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Urban Food Democracy
and Governance in
North and South
Alec Thornton
International Political Economy Series

Series Editor
Timothy M. Shaw
Visiting Professor
University of Massachusetts Boston
Boston, USA

Emeritus Professor
University of London, UK
The global political economy is in flux as a series of cumulative crises
impacts its organization and governance. The IPE series has tracked its
development in both analysis and structure over the last three decades. It
has always had a concentration on the global South. Now the South
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 Alec Thornton

Urban Food
Democracy and
Governance in North
and South
Alec Thornton
University of New South Wales Australia
Canberra, ACT, Australia

ISSN 2662-2483     ISSN 2662-2491 (electronic)

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 Foreword

Worldwide, food governance is irreversibly being up-handed by our cit-

ies—this is the demography shift. And urban civil society is the one vector
drilling a wedge into an increasingly delocalized, mercantilized and artifi-
cialized food system—this is the democracy shift.
It is about time.
Heeding the call for dedicated urban food planning in the New Urban
Agenda adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in December
2016,1 this book does so quite differently from other recent releases. It
focuses on governance models for cities and countries to transit toward
more sustainable food systems, both in the Global North and in the
Global South.
A new decade dawns on us with deepening social inequalities, more
devastating extreme natural events and gathering shifts in climatic regimes,
and the rising incidence of unhealthy diet-related diseases (Sonnino 2017).

1
Namely, under Planning and managing urban spatial development: “123. We will pro-
mote the integration of food security and the nutritional needs of urban residents, particu-
larly the urban poor, in urban and territorial planning, in order to end hunger and
malnutrition. We will promote coordination of sustainable food security and agriculture poli-
cies across urban, peri-urban and rural areas to facilitate the production, storage, transport
and marketing of food to consumers in adequate and affordable ways in order to reduce food
losses and prevent and reuse food waste. We will further promote the coordination of food
policies with energy, water, health, transport and waste policies, maintain the genetic diver-
sity of seeds and reduce the use of hazardous chemicals, and implement other policies in
urban areas to maximize efficiencies and minimize waste”. http://habitat3.org/wp-con-
tent/uploads/New-Urban-Agenda-GA-Adopted-68th-Plenary-N1646655-E.pdf.

v
vi FOREWORD

No wonder urban food planning (Morgan 2009, 2015) is coming to the

fore in an unprecedented way. Linkages between food policy and
Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and targets are potentially con-
siderable (Mazzochi and Marino 2018), and recent global summits, dec-
larations and agendas have underscored cities’ central role for progress on
SDGs, with food policy development being a critical catalyst (Dansero
et al. 2017).
Granted, the governance of food systems is a hydra, but in the Global
North and increasingly so in the Global South, food movements, urban
food policy experiments and alternative food networks have been asserting
the key role of governance and action at a local level to move urban food
systems more toward what the sociologist Johannes Wiskerke (2015) calls
urban systems of food. These are spaces where more of the food activities
are integrated locally through functional connections between them, for
sustainability, justice and better local economies (Tecco et al. 2017).
Nearly 100 cities in the Global North have now issued urban food strate-
gies and nearly 300 food policy councils have been created across North
America alone (Ilieva 2016). This is not insignificant.
In the Global South, urban food systems typically still rely more on
shorter supply chains than in the Global North, despite advances by cor-
porate retailing. Yet, governments have been less proactive at developing
local systems of food, to say nothing of supporting largely informal supply
chains. Still, more of them now realize that what until recently was despised
as backward can in fact be a foundation on which to build. In the wake of
food price surges worldwide a growing number of local and national gov-
ernments in the Global South—following late-1990s pioneers such as
Belo Horizonte, in this book—have been mustering creativity, commit-
ment and leadership, as revealed by assessments of official initiatives in
urban agriculture (UA) commissioned by the Food and Agriculture
Organization (2012, 2014), the World Bank (2013) and the United
Nations Environment Programme (UNEP).2

2
UNEP’s START program published in 2014–2015 a series of nine city-level assessment
reports on urban and peri-urban agriculture (UPA) for Dakar (Senegal), Tamale (Ghana),
Ibadan (Nigeria), Dar es Salaam (Tanzania), Kampala (Uganda), Addis Ababa (Ethiopia),
Dhaka (Bangladesh), Kathmandu (Nepal) and Chennai (India). In the References, I only list
one of these reports as example (Sabiiti et al. 2014). FAO’s 2012 survey of urban and peri-
urban horticulture in Africa covered 27 countries; its 2014 survey of urban and peri-urban
agriculture in Latin America and the Caribbean collected data from 110 cities in 23 coun-
tries, including 13 city case studies.
 FOREWORD vii

With growing interest in urban food planning, namely in the Global

North, for some time now academia has been developing curriculums and
inquiry in this field, in reaction to influent professional guilds’ call for
planners to embrace food planning as a legitimate area of competence
(American Planners Association 2007).3 In late 2015, the Milan Urban
Food Policy Pact became the first international food policy pact directly
involving cities in food policy, now signed by more than 130 cities world-
wide, nearly half of which are in the Global South (Bini et al. 2017).
In this, as in other emerging fields of expertise still developing codes
and competencies, we cannot hope to devise grounded and viable proto-
cols of intervention unless we first learn from ongoing experimentation.
Some planning tools have been developed and used to frame local and
territorialized agro-food system experiments. Yet, still few and far between
are efforts to capture and distill experiential knowledge on what works and
what is responsible for progress (or lack of) in urban food systems plan-
ning. Which is exactly what Urban Food Democracy and Governance in the
North and South does. This gifts us with a timely complement to
Integrating Food into Urban Planning, co-edited by Yves Cabannes and
Cecilia Marrochino (2019), on worldwide lessons from city initiatives and
instruments to integrate agriculture into urban planning, as well as to A
Renewed Reading of the Food-City Relationship: Towards Urban Food
Policies, a geography collective’s powerful contribution, led by Egidio
Dansero, Giacomo Pettenati and Alessia Toldo (2017).
Advances are always at risk of meeting with resistance, even backlash,
and Dr. Thornton’s collection lifts the veil, as few do, on the political
economy of stakeholders that urban food initiatives must navigate to
address development objectives discussed in Cities and Agriculture:
Developing Resilient Urban Food Systems, edited by Henk de Zeeuw and
Pay Dreschel (2015). Thornton’s book complements the latter by exam-
ining urban design and spatial planning through a food-system-wide lens.
Finally, Urban Food Democracy and Governance adds value to Integrated
Urban Agriculture, edited by Robert France (Green Frigate, 2016) and

3
Dedicated graduate programs in urban/local food planning are still very few. In the US,
Kansas State University offers an Urban Food Systems specialization under its Master of
Science in Horticulture program. More universities have electives: The University of
Memphis has an Urban Food Systems elective under its Master of City and Regional
Planning; and Tufts University’s Agriculture, Food and Environment program supports spe-
cialized work on local food systems under its Master of Science. A few Canadian universities
offer graduate seminars and short courses.
viii FOREWORD

Sustainable Food Planning: Evolving Theory and Practice, co-edited by

André Viljoen and Johannes Wiskerke (2016). While the latter dedicates
ten chapters to urban food governance, both of these collections mostly
draw on experience from Global North contexts. With its emphasis on
socio-political dynamics, Alec Thornton’s edition also complements Food
and the City: Histories of Culture and Cultivation, edited by Dorothée
Imbert (Harvard University Press, 2015), a scholarly acknowledgment by
disciplines of the built environment of the place and role of foodscapes in
urban development in the Global North and the Global South.

1. How much really does urban agriculture improve the urban

poor’s food security and in which way does it so? Where, when
and for whom is urban agriculture an effective food security strat-
egy? Answering these questions probably requires finer data than
most advocates have been able to present so far. Not only is food
security complex, with many components, the impact of food crops
or livestock keeping on any of its components, including nutrition,
can be highly mediated at the individual and household levels, and
beyond (Sebastian et al. 2008; Yeudall et al. 2008). Savings from
self-provisioning or income from growing food for sale does not
automatically translate into better nutrition for oneself or other
household members. Beyond households, recent assessments of
select urban food systems suggest that these mobilize wide-ranging
sources and markets. On the supply side, contributions from foreign
imports, distant rural and more local peri-urban and urban sources
vary greatly relative to one another; they do so from city to city,
from district to district, from one season or one year to the next, and
across produce or products. On the demand side, the geography
and socio-economics of a city’s sub-markets also influence reliance
on some rather than on other sources of provisioning. We know that
overall these sources do try to complement each other; so does the
range of distribution outlets from which different socio-economic
groups procure their food, as shown in Quito (Arrazola et al. 2016).
But we also know that food riots are becoming increasingly frequent
in those developing-country cities dangerously dependent on food
imports and exposed to price fluctuations, this despite extensive
urban and peri-urban agriculture, as in Maputo (Bini et al. 2017).
We know that urban food production does contribute critically to
many cities’ supply of select perishable foodstuffs, even dampening
 FOREWORD ix

off-season price hikes. We also know that lower-income producer

households often are found to be less food insecure (Maxwell 1995;
Mwangi 1996; Omondi et al. 2017). But this may be less true of the
urban poor more generally, as reportedly in Southern Africa (Frayne
et al. 2016) and in South Africa especially. While low-income people
are often the majority of urban farmers, a higher share of the poor
are not engaged in urban agriculture, compared to other income
groups. There are still few rigorous studies on urban/local agricul-
ture’s contribution to the food security (by any measure) of larger
numbers of poor households not engaged in it in the Global South.
How broad is really its halo effect? And there is no guarantee that
urban systems of food which include short supply chains do satisfy
all of low-income groups’ food demand, let alone their needs.
Context is an important discriminator—as shown for the Zambian
Copperbelt in this book; food security for all as a whole can only be
achieved through multiple measures aimed at different components
of the city’s overall food system.
In contrast to their Global North counterparts, most Global
South cities still hold an important asset, even if this is still disre-
garded or despised by many. Informal markets drawing on local sup-
ply chains can provide the building blocks for stronger urban systems
of food. Noteworthy is a new five-year initiative funded by Canada’s
International Development Research Centre (IDRC): a coalition of
research centers (The Hungry Cities Partnership4) will scrutinize
urban food system governance in seven metropolises of different
world regions; it will assess what is needed to spur women- and
youth-led enterprises in the informal food economy. There are
opportunities for informal markets and food enterprises to strengthen
the city’s connections with its food shed, particularly among mid-
sized cities. New research by a Swedish-Sub-Saharan Africa univer-
sity consortium in mid-sized cities of Kenya and Ghana5 points to

4
The Hungry Cities Partnership is co-led by the African Centre for Cities at the University
of Cape Town and the Balsillie School of International Affairs at Wilfrid Laurier University,
Waterloo, Canada. See: https://www.africancentreforcities.net/wp-content/uploads/2015/
09/The-Hungry-Cities-Partnership.pdf.
5
African urban agriculture: social, economic and environmental challenges and prospects
under changing global and demographic realities, 2013–2016. Funded by VR/U-forsk and
FORMAS. Lund University joint project with the Swedish Agricultural University (SLU).
See, for instance, Ayerakwa (2017) and Omondi et al. (2017).
x FOREWORD

the frequent practice of food-cropping and livestock ­ keeping in

urban and/or rural areas by a sizeable share of urban-based house-
holds, and their better food security indices as a result. This book
sheds new evidence on this, and new projects such as the aforemen-
tioned hopefully will provide experiential evidence which Global
South cities can use to move beyond a focus on urban agriculture
and promote other pillars needed to relocalize more of their supply
chains and add value to these in the process.
2. The role of social movements, communities and local govern-
ment: How to effectively scale up? Thornton’s collection has the
merit of underscoring the seminal role played in innovation by social
movements, community-level leaders and local governments. Even
in centrally planned economies bottom-up pressure has been essen-
tial for securing higher-order institutional support. More often than
not, such support is not readily forthcoming, even in the Global
North: the case of Queensland (Australia) in this book reminds us to
negotiate and stagger strategies that can be seen as supporting cur-
rent priorities in order to elicit political traction. Agriculture is never
a top drawer on a city’s agenda, but poverty and unemployment
often are, and so are public health, pollution and lack of green
spaces, school dropout and drug addiction, public insecurity and
lack of recreation. Both in the Global North and in the Global
South, consultations, task forces and action plans inclusive of stake-
holders both within and outside government tend to deliver more
robust initiatives than top-down or sector-specific approaches—as
contrasting outcomes of programs in Paris, France (Delgado 2018),
Almada, Portugal (Messina and Mourato 2018) and Athens, Greece
(Skordili 2018) show. In Colombia, while the departmental office
for agriculture and livestock has been leading programs in and
around small towns, in the capital city of Cali itself, the many civic
organizations active in urban agriculture have struggled to sell a
strategy to the City Council that would cater to its policy priorities.
Our project experience at IDRC has taught us that local solutions
must be shown to address several problems, either at once or in
close sequence, so as to garner and retain political sustenance over
time; local communities effective at problem-solving are communi-
ties of local stakeholders; these also can become crucibles for inno-
vation and larger-scale programs. In fact, we can safely say that
where an upscaling of official support to urban agriculture has been
 FOREWORD xi

observed, the process has tended to follow a Matryoshka or ‘nesting

Russian doll’ model, from ward to nation. Few large urban centers
have dared to launch citywide programs without first trialing pilots
in select districts. What has often sped up innovation are networks
that have combined more with less experienced cities, a process
which Sonnino (2017) coins as ‘trans-localism’.
In this context, urban agriculture has often served as a catalyst,
leading cities to apprehend other pillars of their food supply system
as well. Moving up to the next step on the ward-to-nation ladder has
meant new demands for ground-level results, stakeholder alliances
and policy currency. This is critical, as, if not well served, support
may wane and progress may be halted, even reversed, as in Lima
(Peru). In this book, the case of Tamale (Ghana) offers additional
insights into this dynamic. In most instances, in order to retain pol-
icy currency agricultural initiatives over time do need to put more
than food on the table by helping the city also tackle often quite
different but related priorities, like preserving heritage landscapes,
as in Milan (this book) or Geneva (Viallon et al. 2018), or providing
service-learning opportunities, as in Johannesburg (this book).
3. The need for local producer organizations to become policy
actors: How to strengthen local producer organizations as such?
Such organizations must be assisted to be more active in social
movements for sustainable urban food systems. Despite their key
role in technical extension, departments of agriculture traditionally
have not had jurisdiction over urban areas. And while in smaller
towns and villages rural producers may have the ear of their local
Council, this is usually not so in major urban centers. Even when
informal urban producers are reasonably well organized, for them to
gather and lever political capital is generally an uphill struggle. An
IDRC-funded project by the universities of Dar es Salaam, Malawi
and Greenwich, UK, did create learning groups among peri-urban
vegetable growers; and this demonstrably helped them adapt to cli-
mate variability, use fewer resources to produce more, raise their
income and improve their livelihood. But sustaining such an
approach to innovation in the longer term remained a challenge,
due to weak uptake by higher-level managers of agricultural exten-
sion services (Liwenga et al. 2012). Broad-based coalitions can
lobby for proper agricultural assistance, when not providing it them-
xii FOREWORD

selves, so that producers can improve their practices in intra- and

peri-urban areas.
We therefore need to know more on the political arenas in which
organizations of producers play. How effective are such organiza-
tions and how can they be more so? Who are or could be their sup-
porters, their allies, their partners? Who are not, and why? How do
these organizations reach out to other actors’ interests and con-
cerns? In the city, where sectors are many and diverse interests com-
pete, strategic organization and alliances are key to being heard and
being recognized as valid actors. In the Global North, successful
urban farms (Hanson and Marthy 2012; Rich 2012) that originally
were seen as delinquent often gained legitimacy and support through
initially drumming up their educational mission, only broadening
their mission later to embrace other pursuits, including for-profit
sales. In the Global South, few city-based producer groups are
known to have followed similar itineraries, despite an immense need
to educate, train and employ youths. But in Nairobi this old man,
originally arrived in the city empty-pocketed, when I met him was
running, along a major road and across a gas station, a nursery of
fruit seedlings and ornamentals, improvised in a drainage ditch next
to a sewage line; he employed a handful of youths, giving them hope
in themselves, he told me.
Likewise, while ‘food sovereignty’ is now being threaded into
advocacy for urban agriculture in Global North cities—such as
Lausanne and Geneva in this book—initiatives where such an argu-
ment may serve as leitmotiv still seem to be rare in Global South
cities. We need to know more about arguments which help marginal
initiatives gain legitimacy and official support in those cities; also,
about those which do not.
4. The future of local food agriculture’s niche in markets increas-
ingly ruled by agro-industry: How can UA secure/expand mar-
ket niches? Any strategy for making urban food systems more
sustainable must deal with this elephant in the room. We need to
better understand corporate food distributors’ both adverse and
beneficial impacts on small and local food production. Small-scale
UA has always been interacting with mainstream actors in the food
chain; large-scale enterprises historically have been capturing market
niches originally held by local artisanal operations, pressing these to
migrate elsewhere or innovate in order to remain competitive,
 FOREWORD xiii

through intensification or specialization. One can think of Nairobi’s

large poultry distributors who procure from small peri-urban farms,
or of hydroponic farms in Santiago de Chile which supply lettuce to
local McDonald restaurants. In large urban centers of the Global
South local agriculture is diversifying rapidly, as in São Paulo (this
book), with different categories of producers catering to different
clienteles, even tourists. In that city, the Eldorado shopping center
in Pinheiros is expanding its rooftop acreage of fresh greens, recy-
cling water leaked from its air conditioners and composting waste
from its restaurants, and supplies these with organically grown
ingredients. A rooftop terrace was recently added to host events.
As supermarkets colonize lower-income sub-markets with more
affordable offerings—not necessarily healthier ones—what is their
impact on the retailing of locally produced food? Local does not
always rhyme with safer, particularly in the Global South, but it cer-
tainly could be made to be more so. In larger cities with growing
middle-class demand for healthier fresh food, local producers
develop niches for higher-value products (certified organic) and may
even supply specialties to corporate outlets (condiments, sauces, jel-
lies, herbal cosmetics, etc.). This is increasingly the case in Global
North cities such as Liège, discussed in this book. In Quito, super-
markets are required to source a percentage of their food locally, but
streamlining collection from small growers in the metro area to reli-
ably supply large retailers remains a challenge in logistics (Nandamuri
2017). And if produce grown and livestock raised in risky conditions
cater more to lower-income groups, how to transition these produc-
ers to safer practices without sacrificing affordability?
What is the role of decisions made by government, civil society
and the private sector in this? In many Global South settings, the
capture of peri-urban agricultural production around smaller cities
by larger and richer markets limits towns’ self-reliance and weakens
their resilience in times of crisis. This deserves further scrutiny: What
is the cost for a city of shipping to elsewhere most of the food pro-
duced locally, and what is the cost of supply largely depending on
lifelines subjected to disruptions (trucker strikes, oil shortages, land-
slides or floods, civil strife)?
5. The role of virtual communications in weaving more sustain-
able urban food systems: What is, or may be, the role of social
media and internet networks? An analysis of such networks in sev-
xiv FOREWORD

eral European cities is a much welcome feature of this book. In the

US, for instance, case studies of urban farms point to the growing
and multipurpose application of ICTs (and open data) to food-­
related activities in cities. ICTs are transforming the way urban
farmers operate, coordinate, collaborate, advocate and participate in
planning and policy (Hanson and Marti 2012; Rich 2012).
Applications are diversifying rapidly and include: modeling of pro-
duction and yield scenarios under different farm sizes and produce
combinations; crowdsourcing of funding for startups; sharing of
seeds, implements and recipes, bulk purchasing, event planning,
produce swaps, rosters of local skills and tool libraries. Networks are
developing everywhere to replicate models, with digital tools sup-
porting outreach activities, setting up satellite and partner locations
and produce-marketing networks, as well as exchanging with young
rural farmers and teaching new techniques. Virtual platforms
increasingly support alliances and advocacy campaigns for changes
to restrictive municipal regulations. There is evidence they are trans-
forming business models or urban agriculture and enabling the
emergence of local value chains.
What do we know of how ICTs are transforming informal food
sector activity in Global South cities? Not much so far. Hopefully
the book chapter on this question will trigger more inquiry into
what should dramatically alter the way urban agriculture and food
systems generally operate in coming decades, in both the North and
the South. ICTs could greatly improve supply and value chains from
production to distribution, the geography of these chains and how
they interact with other urban activities, particularly so in larger cit-
ies. In Portugal, virtual social media and consumer platforms have
been noted to promote more decentralized and responsive decision-­
making (Delgado 2017). Learning from how ICTs are transforming
other urban-based value chains may shed light on how we can better
use these to further urban agriculture’s integration into urban
food systems.

What and how we eat is perennially and universally paramount to caring

for our personal health, to influencing our social norms and to defining
our cultural identities. Yet, our growing reliance on remote-sourced and
mass-produced foodstuffs has been stealthily dispossessing us to unprece-
dented levels from a holistic relationship to food so vital to our existence,
 FOREWORD xv

our well-being and our dignity. The new counterparadigm of place-based

strategies being led by a growing number of world-class cities may indeed
turn into an effective counterforce to the global intensive food agenda
(Sonnino 2017), but only if food literacy and activism push for govern-
ments to respond with the needed system reforms. It is my hope that
books like Urban Food Democracy and Governance in the North and South
will inspire even greater collaboration between thinkers and doers for our
cities to win this challenge.

Ottawa, ON Luc Mougeot

9 January 2019

References
American Planning Association. (2007). APA Policy Guide on Community and
Regional Food Planning. Retrieved from https://www.planning.org/policy/
guides/adopted/food.htm.
Arrazola, I., Alvaro, N. P., Renckens, J., Ballesteros, H., & Hollenstein, P. (2016,
August). The Role of Private Sector Actors in the Quito Metropolitan District
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