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REFORM AND TRANSITION IN THE MEDITERRANEAN
SERIES EDITOR: IOANNIS N. GRIGORIADIS

Activism, Change and

Sectarianism in the
Free Patriotic Movement
in Lebanon

Joseph P. Helou
Reform and Transition in the Mediterranean

Series Editor
Ioannis N. Grigoriadis
Bilkent University
Ankara, Turkey
The series of political and economic crises that befell many countries
in the Mediterranean region starting in 2009 has raised emphatically
questions of reform and transition. While the sovereign debt crisis of
Southern European states and the “Arab Spring” appear prima facie unre-
lated, some common roots can be identified: low levels of social capital
and trust, high incidence of corruption, and poor institutional perfor-
mance. This series provides a venue for the comparative study of reform
and transition in the Mediterranean within and across the political, cul-
tural, and religious boundaries that crisscross the region. Defining the
Mediterranean as the region that encompasses the countries of Southern
Europe, the Levant, and North Africa, the series contributes to a better
understanding of the agents and the structures that have brought reform
and transition to the forefront. It invites (but is not limited to) interdis-
ciplinary approaches that draw on political science, history, sociology,
economics, anthropology, area studies, and cultural studies. Bringing
together case studies of individual countries with broader comparative
analyses, the series provides a home for timely and cutting-edge scholar-
ship that addresses the structural requirements of reform and transition;
the interrelations between politics, history and culture; and the strate-
gic importance of the Mediterranean for the EU, the USA, Russia, and
emerging powers.

More information about this series at

http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/14513
 Joseph P. Helou

Activism, Change
and Sectarianism
in the Free Patriotic
Movement
in Lebanon
Joseph P. Helou
Department of Social Sciences
Lebanese American University
Beirut, Lebanon

Reform and Transition in the Mediterranean

ISBN 978-3-030-25703-3 ISBN 978-3-030-25704-0 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-25704-0

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer
Nature Switzerland AG 2020
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights
of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction
on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and
retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology
now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and
information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication.
Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied,
with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have
been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published
maps and institutional affiliations.

Cover credit: Malcolm P Chapman/Getty Images

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
 Acknowledgements

With the publication of this title, I thank everyone who assisted in bring-
ing this project to life. I thank the editorial team at Palgrave Macmillan.
I thank Denise Parker for her professional proof reading of this book.
I thank the academics whose comments, advice and guidance deep-
ened my understanding of theoretical and empirical topics in the social
sciences over the years; they include Bice Maiguashca, Farid El-Khazen,
Irene Fernandez-Molina, Jad Chaaban, Nawaf Salam, Paul Kingston and
Paul Salem, among others.
This book is based on research supported by the AUB—Issam Fares
Institute for Public Policy and International Affairs Nadim Makdisi
Memorial Fund. I thank the Issam Fares Institute for its support.
I am indebted to all the Free Patriotic Movement (FPM) activists
whose experience in political activism constituted the primary sources
for this book. I thank them for taking the time to explain vital aspects
of their movement. While FPM activists spent valuable time explaining
many aspects of their movement, they do not bear responsibility for the
analysis fleshed out in this book, which reflects my own arguments.
I acknowledge the assistance of the archives department at the
Lebanese daily Annahar in providing me access to hundreds of news-
paper pieces featuring news on the FPM. These pieces provided reliable
secondary sources to verify the existence of FPM activism throughout
the period 1990–2005.

v
vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Last but not least, I thank my father Prosper, mother Lina and
brother Robin for their unconditional love and support; their backing
makes me who I am today. My mother’s constant nudge to “go finish
that book” brought this book to life.
 Contents

1 Introduction 1

2 The Rise of Aoun and His Movement (1988–1990) 19

3 The Free Patriotic Movement’s Emergence

in the Complex Political Economy of Post-war Lebanon 47

4 Free Patriotic Movement Mobilization Keeps

the Flame Burning (1991–2005) 83

5 Risks of Party Transition and Sectarian Politics

(2005–2015) 131

6 The General Turned President, the Son-in-Law

Groomed as Leader and the Dream Lost in Translation 163

Index 191

vii
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction

The self-immolation of the Tunisian fruit-cart vendor Mohamed Bouazizi

in December 2010 sparked a nationwide protest movement in his coun-
try, which quickly inspired protests in several other Arab countries that
toppled long-standing dictatorial regimes. Some of the ensuing protest
movements evolved into bloody civil wars, as in Libya and Syria, where the
external military intervention of state and non-state actors further compli-
cated prospects for a peaceful transition to democratic rule (Lynch 2016).
The political process generating these protests quickly became the topic
of concern in several research works examining some of the influencing
factors: the role of the media in the 2011 protests (Lynch 2014, Chap. 5);
the political elite in prioritizing political reform while dismissing economic
reforms to preserve their interests (Abdelrahman 2012); and the lead-
erless nature of the protests, which often transformed into broad coali-
tions of ideologically opposed actors that fractured the political scene
and provided an advantage for the more organized actors, such as the
Muslim Brotherhood (Durac 2015). Prior to the Arab uprisings of 2011,
this political process hosted Islamist actors as organized forces providing
breeding grounds for often violent activism (Hafez 2003; Wiktorowicz
2004; Wickham 2015) and labor movements that were infiltrated and
manipulated by the regime (see Beinin and Lockman 1998; Beinin and
Vairel 2011; Beinin 2015). Although dimensions of the political pro-
cess varied across Arab states, different authoritarian practices were a hall-
mark of the Arab state system, which, in turn, decreased the access points

© The Author(s) 2020 1

J. P. Helou, Activism, Change and Sectarianism in the Free Patriotic
Movement in Lebanon, Reform and Transition in the Mediterranean,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-25704-0_1
2 J. P. HELOU

to government and limited avenues for political participation. Therefore,

examining the composition, ideas and mobilization of social movements
and other forms of protest activity became important to understand how
people expressed their demands collectively outside the institutions of the
state.
Perhaps Lebanon stood out from among its Arab counterparts because
its political system allowed for a wide margin of political participation,
with minimal intervention of national security forces in national politics.
Yet, as the Syrian suzerainty of Lebanon weighed in heavily on Lebanese
post-war politics in the period 1990–2005, some authoritarian practices
seeped into the Lebanese political arena by diffusion (El-Khazen 2003).
Lebanon’s political system can be characterized as a state with fragmented
institutions undergirded by elite practices mired in high levels of corrup-
tion (Leenders 2012), and as a sectarian system incentivizing people to
pledge allegiance to a group of political, financial-economic and religious
elites at the expense of the state (Salloukh et al. 2015), which, in turn,
gains its vitality from a vast network of patron–client relations that often
provide citizens with access to resources and public goods through the
intercession of elites that are influential with the state (Hottinger 1961;
Khalaf 1968, 2003; Cammet 2014; Helou 2015). Its domestic politics
can be understood by closely examining the nature of the political and
constitutional order prevailing in the country both before and after the
Lebanese Civil War that began in 1975 (Hudson 1968; Picard 1996;
Leenders 2012), the factors contributing to the conflagrations of the
Lebanese Civil War (Salibi 1976; El-Khazen 2000; Randal 2012), and the
Lebanese post-war elite who were allied with Syria (El-Husseini 2012).
While this book recognizes the complexities embedded in Lebanese pol-
itics, it does not seek to adopt any of the aforementioned aspects of
Lebanese politics as the focus of this study.
In fact, this book chooses to focus on the experience of the Free Patri-
otic Movement (FPM) in a political context governed by the dialectic of
the complex nature of Lebanese politics, which on the one hand hosts
democratic avenues for participation, and on the other buttresses a sectar-
ian system with fragmented state institutions and a network of patron—
client relations. This context shows that the 30-year-old trajectory of the
FPM includes the early formation of the movement during the final stages
of the Lebanese Civil War in 1989, its emergence and persistence as a sec-
ular freedom movement during the period 1990–2005, and a transforma-
tion into a sectarian political party following 2005.
 1 INTRODUCTION 3

Such a diverse and often contradictory political history can provide

valuable insights into an experiment in social movement activism for
many aspiring political movements and parties throughout the Middle
East region. This book speaks to practitioners and intellectuals and mostly
addresses those whose interests lie in collective activity, social movement
and political parties, especially in the Middle East. It also makes a valuable
contribution to Middle Eastern politics by illuminating the role of politi-
cal activists whose backgrounds happen to be predominantly middle-class
Christian, which, in turn, adds a new empirical case study to the fields of
social movements and minority politics.
The FPM began taking shape when supporters, comprising largely
Lebanese Christians, rallied in support of the political proposals of
Lebanese army commander Michel Aoun, whose public appearances in
1989 won him popular support. Following his defeat in a Syrian-led mil-
itary attack in 1990 and his expatriation to France, Aoun’s supporters
marched in the shadow of their leader in Lebanon, forming what became
known as the FPM, which launched collective activity—that is protests,
demonstrations and the distribution of pamphlets—and called for the free-
dom, sovereignty and independence of Lebanon, despite the many chal-
lenges imposed on the movement by the Lebanese political elite. How-
ever, this social movement not only managed to survive throughout the
period 1990–2005, but even transformed itself into a political party after
the return of Aoun to Lebanon in 2005. Even today, the FPM continues
to exist as a powerful player in Lebanese politics, with a sizable bloc in
Parliament and members serving in the Council of Ministers.

Aims
This book seeks to present an empirical analysis of a Lebanese political
movement that had an important impact on the course of national poli-
tics, especially in the country’s post-war scenario, as a sizable movement
that was disenfranchised from formal participation in conventional politics
(Parliament, Council of Ministers, positions within the state bureaucracy,
etc.) in the period 1990–2005. Although this movement conveyed secu-
lar political ideas in relation to its counterparts, the sociological composi-
tion of the movement’s membership was clearly tilted toward middle-class
Christians, while simultaneously welcoming activists from various Mus-
lim denominations into its ranks. Therefore, the disenfranchisement of
the FPM from Lebanese politics and the expatriation of its leader, Michel
4 J. P. HELOU

Aoun, spelled the exclusion of Lebanese Christians from actively engaging

in national politics.
Despite the FPM’s exclusion from national politics, the Lebanese polit-
ical system was never too authoritarian to prevent the rise of opposition
voices in civil society, including the FPM. With more than 20,000 troops
based in Lebanon, a political elite favoring their policies and sectarianism
pervading every nook and cranny of politics on the national and soci-
etal level, Syria was able to dominate and manipulate Lebanese politics,
but never controlled every aspect of its existence. The political environ-
ment prevailing in Lebanon throughout the period 1990–2005 can best
be described as “authoritarianism by diffusion,” as suggested by Farid
El-Khazen (2003), which bore witness to a number of non-transparent
political practices in the country that were sponsored by Syria or its allies
among the Lebanese political elite.
Ironically, the prevailing political conditions in post-war Lebanon
accommodated sectarian practices, corruption and democratic avenues for
participation, which, in turn, challenged the rise of opposition move-
ments, such as the FPM, but without rendering their emergence a mis-
sion impossible. Therefore, this book seeks to explore the rise of the FPM
amid a fluid and nuanced, but no doubt challenging, political environ-
ment. This work will analyze the opportunities that favored the emer-
gence of the FPM after the expatriation of its leader, Michel Aoun, to
France in 1991. It will uncover the kind of opportunities and ideas that
incentivized FPM activists to partake in collective activism by organizing
strikes, protests, sit-ins and so on, to voice their objection to the sectar-
ian practices and corrupt dealings of the Lebanese political elite and to
Syria’s overshadowing role in Lebanon. This analysis seeks to anchor the
pivotal role that civil society (members of syndicates and unions, univer-
sity students and ordinary individuals across towns and villages) played in
building the FPM as a social movement across Lebanon.
Another aspect this book aims to uncover is the role that FPM
activists—that is, university students, members of syndicates and individu-
als in a number of towns and villages—played in ensuring the persistence
of their movement’s activism. With numerous challenges to overcome,
FPM activists could not have built a movement without a semblance of
organization to mobilize for activism, resources to ensure the persistence
of their movement, and ideas and incentives to deepen activists’ commit-
ment to the FPM throughout the period 1991–2005. By shedding light
on its operations, this book seeks to reveal the role of both Aoun and
 1 INTRODUCTION 5

FPM activists in forming the FPM. Typically, accounts of the movement

exaggerate the role attributed to Aoun in its organization. Therefore, the
analysis will strike a much-needed balance by revealing the role of various
other actors.
Since this book examines the three-decade trajectory of the FPM, it
will seek to analyze the institutional transformation that occurred within
it following the return of Aoun to Lebanon in 2005. The institution of
the FPM as a political party, the assignment of individuals to positions
within the newly established party, and its participation in conventional
politics (Parliament and Council of Ministers) led to a series of issues
within the party that clearly characterized a transitioning social movement.
Therefore, this work aims to uncover the impacts these struggles had on
the shape of the party and its activities.
In addition, the book will show how the FPM turned from a move-
ment that expressed a relatively secular political outlook and ideas to one
that adopted sectarian political discourse, practices and strategies to com-
pete against its sectarian counterparts in conventional politics; that is to
say, how its members emerged victorious in parliamentary elections in
the post-2005 period. They also sought to maintain their movement’s
position as the defender of the rights of their support base, which pre-
dominantly comprised middle-class Christians. Yet precisely why the FPM
turned sectarian and how it managed to evolve in order to preserve its
support base is a puzzling aspect that will be explored in this empirical
account.

Rationale
The primary rationale warranting a study of the FPM is to fill a gap in the
Lebanese social movement’s literature. The main reason no one has ana-
lyzed the movement is because a study of it during the period 1990–2005
was almost impossible, given the tremendous challenges imposed on the
FPM, which, in turn, obliged the movement to maintain a certain level of
secrecy to ensure the success of its activism. Researchers who might have
been willing to study the movement during the period 1990–2005 would
have encountered difficulties in gathering data, since FPM activists were
quite cautious about sharing information with anyone regarding their
political activism within the movement for fear of being hunted down by
national security institutions, such as the Lebanese army, Internal Secu-
rity Forces, General Security Directorate and State Security Directorate.
6 J. P. HELOU

Therefore, studying the FPM, which was clearly opposed to the political
elite of Lebanon and the intervention of Syria in Lebanese affairs, only
became possible following the withdrawal of Syrian troops from Lebanon
in 2005, which provided the movement with the right to assemble freely.
Of course, an important rationale for the study of the FPM, and move-
ment politics in Lebanon generally, is to understand how these move-
ments interact with their broader political context. In this respect, the
Lebanese state, which is driven by a complex set of disunited and frag-
mented institutions, a disunited and quarreling political elite, and sectar-
ian politics, which, in turn, is manifested in high levels of post-war cor-
ruption, cannot be treated as a unitary actor as such. Since the FPM was
faced with this type of fragmented state, this author was interested to ana-
lyze to what extent it was able to reject the established order on the one
hand, and to what degree it coexisted within the established order on the
other.
In addition to studying the interaction of the FPM with the Lebanese
political system, the extent to which the movement was able to combat
Lebanese sectarian politics or otherwise succumb to certain features of
sectarianism constitutes an essential rationale for this research. Sectarian-
ism is not only a power-sharing agreement that assigns members of a sec-
tarian community to the positions designated for their specific sect within
the Lebanese political system, but also a political-economic system fos-
tered by the political elite to share in the spoils of government and then
use some of those resources to mobilize the loyalty of their supporters.
This book embraces the definition of sectarianism advanced by Salloukh
et al. (2015, p. 3), who define it as “a modern constitutive Foucauldian
socioeconomic and political power that produces and reproduces sectarian
subjects and modes of political subjectification and mobilization through
a dispersed ensemble of institutional, clientelist, and discursive practices.”
Those authors view sectarianism as a holistic political-economic and ideo-
logical system that pervades many aspects of Lebanese life, which is under-
pinned by clientelist patronage networks and a symbolic repertoire that
incorporates large segments of society into corporatized sectarian com-
munities. This sectarian system results in a distorted incentive structure
that redirects individual loyalties away from state institutions and symbols
toward sectarian communities and their political and religious elite (ibid.).
Although the FPM expressed forms of collective action that resembled
many other social movements, such as protests and demonstrations, what
makes a study of it extremely significant is the way it was able to run
 1 INTRODUCTION 7

its political activity in spite of limited access to resources and exclusion

from the institutions of the state, such as Parliament and the Council of
Ministers. Therefore, it is possible to further appreciate the significance
of this research and its aims by pinning down the precise nature of this
partial exclusion from the Lebanese system, which allowed the FPM to
emerge in professional syndicates, student elections on university cam-
puses, on municipal councils and in towns and villages, while remaining
officially banned as a political movement. This work seeks to clarify to
what extent the Lebanese political elite consciously determined for which
political positions FPM activists were allowed to strive or in which partic-
ular areas they were permitted to emerge. It will investigate to what extent
FPM activists were able to build on political activities that were regarded
as insignificant by the political elite, to emerge and persist as a movement
throughout the period 1990–2005.
Yet another rationale for an analysis of the FPM is to contribute to the
expansion of the Middle Eastern social movement repertoire by analyz-
ing a movement with a secular political outlook, but whose active mem-
bers are predominantly middle-class Christians. The logic of this complex
relationship, characterized by a movement whose members are predom-
inantly Christian on the one hand and whose political ideas are secular
on the other, should be clearly examined given the sectarian features of
Lebanese politics. In other words, examining to what extent the FPM was
able to stand out as a secular movement or otherwise play by the rules of
Lebanon’s sectarian politics requires some elucidation.

Research Methodology
This book draws on 30 semi-structured interviews as primary sources of
information to flesh out FPM narratives of activism, change and sectar-
ianism during its examination of the emergence, persistence and institu-
tional transformation phases of the movement. During the interviews the
author conducted, FPM activists shared their experiences in movement
activism as well as their dissatisfaction with some internal party affairs.
While this author draws on the information gathered from these semi-
structured interviews, no part of this work replicates the ideas, opinions
or proposals of FPM activists without subjecting them to critical review.
Therefore, readers of this work should understand that this research
does not constitute a movement publication that reveals the subjective
voices of FPM activists, but a critical analysis of the movement that inte-
8 J. P. HELOU

grates these voices into an analytical framework that paints a coherent

narrative of the FPM. This narrative seeks to provide valuable insights
into FPM activism, change and sectarianism throughout the movement’s
30-year trajectory.
The author sampled FPM activists for interviews using the snowballing
technique. By pinpointing a few famous FPM activists in Lebanon, it was
possible to identify some members of the core group of activists, some
of whom spent an extensive period of time in mobilizing FPM activism
throughout the period 1990–2005 and beyond. After interviewing some
of these members, the author was able to widen the interviewee sample
by gaining information on FPM activism involving other activists.
On average, the author spent 90 minutes interviewing each FPM
activist. These interviews were recorded in Arabic and then translated
and transcribed by the author. This process generated approximately 450
pages of typed script, which were analyzed for the dimensions of the FPM
under scrutiny.
As such, this method generated important primary sources of infor-
mation that contributed to the story fleshed out here. The author also
relied on secondary sources of information, such as newspaper articles
from the Lebanese daily Annahar, which covered FPM activism through-
out the 1990–2005 period. Both these primary and secondary sources
help explain the dimensions of the FPM in this book.

Central Argument
This book demonstrates that the role of FPM activists and Michel Aoun
were the key factors that built on political change to bring about the
emergence and institutional transformation of the FPM on the one hand,
and to mobilize resources for the persistence of the movement on the
other. FPM activists played a crucial role in dealing with the opportunities
and resources at their disposal to bring the movement to life by launch-
ing rounds of activism and continuing to express their political thoughts,
while also having to face the attempts of the political elite to weaken their
movement. They also had to deal with the challenges imposed by the sec-
tarian politics of Lebanon, which affected the transformation of the FPM
into a political party in the post-2005 period by drawing it away from
its secular political discourse toward the adoption of more overt sectar-
ian strategies and discourse. Despite the importance of political change
in bringing about the emergence and institutional transformation of the
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