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TROIKANOMICS
Austerity, Autonomy and Existential
Crisis in the European Union
Ray Kinsella and
Maurice Kinsella
Troikanomics
Ray Kinsella • Maurice Kinsella
Troikanomics
Austerity, Autonomy and Existential
Crisis in the European Union
Ray Kinsella Maurice Kinsella
Michael Smurfit Graduate School of The Galilee House of Studies
Business (Formerly) Athy, Kildare, Ireland
Co Dublin, Ireland
ISBN 978-3-319-97069-1 ISBN 978-3-319-97070-7 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-97070-7
Library of Congress Control Number: 2018954348
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether
the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of
illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and trans-
mission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or
dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication
does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant
protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book
are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or
the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any
errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional
claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.
Cover illustration: Getty Images/ altmodern
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Acknowledgements
To Carmel who brought us all together.
Our thanks to our family for always being there for us while we were
writing this book—and to Ita, Michael, and Thomas for their input.
Our colleagues, past and present, in University College Dublin includ-
ing the Michael Smurfit Graduate School of Business, the Galilee House
of Studies, the University of Ulster, and in the Central Bank of Ireland,
helped shape our ideas in Economics and Philosophy.
Special thanks to Dr Bruce Arnold, Michael Clarke, formerly of the
Department of Industry and Commerce, and Professor Antony Coughlan
of the University of Dublin Trinity College. Each of them have made
distinctive contributions to articulating themes explored in this book.
We are grateful to Palgrave Macmillan for providing us with the oppor-
tunity to make our ideas available to a wider audience. It is always about
individuals, of course, and the individuals that we would like to thank are
Clara Heathcock and Laura Pacey. They instantly saw the relevance of the
ideas we were putting forward to a Europe in crisis—they were always
positive and extremely accommodating.
The experience of working together has been hugely enriching. It has
reinforced the conviction with which each of us began this project.
Namely, that a perspective on political economy that is not informed by
philosophical critique is a poor and incomplete one.
v
Contents
1 Foundations of the Argument 1
Part I Crisis and Catharsis in the Heartland of the European
Union 15
2 A Critical Inflection Point for the EU 17
3 The EU Experience: Confronting the Existential Realities
of the Crisis 35
Part II Development of the Crisis: Architecture, Agendas and
Austerity 57
4 European Monetary Union and the Challenge of Economic
Integration 59
5 The Troika and Austerity: A Destructive Dyad 83
vii
viii Contents
Part III Autonomy and the EU Experience 109
6 Autonomy Within the EU: A Relational Perspective111
7 Case Studies: Exploring the Lived Reality of Troikanomics133
Part IV Where from Here? Charting the Trajectory of the EU 171
8 The EU as a Communal Endeavour: Ideal and Reality173
9 Troikanomics: Legacy and Lessons197
Index215
List of Figures
Fig. 7.1 Change pressures on Greece. Source: Authors’ own 152
Fig. 7.2 Greece: The anatomy of hegemony. Source: Authors’ own 160
ix
1
Foundations of the Argument
An Inflection Point in the European Union
Troikanomics (from ‘Troika’, a triumvirate charged with the task of mitigat-
ing against the European Banking and Debt Crisis; and ‘nomics’ from the
Greek ‘nomos’, meaning ‘law of ’). This concept represents the extent to which,
in its structural and operational characteristics, the Troika was a ‘law-unto-
itself ’. It existed outside of established European Union (EU) mandates and
was not accountable to the national governments over which it exercised con-
trol, nor to their citizens. It is indicative of a deeper undermining of national
autonomy within the EU that is iteratively expressing itself in numerous indi-
vidual existential crises.
The European Banking and Debt Crisis has been an existential mile-
stone in the history of the EU and the Eurozone. Not only has it threat-
ened to upend their obdurately protected status quo, but its consequences
have brought their longer-term survival into question. The Troika, and its
modus operandi ‘Troikanomics’, has scorched itself into the ongoing nar-
rative of this crisis. It was a rogue form of austerity which, in subjugating
member nations’ national autonomy, prefigured something deeper. It is
one among the most visible of multiple forms of existential crises that
have spread across different domains of the EU. The Troika was a trium-
© The Author(s) 2018 1
R. Kinsella, M. Kinsella, Troikanomics, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-97070-7_1
2 R. Kinsella and M. Kinsella
virate established in 2010, from the capabilities of the European Central
Bank (ECB), the European Commission (EC), and the International
Monetary Fund (IMF). Its purpose was to provide a ‘firewall’ against
contagion in highly indebted EU peripheral countries by developing,
coordinating, and overseeing a programme of conditional funding to
them. Troikanomics expressed itself in the unprecedentedly severe fiscal
and structural adjustments that were allied with the provision of this
funding—imposed through an economic programme of austerity that
was deeply oppressive in its political oversight.1 This process exacerbated
the single greatest sociopolitical and economic dislocation in the EU’s
recent history by transposing the primary burden of adjustment onto
debtor countries, corroding their autonomous capacities and enfeebling
their national sovereignty.2
In 2018 the European Council formally decided to replace the Troika
with a new institutional mechanism, the European Monetary Fund—
crafted around the European Stability Mechanism.3 This has been
designed to provide mutual assistance to EU member nations which
have been impacted by external (often asymmetric) ‘shocks’ and are in
need of short-term financial assistance. It draws to a close the formal
activity of the mechanisms underpinning this highly contentious initia-
tive, but by no means concludes their deeper ramifications—including
negative social fallout. What makes this decision all the more substan-
tial is that it overlaps with the formal exit of Greece from its intermi-
nable Bailouts, albeit that it remains under ‘enhanced surveillance’ for
the foreseeable future.4 The demise of the Troika has in fact been evi-
dent since 2014, and was one of the key recommendations of the
European Parliament’s Report (2014) on its workings—in which they
1
The European Parliament (2014) notes that the Troika ‘originated in the decision of 25 March
2010 by euro area Heads of State and Government to establish a joint programme and to provide
conditional bilateral loans to Greece, thereby also building on recommendations from the Ecofin
Council’.
2
See, for example, Hall (2012) for a discussion on the onerous adjustment requirements imposed
on these countries.
3
See Berschens (2017).
4
Greece’s experiences of the Debt Crisis, and its subsequent dealings with the Troika, are discussed
in greater detail in Chap. 7.
Foundations of the Argument 3
identified multiple failings in the manner in which it had engaged with
Greece, Ireland, Portugal, Cyprus, and Spain.5
The rapid proliferation of the crisis across the Eurozone increasingly
threatened to manifest itself in political contagion (which has largely been
pejoratively dismissed as ‘Populism’—belying its deeper existential
legitimacy).6 This threat, coupled with inadequacies in the architecture of
the Eurozone (e.g. a lack of institutional or regulatory fail-safes), meant
that the EU’s response to the crisis was primarily ad hoc—with the Troika
being a demonstrable example. At the heart of the matter, therefore, is
the reality that, like the institutional structure of the Eurozone itself, the
substance and mode of the Troika’s engagement with ‘debtor’ countries
was not adequately thought through.
The need for emergency financial assistance to support the rebalanc-
ing and stabilisation of highly indebted countries became increasingly
evident as the crisis unfolded. So too did the aligned need to apply some
form of conditionality to financing arrangements—a well-established
characteristic of IMF Programmes. Consequently, the real issue was not
the principle of conditional funding per se, but rather the manner in
which it was implemented. Namely, the scale and scope of this condi-
tionality subverted domestic political governance and catalysed nihilistic
economic repression—all the while challenging the democratic legiti-
macy of both individual member nations and the EU itself. This process,
including the imposition of macroeconomic adjustment and ‘reforms’,
impelled these countries into a decisive inflection point in their histo-
ries by deeply subverting their national autonomy. These events contra-
vened the community-rooted principles of solidarity and subsidiarity
that the EU continued to proffer as being indispensable aspirations.
The mind-set and motivations that the EU exemplified in its attempts
to resolve the crisis reflected a profound failure to recognise national
autonomy’s status as both intrinsic and relational: a capacity possessed by
member nations prior to their accession to the EU (expressed in the
principle of subsidiarity) and fostered through healthy transnational rela-
5
All of these countries, except for Greece, subsequently exited the Bailout arrangements with the
Troika: Ireland in December 2013, Spain in January 2014, Portugal in May 2014, and Cyprus in
March 2016.
6
For further discussion, see Kinsella (2012).
4 R. Kinsella and M. Kinsella
tionships within the EU (expressed in the principle of solidarity). This is
in particular the case within a community such as the EU, where m embers
are bound together in reciprocal relationships through a number of mul-
tilateral mechanisms, such as the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU).
What the EU was meant to be became increasingly opaque—cast into
darkness by the shadow of what it had become. Troikanomics continues to
demonstrate the costs, at multiple levels and in multiple arenas, of this
discrepancy and the consequences of the EU’s default into a hegemonis-
tic and technocratic orthodoxy.
There have been extensive discussions on what structural and func-
tional form that the Troika’s replacement should take, over and above its
foundations in the European Stability Mechanism. More important
than the mechanisms through which it operates is the mind-set that it
possesses in attempting to carve out a new paradigm for the EU’s intra-
community relationships. With the EU now facing into a period of
transformational changes (by design, e.g. the 2019 European Elections,
and by circumstance, e.g. policy responses to the ongoing Migration
Crisis), these kinds of issues, and their deeper existential corollaries,
require reflecting upon. The lessons we can glean from the burden of
Troikanomics, and the wider existential crisis within which it was
embedded, can help to inform us in deciding on the content and char-
acter of the path that the EU chooses to adopt as it faces into a new
political and administrative regime—a new European Commission—
beyond the 2019 European Parliamentary elections. In this regard, the
path ahead should use this existential crisis as an opportunity for honest
and reflective critique so as to reaffirm its foundational vision and val-
ues, and the role it hopes to play within wider geopolitical narratives.
Navigating the Narrative of the Crisis
Reflecting on the ever-proliferating books, reports, and academic studies
on the European Banking and Debt Crisis, it is easy to become both
fatigued and frustrated. Fatigued at the sheer volume of expert perspec-
tives that have produced compelling analyses on this existential epoch
and the legacy it has left both on countries and on individual lives.
Foundations of the Argument 5
Frustrated at the difficulties that they have faced in bridging the divide
between theoretical inquiry and practical outputs in the political econ-
omy. There is no mandate to apply their insights in praxis—either because
the EU is unwilling to cast its net for critique, or because it is structurally
and functionally ill-equipped to make good on the insights that critiques
on this crisis have to offer.
Institutional and descriptive narratives and, of course, political per-
spectives (read: agendas) all constitute an indispensable corpus of litera-
ture for existing and future policy learning, as well as for historical
inquiry. However, even here, there is no workable consensus on the
dimensions of reform—except that their final form will ultimately revert
to the will of the Franco-German centre. To take one example, in 2017,
two radically different blueprints for change were published: one which
envisages no less than five different possible footpaths (including a return
to a basic trading zone), while another makes inroads towards a more
fully federalised EU.7 These considerations are shaped by shifting elec-
toral pressures regarding what is an acceptable trajectory to propel the
EU forward. The lack of clarity or coherence in mapping a path forward
is one example of the deeper existential crisis that the EU is currently
confronted with. A core problem is that the capacity of the EU establish-
ment to learn from this and aligned crises, and adopt an authentic route
towards recovery and reform, is mediated through the ‘Conventional
Wisdom’ rather than through a truly responsive critique.
Importantly, many analyses on the crisis have, understandably, grap-
pled with this issue from a purely economic stance. But there is much
more to these events than economics, and efforts to fully engage with it
through a ‘lone lens’ critique may turn out to be inadequate—in particu-
lar with respect to conveying the profound existential significance it has
had for people and nations. Indeed, each distinct dimension of the EU’s
architecture—whether they be economic, political, or social—throws
cross hairs across the others and provides their own contributions to the
character of the EU.8 For example, the EU has been weighed down in
7
These are, respectively, its ‘White Paper on the Future of Europe: Reflections and scenarios for the
EU27 by 2025’ (European Commission 2017a) and its ‘Reflection Paper on the Deepening of the
Economic and Monetary Union’ (European Commission 2017b).
8
For a further discussion on the range of crises currently assailing the EU, see Schwab (2012).
6 R. Kinsella and M. Kinsella
certain countries by deep social pathologies exemplified in compromised
health status, homelessness, and unemployment—which have proliferated
in tandem with the unfolding consequences of austerity-based policy
responses to the economic crisis.9
Thus, analysis may benefit from being filtered and refracted through
another lens—one that is less willing to casually accept institutional ‘giv-
ens’ and, instead, emphasises the importance of rigorous and reflective
critique. To take some examples, vague aspirations relating to ‘unity’,
‘equality’, and ‘diversity’ make little sense in an environment where these
concepts are susceptible to distortion, denial, and the debilitating effects
of political agendas. The reality is that the EU is fractured and unequal—
Greece is demonstrably less ‘equal’ than Germany at every level. The giv-
ens that underpin the sociopolitical and economic legitimacy of the EU
are in need of excavation, and the normative principles underpinning its
responsibilities towards its members (for example, in the principles of
solidarity and subsidiarity) are in need of reanimation.
With this in mind, we seek in this book to engage with a set of the
fundamental issues besetting the EU today in a manner that integrates a
philosophical dimension—reflecting on issues such as austerity, auton-
omy, and its broader ‘existential crisis’. These issues are distilled through
the concept of Troikanomics. The overriding aim is to imbue the more
explicitly sociopolitical and economic arguments with greater conceptual
and normative weight. One could hardly overstate the importance of this
quest for Europe at this point in time. Europe’s Debt Crisis remains
unresolved, even as the EU seeks to move beyond ‘the great recession’.
The expectation that this would lead to the restoration of political stabil-
ity across the EU has not materialised. Indeed, the Migration Crisis has
exacerbated anti-EU sentiment contributing to tectonic political shifts in
EU member nations, including Germany, France, and Italy. The EU’s
Brexit-related travails reflect the prevailing political dissonance. At the
9
To take just one metric, as of Q4 2017, Greece had an unemployment rate (age 15–74) of 21.2%
and Spain a rate of 16.6%. All of these are above the EU average of 7.3%, in particular Germany
at 3.5% (Eurostat 2018a). What is even more telling is that in Greece, long-term unemployment
(12 months or more) accounts for 71.8% of unemployment—again far above the EU average of
44.5% (Eurostat 2018b). For further insights on the relationship between austerity and health
status, see Karanikolos et al. (2013).
Foundations of the Argument 7
same time, Europe is moving towards a change of leadership in the
Commission, the ECB, and the European Parliament: the core institu-
tions that were, in effect, the transmission belt shaping Troikanomics and
the Debt Crisis. It is not clear what, if any, lessons have been learnt, the
extent to which they have been critiqued, or how far they will be reflected
in post-2019 Europe. These are themes which we critique in this book.
Constructing an Economic–Philosophical
Critique
While initially they may appear to be disjunctive, economic and philo-
sophical critiques can in fact be mutually reinforcing. Economic prin-
ciples are laden with ethical norms concerning issues such as justice
(e.g. allocation of resources), rights (e.g. the provision of social wel-
fare), and duties (e.g. the payment of taxes). Alongside this, economic
policies and practices have real and measurable consequences on peo-
ple’s welfare—depending on the form that they take and the function
that they aim to perform within society. Philosophical critique can, in
this instance, contribute to our understanding of the methodological,
conceptual, and theoretical foundations of economic principles and
practices—and our ability to discern their strengths and weaknesses.10
Such critique demands conceptual clarity—a return to ‘first principles’,
enabling economic matters to be problematised in a new and novel
way.
This form of inquiry is inherently interdisciplinary in its attempt to
identify, examine, and resolve social pathologies, such as the Troika’s
austerity measures. For example, in the context of our present analysis,
it can provide insights that inform policy makers on precisely why they
should understand the concept of autonomy as integrally bound up in
the sustainability of the European Project, and how they may ensure
10
It should, of course, be highlighted that there are mainstream economists whose analysis is per-
meated by a strong ethical perspective. Joseph Stiglitz is a notable example who has written elo-
quently of the nihilistic underbelly of austerity—and with the authority of someone who has
designed and participated in missions for the World Bank. He is, however, a rare exception that
proves the rule.
8 R. Kinsella and M. Kinsella
that the EU is equipped to uphold these principles. In this regard,
philosophical critique can help to bring about actionable responses to
sociopolitical and economic concerns.11
What we are speaking of here is a reflective evidence-based model for
correcting imbalances—in this instance between ‘core’ and ‘peripheral’
economies—informed by a robust political economy which reanimates
Social Europe and philosophical critique of ‘Europe’. This interdisciplin-
ary approach enables existing empirical analysis—all of those petabytes of
data—to be supported by interpretive insights that can inform our
understanding of the flawed nature of the Troika’s principles, policies,
and practices.12 Philosophical argumentation places itself at this juncture
in its attempts to elevate our appreciation for the ethical significance of
the economy. Specifically, our approach uses the framework of existential
philosophy (and, as a corollary, existential psychology) through which to
reflect on the chronology of events, the nature and modes of interven-
tions in the lives of countries and people, and the not-yet-fully-realised
outcomes of these events.
How has the EU descended so far down its current path? One
perspective relates to a neo-liberal ideology that permeated the EU and its
institutions from the mid-late 1980s, paving the way for an emerging
supranationalism and subjugating national autonomy as obsolete in an
era of globalisation. J. K. Galbraith’s (1958) deconstruction and applica-
tion on the concept of the ‘Conventional Wisdom’ offers a prophetic
response to such questions. He criticises the various ‘Conventional
Wisdoms’ that permeate social thought across the economy and society
(such as within large firms), and how this leads to economic analysis
that possesses no substantive social utility. This concept conveys how
there are sets of beliefs that are ‘owned’ by particular groups/societies/
cultures that are ‘beyond reproach’ (a convention that is an obstacle to the
acceptance of new modes of thought). This can breed intellectual
inertia—an unwillingness/inability to provide new perspectives,
instead fueling an obdurate adherence to convention.
11
For a further discussion on this point, see Christman (2009a, 2009b).
12
Economists such as Amartya Sen attest to the mutually beneficial nature of aligning philosophical
and economic critique.
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