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PALGRAVE MACMILLAN STUDIES IN
FAMILY AND INTIMATE LIFE

Everyday life
in Austerity
Family, Friends and
Intimate Relations
Sarah Marie Hall
Palgrave Macmillan Studies in Family and
Intimate Life

Series Editors
Graham Allan
Keele University
Keele, UK

Lynn Jamieson
University of Edinburgh
Edinburgh, UK

David H. J. Morgan
University of Manchester
Manchester, UK
‘The Palgrave Macmillan Studies in Family and Intimate Life series is impres­
sive and contemporary in its themes and approaches’—Professor Deborah
Chambers, Newcastle University, UK, and author of New Social Ties.
The remit of the Palgrave Macmillan Studies in Family and Intimate
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focusing broadly on the sociological exploration of intimate relation­
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such as partnership, marriage, parenting, domestic arrangements, kin­
ship, demographic change, intergenerational ties, life course transitions,
step-families, gay and lesbian relationships, lone-parent households,
and also non-­familial intimate relationships such as friendships and
includes works by leading figures in the field, in the UK and interna­
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 Sarah Marie Hall

Everyday Life in
Austerity
Family, Friends and Intimate Relations
Sarah Marie Hall
University of Manchester
Manchester, UK

Palgrave Macmillan Studies in Family and Intimate Life

ISBN 978-3-030-17093-6    ISBN 978-3-030-17094-3 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-17094-3

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2019

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 Acknowledgements

The ethnographic research described in the pages of this book would not
have been possible without the families and communities of ‘Argleton’,
Greater Manchester. My first thanks go to these participants for the time,
energy and generosity that they invested into the research: thank you for
welcoming me into your everyday lives. Thanks also to my own family,
friends and intimate relations for supporting and encouraging me to
write this book. Special thanks to Ian Shone for his careful, constructive
and critical feedback, and also personal thanks to Max for his encour­
agement, too.
I am also very grateful to friends and colleagues who have read chap­
ters, discussed ideas with me and provided helpful advice on shaping this
book, including Anna Tarrant, Clare Holdsworth, David Morgan, Helen
Holmes, Laura Pottinger, Mark Jayne and Noel Castree. The research
project was funded by a Hallsworth Research Fellowship in Political
Economy from the University of Manchester, UK (2012–2015), during
which time and since I have been based at the Geography Department
and at the Morgan Centre. Thank you to colleagues from across these
groups for their interest in my research and for providing a stimulating
and supportive academic environment. Thank you also to friends and
colleagues at the Women’s Budget Group for their contributions to my
understanding of gendered economies. The ideas in this book have been

v
vi Acknowledgements

presented at many different seminars, talks and conferences—too many

to name, in fact—but my thanks to all those people who have engaged
with me and the research at those events.
I have some thanks for permissions to add, too. For the illustrations
reproduced here and taken from the Everyday Austerity zine, thanks to
Claire Stringer. For the graph and infographic reproduced here and taken
from the Women Count booklet, thanks to Mary-Ann Stephenson and
the Women’s Budget Group. Chapter 2 is a revised and adapted version
of ‘Everyday Austerity: Towards Relational Geographies of Family,
Friendship and Intimacy’, Progress in Human Geography (2018, https://
doi.org/10.1177/0309132518796280). Chapters 3 and 5 contain revised
and adapted material from ‘The Personal Is Political: Feminist Geographies
of/in Austerity’, Geoforum (2018, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.geofo­
rum.2018.04.010). And Chap. 6 is a revised and adapted version of ‘A
Very Personal Crisis: Family Fragilities and Everyday Conjunctures
Within Lived Experiences of Austerity’, Transactions of the Institute of
British Geographers (2019, https://doi.org/10.1111/tran.12300).
 Contents

1 Introduction  1

2 Family, Friendship and Intimacy: A Relational Approach to

Everyday Austerity 29

3 Everyday Social Infrastructures and Tapestries of Care in

Times of Austerity 69

4 Austere Intimacies and Intimate Austerities101

5 The Personal Is Political (and Relational)141

6 A Very Personal Crisis: Family Fragilities and Everyday

Conjunctures in Austerity169

7 Conclusion197

vii
viii Contents

B
 ibliography209

Index229
 List of Figures

Fig. 1.1 The unequal impacts of changes to social security on women in

the UK (from Women Count (2018) by the Women’s Budget
Group, see https://womencount.wbg.org.uk/) 6
Fig. 2.1 The cumulative impact in April 2020 of changes to taxes and
benefits announced between June 2010 and March 2016 by
income, gender and ethnicity as a proportion of net individual
income, UK (from Women Count (2018), by the Women’s
Budget Group; see https://womencount.wbg.org.uk/) 47
Fig. 3.1 Zoe together with her network of friends (illustrated by Claire
Stringer, from the Everyday Austerity zine by Sarah Marie Hall,
see https://everydayausterity.wordpress.com/zine/) 88
Fig. 3.2 A jar of rhubarb and ginger chutney made by Pauline and gifted
to me (photograph taken by Sarah Marie Hall) 92
Fig. 3.3 Playing in the park with Zack (photograph taken by Kerry) 93
Fig. 4.1 Sharon feeding the horses during a Saturday morning walk
(photograph taken by Bill) 125
Fig. 4.2 Selma painting Mya’s bedroom (illustrated by Claire Stringer,
from the Everyday Austerity zine by Sarah Marie Hall, see
https://everydayausterity.wordpress.com/zine/)126
Fig. 4.3 A knitted doll for a charity raffle made by Pauline (photograph
taken by Sarah Marie Hall) 129
Fig. 4.4 A cardigan knitted by Pauline for her grandson (photograph
taken by Sarah Marie Hall) 130

ix
x List of Figures

Fig. 5.1 A community cafe in Argleton awaiting customers (photograph

taken by Sarah Marie Hall) 153
Fig. 6.1 Laura cooking a vat of soup (illustrated by Claire Stringer, from
the Everyday Austerity zine by Sarah Marie Hall, see https://
everydayausterity.wordpress.com/zine/)180
Fig. 6.2 Greenhouse vegetables grown by George (photograph taken by
Sarah Marie Hall) 185
 1
Introduction

Approaching Austerity
[I]t’s probably been harder that I would have thought. But then, I know for
other people it’s been even harder. You know, you look at the amount of
people using food banks and the amount of people that are really, really
struggling … I mean, it’s probably worse because we’ve got debt. But it’s
hard because it’s just really, the cost of living’s gone up so much. (Laura,
taped discussion, October 2014)

We’ve not suffered any unemployment, but we have seen it around and
about. You kind of see and just notice that some areas are getting a little bit
more deprived than they were … all of a sudden, some of the shops shut
down and they were replaced by pawn shops or pound shops, and you just
kind of saw the town centre decline, really. (Zoe, taped discussion,
February 2015)

‘Austerity’ is now a term and an experience that many people in the

UK are more familiar with than before. Where once applied to times
gone by, entrenched in social memories of post-war conditions, it has
become a commonplace identifier for contemporary UK society and

© The Author(s) 2019 1

S. M. Hall, Everyday Life in Austerity, Palgrave Macmillan Studies in Family and
Intimate Life, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-17094-3_1
2 S. M. Hall

economy. In its most stripped-down form, austerity refers to a specific set

of actions and policies by the state: the reduction of spending on public
expenditure with the precise aim of reducing governmental budget defi-
cit. However, and importantly, it has a dual meaning. ‘Austerity’ is also a
term to describe a condition of severe simplicity and self-restraint. As the
above quotes from two of my participants suggest, and the rest of this
book will reveal in more detail, these two meanings of austerity play out
in everyday life, cutting across one another as much as they do across and
between spaces, times and relationships.
These two quotes also offer an insight into the relational approach I
take in this book. Laura and Zoe, who we meet again in later chapters,
both situate their experiences alongside those of other people they know,
in the particular and familiar context of their everyday lives. In this way,
this book marks a departure from many previous writings on austerity,
centring on lived, felt and personal impacts of austerity as they are
encountered in everyday life. It responds to the critiques about the domi-
nance of political and economic accounts in research about contempo-
rary austerity, while at the same time offering alternative ways for
theorising, researching and understanding lived experiences in austere
times. It does this in three interrelated ways.
Firstly, I conceptualise austerity as a personal and relational condition.
I argue that approaching austerity as a personal and social, as much as an
economic and political, condition means that lived experiences and social
inequalities can come to the fore. Here austerity is reframed and scaled
according to everyday relationships and practices, taken from the ground
up. Seeing austerity as personal does not preclude economic or political
concerns; rather it shifts how these are named and framed. Subverting the
usual voices and experiences upon which discourses of austerity are built,
and ultimately how they are valued, makes space for acknowledging those
people and communities at the sharpest end of austerity cuts. Furthermore,
acknowledging austerity as a personal condition—rather than simply an
ideology or inevitability—gives credence to the fact that it has very real
and tangible impacts: a condition of severe simplicity and self-restraint.
Austerity then also becomes a form of conditioning (also see Hitchen
2016), shaping ideals, futures and horizons, with the potential to change
 1 Introduction 3

family, friend and intimate relations, presenting opportunities as well as

obstacles.
Secondly, the book centres around feminist theories, methods and
praxis, applying them to everyday life in austerity in new and innovative
ways. Ideas around personal lives, family, intimacy, friendship and rela-
tionality have long been fruitful spaces for feminist thought and inter-
ventions. Drawing from feminist theories regarding gendered labour and
responsibilities, critiques of ‘the family’, social infrastructures, politics
and ethics of care, and ethnographic practice, I apply and develop these
concepts accordingly. Situating feminist theories of personal relationships
in conversation with geographical writings about austerity also means
that economic, social and cultural theories are brought together
in new ways.
Thirdly, by offering fresh ways of theorising everyday life through rela-
tionality, this book provides an alternative entry point into everyday
understandings of austerity. I argue that not only do we need to under-
stand austerity as a phenomenon played out and experienced in everyday
life, but that there are specific aspects of everyday life that are important
to understanding austerity’s effects. Austerity is more than a backdrop to
the everyday lives explored in this book. Rather than being simply con-
text, austerity becomes entwined within everyday lives and the relation-
ships in which everyday lives are grounded.
This book therefore makes the case for thinking relationally about aus-
terity, and of bringing together spatial and social theory as a cross-­
disciplinary approach. Focusing on everyday relationships and relational
spaces—multiscalar and cross-spatial understandings of family, friend-
ship and intimate relations—provides exciting opportunities for geo-
graphical approaches to everyday life in austerity. Using examples from
across ethnographic research, I demonstrate how a relational approach
extends current understandings of how austerity cuts through, across and
between everyday spaces.
4 S. M. Hall

Austerity in the UK
Contemporary austerity in the UK is a particularly interesting case, inex-
tricable from the Global Financial Crisis (GFC) and the period from
2010 onwards. When the crisis hit in 2008 (the result of a subprime
mortgage crisis in the USA, based on a culture of risky lending on mort-
gages by banks) the impacts were felt in the financial, housing and retail
sectors as much as in homes, communities and workplaces. Triggered by
a ‘credit crunch’ and global economic recession, the UK economy offi-
cially entered into a recession that started in early 2008 and ended in late
2009. The damage unleashed by the recession on the national economy,
such as unemployment, firm closures and reduced tax revenue, was
adopted by the Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition government as
a justification to implement their austerity agenda, with the ostensible
purpose of restabilising state finances.
Fiscal cuts to public expenditure to the tune of £83 billion were
announced by the Chancellor of the Exchequer in the June 2010
Emergency Budget. Measures included ‘slashing local government bud-
gets in England by 27 per cent, benefit caps, the removal of the spare
room subsidy from housing benefit (“bedroom tax”) and £8 billion of
cuts to the social care budget’ (Hall 2017, p. 303; also see Butterworth
and Burton 2013; JRF 2015; Hall et al. 2017). In 2015, the Treasury
announced a further £12 billion of cuts to social security spending to be
applied by 2019/2020, including reducing caps on household benefits to
£20,000 a year, limiting Child Tax Credits to two children, and removing
housing benefit for young people aged 18–21 (Hall 2017; HM
Treasury 2015).
In the UK as well as in the USA, Republic of Ireland and parts of
southern Europe, austerity remains as an economic and political condi-
tion as well as an ideology. Austerity is not a fiscal inevitability. It is a
political choice and economic agenda that can have deep and long-lasting
personal and social consequences. And although the personal effects of
living in austerity have been skirted in most political discourse, personal
responsibility was actually key to crafting the political argument for aus-
terity following the recent recession.
 1 Introduction 5

More specifically, the response to the recession was named and framed
as a result of the interconnections between a growing culture of personal
credit reliance and government over-borrowing. Though it makes for an
imprecise and misleading metaphor, individual/household and state debt
became quickly conflated in political discourse on the Global Financial
Crisis and recession, entangling credit users with austerity policies and
creating a ‘framing [that] suggests culpability on the part of those affected’
(Elwood and Lawson 2013, p. 103). The UK public ‘were situated as
being doubly responsible; simultaneously blamed for a culture of debt,
borrowing and spending on credit, while at the same time urged to con-
sume to lift the economy out of crisis’ (Hall 2015, p. 141; Hinton and
Goodman 2010).
However, the impacts of austerity go beyond political and public dis-
course; they are real, and felt, and lived. Austerity exposes, exacerbates
and exploits socio-economic unevenness. In targeting public institutions,
social welfare and care infrastructures (sectors dominated by female
labour and receivership), austerity is also a distinctly gendered ideology,
process and condition. Put simply, ‘women have been disproportionately
affected by these cuts as a result of structural inequalities which means
they earn less, own less and have more responsibility for unpaid care and
domestic work’ (Hall et al. 2017, p. 1; also see Charles 2000). Women are
also the key beneficiaries of state welfare (also referred to as benefits or
social security) and, as illustrated by Fig. 1.1, changes to these systems
can lead to various gendered inequalities. Further social and structural
inequalities are highlighted and aggravated by austerity, including but
not limited to class, race, ethnicity, disability, sexuality, age and faith, and
the points at which they intersect. In this book I touch upon some of
these concerns, with focus on gender as the fulcrum upon which the
social differences and inequalities in my study pivot.
In spite of the social and spatial significance of austerity, much geo-
graphical and wider social science literature continues to be heavily
focused on austerity as economic, financial, political and urban.
Furthermore, this analysis is commonly levelled on institutional, national,
regional and international scales. Such work offers critical insight into
analysing and debating the causes and aftermath of the Global Financial
Crisis and recession, particularly problems of broader economic systems,
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