between the (Washington Summit (1987), 8–10 December 1987) led to a
superpowers. breakthrough with the signing of the Intermediate-Range
Nuclear Forces Treaty (INF). The INF treaty eliminated all
nuclear-armed, ground-launched ballistic and cruise missiles
with ranges between 500 and 5,500 kilometers (310 and 3,420 mi) and their infrastructure.[318]

During 1988, it became apparent to the Soviets that oil and

gas subsidies, along with the cost of maintaining massive
troops levels, represented a substantial economic drain.[319]
In addition, the security advantage of a buffer zone was
recognised as irrelevant and the Soviets officially declared
that they would no longer intervene in the affairs of satellite
states in Central and Eastern Europe.[320] George H. W. Bush
and Gorbachev met at the Moscow Summit in May 1988 and
the Governors Island Summit in December 1988. "Tear down this wall!" speech: Reagan
speaking in front of the Brandenburg
In 1989, Soviet forces withdrew from Afghanistan without Gate, 12 June 1987
achieving their objectives.[321] Later that year, the Berlin
Wall, the Inner German border and the Iron Curtain fell. On 3
December 1989, Gorbachev and Bush declared the Cold War over at the Malta Summit. In February
1990, Gorbachev agreed with the US-proposed Treaty on the Final Settlement with Respect to Germany
and signed it on 12 September 1990, paving the way for the German reunification.[319] When the Berlin
Wall came down, Gorbachev's "Common European Home" concept began to take shape.[322][323] The two
former adversaries were partners in the Gulf War against Iraq (August 1990 – February 1991).[324][325]
During the final summit in Moscow in July 1991, Gorbachev and Bush signed the START I arms control
treaty.[326]

Eastern Europe breaks away

Two developments dominated the decade that followed: the increasingly apparent crumbling of the Soviet
Union's economic and political structures, and the patchwork attempts at reforms to reverse that process.
Kenneth S. Deffeyes argued in Beyond Oil that the Reagan administration encouraged Saudi Arabia to
lower the price of oil to the point where the Soviets could not make a profit selling their oil, and resulted
in the depletion of the country's hard currency reserves.[327]
Brezhnev's next two successors, transitional figures with deep roots in
his tradition, did not last long. Yuri Andropov was 68 years old and
Konstantin Chernenko 72 when they assumed power; both died in less
than two years. In an attempt to avoid a third short-lived leader, in
1985, the Soviets turned to the next generation and selected Mikhail
Gorbachev. He made significant changes in the economy and party
leadership, called perestroika. His policy of glasnost freed public
access to information after decades of heavy government censorship.
Gorbachev also moved to end the Cold War. In 1988, the USSR
abandoned its war in Afghanistan and began to withdraw its forces. In
the following year, Gorbachev refused to interfere in the internal affairs
of the Soviet satellite states, which paved the way for the Revolutions
Otto von Habsburg, who
of 1989. In particular, the standstill of the Soviet Union at the Pan-
played a leading role in
European Picnic in August 1989 then set a peaceful chain reaction in opening the Iron Curtain
motion, at the end of which the Eastern Bloc collapsed. With the
tearing down of the Berlin Wall and with East and West Germany
pursuing re-unification, the Iron Curtain between the West and Soviet-occupied regions came
down.[328][329][330]

By 1989, the Soviet alliance system was on the brink of collapse, and, deprived of Soviet military
support, the communist leaders of the Warsaw Pact states were losing power.[321] Grassroots
organizations, such as Poland's Solidarity movement, rapidly gained ground with strong popular bases.

The Pan-European Picnic in August 1989 in Hungary finally started a

peaceful movement that the rulers in the Eastern Bloc could not stop. It
was the largest movement of refugees from East Germany since the
Berlin Wall was built in 1961 and ultimately brought about the fall of
the Iron Curtain. The patrons of the picnic, Otto von Habsburg and the
Hungarian Minister of State Imre Pozsgay, saw the planned event as an
opportunity to test Mikhail Gorbachev's reaction. The Austrian branch
of the Paneuropean Union, which was then headed by Otto von
Habsburg, distributed thousands of brochures inviting the GDR
holidaymakers in Hungary to a picnic near the border at Sopron. But
with the mass exodus at the Pan-European Picnic the subsequent
hesitant behavior of the ruling Socialist Unity Party of East Germany
and the non-interference of the Soviet Union broke the dams. Now tens
of thousands of media-informed East Germans made their way to
The Pan-European Picnic took Hungary, which was no longer willing to keep its borders completely
place in August 1989 on the closed or to oblige its border troops to use armed force. On the one
Hungarian-Austrian border. hand, this caused disagreement among the Eastern European states and,
on the other hand, it was clear to the Eastern European population that
the governments no longer had absolute power.[328][329][330][331]

In 1989, the communist governments in Poland and Hungary became the first to negotiate the
organization of competitive elections. In Czechoslovakia and East Germany, mass protests unseated
entrenched communist leaders. The communist regimes in Bulgaria and Romania also crumbled, in the
latter case as the result of a violent uprising. Attitudes had changed
enough that US Secretary of State James Baker suggested that the
American government would not be opposed to Soviet intervention in
Romania, on behalf of the opposition, to prevent bloodshed.[332]

The tidal wave of change culminated with the fall of the Berlin Wall in
November 1989, which symbolized the collapse of European
communist governments and graphically ended the Iron Curtain divide
of Europe. The 1989 revolutionary wave swept across Central and
Eastern Europe and peacefully overthrew all of the Soviet-style
Marxist–Leninist states: East Germany, Poland, Hungary,
Czechoslovakia and Bulgaria;[333] Romania was the only Eastern-bloc
country to topple its communist regime violently and execute its head
of state.[334] East German leader Erich
Honecker lost control in August
1989.
Soviet dissolution
At the same time, the Soviet republics started legal moves
towards potentially declaring sovereignty over their
territories, citing the freedom to secede in Article 72 of the
USSR constitution.[335] On 7 April 1990, a law was passed
allowing a republic to secede if more than two-thirds of its
residents voted for it in a referendum.[336] Many held their
first free elections in the Soviet era for their own national
legislatures in 1990. Many of these legislatures proceeded to
produce legislation contradicting the Union laws in what was
The human chain in Lithuania during the
known as the 'War of Laws'. In 1989, the Russian SFSR Baltic Way, 23 August 1989
convened a newly elected Congress of People's Deputies.
Boris Yeltsin was elected its chairman. On 12 June 1990, the
Congress declared Russia's sovereignty over its territory and proceeded to pass laws that attempted to
supersede some of the Soviet laws. After a landslide victory of Sąjūdis in Lithuania, that country declared
its independence restored on 11 March 1990, citing the illegality of the Soviet occupation of the Baltic
states. Soviet forces attempted to halt the secession by crushing popular demonstrations in Lithuania
(Bloody Sunday) and Latvia (The Barricades), as a result, numerous civilians were killed or wounded.
However, these actions only bolstered international support for the secessionists.[337]

A referendum for the preservation of the USSR was held on

17 March 1991 in nine republics (the remainder having
boycotted the vote), with the majority of the population in
those republics voting for preservation of the Union in the
form of a new federation. The referendum gave Gorbachev a
minor boost. In the summer of 1991, the New Union Treaty,
which would have turned the country into a much looser
Union, was agreed upon by eight republics. The signing of
August Coup in Moscow, 1991 the treaty, however, was interrupted by the August Coup—an
attempted coup d'état by hardline members of the government
and the KGB who sought to reverse Gorbachev's reforms and
reassert the central government's control over the republics. After the coup collapsed, Russian president
Yeltsin was seen as a hero for his decisive actions, while Gorbachev's power was effectively ended. The
balance of power tipped significantly towards the republics. In August 1991, Latvia and Estonia
immediately declared the restoration of their full independence (following Lithuania's 1990 example).
Gorbachev resigned as general secretary in late August, and soon afterwards, the party's activities were
indefinitely suspended—effectively ending its rule. By the fall, Gorbachev could no longer influence
events outside Moscow, and he was being challenged even there by Yeltsin, who had been elected
President of Russia in July 1991.

Later in August, Gorbachev resigned as general secretary of

the Communist party, and Russian President Boris Yeltsin
ordered the seizure of Soviet property. Gorbachev clung to
power as the President of the Soviet Union until 25 December
1991, when the USSR dissolved.[338] Fifteen states emerged
from the Soviet Union, with by far the largest and most
populous one (which also was the founder of the Soviet state
with the October Revolution in Petrograd), the Russian
Federation, taking full responsibility for all the rights and
obligations of the USSR under the Charter of the United
T-80 tank on Red Square during the
Nations, including the financial obligations. As such, Russia August Coup
assumed the Soviet Union's UN membership and permanent
membership on the Security Council, nuclear stockpile and
the control over the armed forces.[10]

In his 1992 State of the Union Address, US President George

H. W. Bush expressed his emotions: "The biggest thing that
has happened in the world in my life, in our lives, is this: By
the grace of God, America won the Cold War."[339] Bush and
Yeltsin met in February 1992, declaring a new era of
"friendship and partnership".[340] In January 1993, Bush and
Yeltsin agreed to START II, which provided for further
nuclear arms reductions on top of the original START
treaty.[341]
The first Russian McDonald's on
Moscow's Pushkin Square, pictured in
1991
Aftermath
In summing up the international ramifications of these events, Vladislav Zubok stated: 'The collapse of
the Soviet empire was an event of epochal geopolitical, military, ideological, and economic
significance.'[342] After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Russia drastically cut military spending, and
restructuring the economy left millions unemployed.[343] According to Western analysis, the neoliberal
reforms in Russia culminated in a recession in the early 1990s more severe than the Great Depression as
experienced by the United States and Germany.[344] Western analysts suggest that in the 25 years
following the end of the Cold War, only five or six of the post-communist states are on a path to joining
the rich and capitalist world while most are falling behind, some to such an extent that it will take several
decades to catch up to where they were before the collapse of communism.[345][346]
 Decommunization
Stephen Holmes of the University of Chicago
argued in 1996 that decommunization, after a brief
active period, quickly ended in near-universal
failure. After the introduction of lustration, demand
for scapegoats has become relatively low, and
former communists have been elected for high
governmental and other administrative positions.
Holmes notes that the only real exception was
Changes in national boundaries after the end of the former East Germany, where thousands of former
Cold War Stasi informers have been fired from public
positions.[347]

Holmes suggests the following reasons for the failure of decommunization:[347]

After 45–70 years of communist rule, nearly every family has members associated with the
state. After the initial desire "to root out the reds" came a realization that massive
punishment is wrong and finding only some guilty is hardly justice.
The urgency of the current economic problems of postcommunism makes the crimes of the
communist past "old news" for many citizens.
Decommunization is believed to be a power game of elites.
The difficulty of dislodging the social elite makes it require a totalitarian state to
disenfranchise the "enemies of the people" quickly and efficiently and a desire for normalcy
overcomes the desire for punitive justice.
Very few people have a perfectly clean slate and so are available to fill the positions that
require significant expertise.
Compared with the decommunization efforts of the other former constituents of the Eastern Bloc and the
Soviet Union, decommunization in Russia has been restricted to half-measures, if conducted at all.[348]
Notable anti-communist measures in the Russian Federation include the banning of the Communist Party
of the Soviet Union (and the creation of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation) as well as
changing the names of some Russian cities back to what they were before the 1917 October Revolution
(Leningrad to Saint Petersburg, Sverdlovsk to Yekaterinburg and Gorky to Nizhny Novgorod),[349]
though others were maintained, with Ulyanovsk (former Simbirsk), Tolyatti (former Stavropol) and Kirov
(former Vyatka) being examples. Even though Leningrad and Sverdlovsk were renamed, regions that
were named after them are still officially called Leningrad and Sverdlovsk oblasts.[350]

Nostalgia for the Soviet Union is gradually on the rise in Russia.[351] Communist symbols continue to
form an important part of the rhetoric used in state-controlled media, as banning on them in other
countries is seen by the Russian foreign ministry as "sacrilege" and "a perverse idea of good and
evil".[349] The process of decommunization in Ukraine, a neighbouring post-Soviet state, was met with
fierce criticism by Russia.[349] The State Anthem of the Russian Federation, adopted in 2000 (the same
year Vladimir Putin began his first term as president of Russia), uses the exact same music as the State
Anthem of the Soviet Union, but with new lyrics written by Sergey Mikhalkov.[352][353]

Conversely, decommunization in Ukraine started during and after the dissolution of the Soviet Union in
1991[354] With the success of the Revolution of Dignity in 2014, the Ukrainian government approved
laws that outlawed communist symbols.[355] In July 2015, President of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko signed
a set of laws that started a six-month period for the removal of
communist monuments (excluding World War II monuments) and
renaming of public places named after communist-related
themes.[349][356][357] At the time, this meant that 22 cities and 44
villages were set to get new names.[358] In 2016, 51,493 streets and
987 cities and villages were renamed, and 1,320 Lenin monuments and
1,069 monuments to other communist figures removed.[359] Violation
of the law carries a penalty of a potential media ban and prison
sentences of up to five years.[360][361] The Ministry of the Interior
stripped the Communist Party of Ukraine, the Communist Party of
Ukraine (renewed), and the Communist Party of Workers and Peasants
of their right to participate in elections and stated it was continuing the
The Spasskaya Tower had kept
court actions that started in July 2014 to end the registration of
its red star and did not restore
communist parties in Ukraine.[362] By 16 December 2015, these three the two-headed eagle present
parties had been banned in Ukraine; the Communist Party of Ukraine before communist takeover.
appealed the ban to the European Court of Human Rights.[363][364][365]

Collapse of Yugoslavia and Balkan conflicts

The Cold War had provided external stabilizing pressures.
Both the United States and the Soviet Union had a vested
interest in Yugoslavia's stability, ensuring it remained a buffer
state in the East-West divide. This resulted in financial and
political support for its regime. When the Cold War ended,
this external support evaporated, leaving Yugoslavia more
vulnerable to internal divisions.[367][368]

As Yugoslavia fragmented, the wars began after Slovenia and

Croatia declared independence in 1991. Serbia, under
Slobodan Milošević, opposed these moves.[369] The Bosnian
War (1992–1995) was the most brutal of the Yugoslav Wars,
characterized by ethnic cleansing and genocide. International
organizations, including the United Nations, struggled to NATO psyop flyer during the Kosovo War
manage the violence. NATO eventually intervened with 1999.[366]
airstrikes in Bosnia (1995) as part of Operation Deliberate
Force and later in Kosovo (1999) as part of Operation allied
force. These interventions marked the transition of NATO as a deterrent to the Soviet Union, to also
functioning at the time as an active peacekeeping and conflict-resolution force.[370]

Influence
The post-Cold War world is considered to be unipolar, with the United States the sole remaining
superpower.[371][372] The Cold War defined the political role of the United States after World War II—by
1989 the United States had military alliances with 50 countries, with 526,000 troops stationed
abroad,[373] with 326,000 in Europe (two-thirds of which were in West Germany)[374] and 130,000 in
Asia (mainly Japan and South Korea).[373] The Cold War also marked the zenith of peacetime military–
industrial complexes and large-scale military funding of science.[375]

Cumulative US military expenditures throughout the entire

Cold War amounted to an estimated $8 trillion. Nearly
100,000 Americans died in the Korean and Vietnam
Wars.[376] Although Soviet casualties are difficult to estimate,
as a share of gross national product the financial cost for the
Soviet Union was much higher than that incurred by the
United States.[377]

Millions died in the superpowers' proxy wars around the

globe, most notably in eastern Asia.[378][N] Most of the proxy
wars and subsidies for local conflicts ended along with the
Cold War; interstate wars, ethnic wars, revolutionary wars, as
well as refugee and displaced persons crises have declined
Since the end of the Cold War, the EU
sharply in the post-Cold War years.[379]
has expanded eastwards into the former
Warsaw Pact and parts of the former
However, the aftermath of the Cold War is not considered to
Soviet Union.
be concluded. Many of the economic and social tensions that
were exploited to fuel Cold War competition in parts of the
Third World remain acute. The breakdown of state control in a number of areas formerly ruled by
communist governments produced new civil and ethnic conflicts, particularly in the former Yugoslavia. In
Central and Eastern Europe, the end of the Cold War has ushered in an era of economic growth and an
increase in the number of liberal democracies, while in other parts of the world, such as Afghanistan,
independence was accompanied by state failure.[253] It has been posited by several scholars that the
dissolution of the Soviet Union and the end of communism as a global force in the post-Cold War era
allowed neoliberal capitalism to become the dominant global system, which has resulted in rising
economic inequality.[380][381][382][383]

In popular culture
The Cold War endures as a popular topic reflected in entertainment media, and continuing to the present
with post-1991 Cold War-themed feature films, novels, television and web series, and other media.

Historiography
Interpreting the course and origins of the conflict has been a source of heated controversy among
historians, political scientists, and journalists.[384] In particular, historians have sharply disagreed as to
who was responsible for the breakdown of Soviet–US relations after the Second World War; and whether
the conflict between the two superpowers was inevitable or could have been avoided.[385] Historians have
also disagreed on what exactly the Cold War was, what the sources of the conflict were, and how to
disentangle patterns of action and reaction between the two sides.[253]
Although explanations of the origins of the conflict in academic discussions are complex and diverse,
several general schools of thought on the subject can be identified. Historians commonly speak of three
different approaches to the study of the Cold War: "orthodox" accounts, "revisionism", and "post-
revisionism".[375]

"Orthodox" accounts place responsibility for the Cold War on the Soviet Union and its expansion further
into Europe.[375] "Revisionist" writers place more responsibility for the breakdown of post-war peace on
the United States, citing a range of US efforts to isolate and confront the Soviet Union well before the end
of World War II.[375] "Post-revisionists" see the events of the Cold War as more nuanced and attempt to
be more balanced in determining what occurred during the Cold War.[375] Much of the historiography on
the Cold War weaves together two or even all three of these broad categories.[81]

See also
Category:Cold War by period Outline of the Cold War
American imperialism Red Scare
Canada in the Cold War Second Cold War
Cold peace War on terror
McCarthyism

Notes and quotes

A. Service 2015, p. : "Historians do not fully agree on its starting and ending points, but the
period is generally considered to span from the announcement of the Truman Doctrine on
12 March 1947 to the dissolution of the Soviet Union on 26 December 1991."
B. Lippmann's own book is Lippmann, Walter (1947). The Cold War (https://books.google.com/
books?id=Ydc3AAAAIAAJ). Harper. ISBN 9780598864048.
C. Jowett & O'Donnell 2005, pp. 21–23: "In fact, the word disinformation is a cognate for the
Russian dezinformatsia, taken from the name of a division of the KGB devoted to black
propaganda."
D. Matray 2002: "South Korea's President Rhee was obsessed with accomplishing early
reunification through military means. The Truman administration's fear that Rhee would
launch an invasion prompted it to limit South Korea's military capabilities, refusing to provide
tanks, heavy artillery, and combat planes. This did not stop the South Koreans from initiating
most of the border clashes with North Korean forces at the thirty-eighth parallel beginning in
the summer of 1948 and reaching a high level of intensity and violence a year later.
Historians now acknowledge that the two Koreas already were waging a civil conflict when
North Korea's attack opened the conventional phase of the war."
E. Matray 2002: "Contradicting traditional assumptions, however, available declassified Soviet
documents demonstrate that throughout 1949 Stalin consistently refused to approve Kim Il
Sung's persistent requests to approve an invasion of South Korea. The Soviet leader
believed that North Korea had not achieved either military superiority north of the parallel or
political strength south of that line. His main concern was the threat South Korea posed to
North Korea's survival, for example fearing an invasion northward following U.S. military
withdrawal in June 1949."
F. "Revolt in Hungary" (https://web.archive.org/web/20071117094223/http://files.osa.ceu.hu/ho
ldings/selection/rip/4/av/1956-44.html). Archived from the original (http://files.osa.ceu.hu/hol
dings/selection/rip/4/av/1956-44.html) on 17 November 2007. Narrator: Walter Cronkite,
producer: CBS (1956) – Fonds 306, Audiovisual Materials Relating to the 1956 Hungarian
Revolution, OSA Archivum, Budapest, Hungary ID number: HU OSA 306-0-1:40
G. 34,374,483 square kilometres (13,272,062 sq mi).
H. Prados & Jimenez-Bacardi 2019: "The memorandum showed no concern for international
law or the unspoken nature of these operations as terrorist attacks."
I. International Policy Report (Report). Washington, D.C.: Center for International Policy. 1977.
pp. 10–12. "To coordinate and carry out its war of terror and destruction during the early
1960s, the CIA established a base of operations, known as JMWAVE."
J. National Research Council Committee on Antarctic Policy and Science, p. 33
K. Coll 2004, pp. 47–49: "Frustrated and hoping to discredit him, the KGB initially planted false
stories that Amin was a CIA agent. In the autumn these rumors rebounded on the KGB in a
strange case of "blowback," the term used by spies to describe planted propaganda that
filters back to confuse the country that first set the story loose."
L. Jones, S. 2010, pp. 16 (https://archive.org/details/ingraveyardofemp00jone_0/page/16)–17:
"'It was total nonsense,' said the CIA's Graham Fuller. 'I would have been thrilled to have
those kinds of contacts with Amin, but they didn't exist.'"
M. "Official Energy Statistics of the US Government (http://www.eia.doe.gov/emeu/international/
contents.html)", EIA – International Energy Data and Analysis. Retrieved on 4 July 2008.
N. Kim 2014, p. 45: "With three of the four major Cold War fault lines—divided Germany,
divided Korea, divided China, and divided Vietnam—East Asia acquired the dubious
distinction of having engendered the largest number of armed conflicts resulting in higher
fatalities between 1945 and 1994 than any other region or sub-region. Even in Asia, while
Central and South Asia produced a regional total of 2.8 million in human fatalities, East
Asia's regional total is 10.4 million including the Chinese Civil War (1 million), the Korean
War (3 million), the Vietnam War (2 million), and the Pol Pot genocide in Cambodia (1 to 2
million)."

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Further reading

External links

Archives
The Cold War International History Project (CWIHP) (http://www.wilsoncenter.org/program/c
old-war-international-history-project)
The Cold War Files (https://web.archive.org/web/20080918203432/http://coldwarfiles.org/)
Select "Communism & Cold War" value to browse Maps from 1933–1982 at the Persuasive
Cartography, The PJ Mode Collection (https://persuasivemaps.library.cornell.edu/browse-su
bject), Cornell University Library
CONELRAD Cold War Pop Culture Site (http://www.conelrad.com/) Archived (https://web.ar
chive.org/web/20200729202943/http://www.conelrad.com/) 29 July 2020 at the Wayback
Machine
CBC Digital Archives – Cold War Culture: The Nuclear Fear of the 1950s and 1960s (http://
www.cbc.ca/archives/categories/war-conflict/cold-war/cold-war-culture-the-nuclear-fear-of-th
e-1950s-and-1960s/topic---cold-war-culture-the-nuclear-fear-of-the-1950s-and-1960s.html)

Bibliography
Annotated bibliography for the arms race from the Alsos Digital Library (https://web.archive.
org/web/20060203121815/http://alsos.wlu.edu/qsearch.aspx?browse=issues%2FArms+Rac
e)

Educational resource
Electronic Briefing Books (http://www2.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/) at the National
Security Archive, George Washington University
News
"Cold War" (http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/themes/world_politics/cold_war/default.stm).
BBC. Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/20121218221127/http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisd
ay/hi/themes/world_politics/cold_war/default.stm) from the original on 18 December 2012.
Retrieved 22 December 2005. Video and audio news reports from during the cold war.

Films
André Bossuroy, Europe for Citizens Programme of the European Union, "30 years ago, the
fall of the Berlin Wall, the end of the Cold War" (https://vimeo.com/368099620).
Documentary 26 min, 2019.

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