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 Fairy Tales
A
ANEW
NEWHISTORY
HISTORY

a
a

Ruth
RuthB.
B.Bottigheimer
Bottigheimer
e
This page intentionally left blank.
F A I R Y TA L E S
This page intentionally left blank.
F A I RY T A L E S
A New History

Ruth B. Bottigheimer
 Published by
State University of New York Press, Albany

© 2009 State University of New York

All rights reserved

Printed in the United States of America

No part of this book may be used or reproduced

in any manner whatsoever without written permission.
No part of this book may be stored in a retrieval system
or transmitted in any form or by any means including
electronic, electrostatic, magnetic tape, mechanical,
photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior
permission in writing of the publisher.

Excelsior Editions is an imprint of State University of New York Press

For information, contact State University of New York Press, Albany, NY

www.sunypress.edu

Production by Marilyn P. Semerad

Marketing by Michael Campochiaro

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Bottigheimer, Ruth B.
Fairy tales : a new history / Ruth B. Bottigheimer.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-4384-2523-8 (hardcover : alk. paper)
ISBN 978-1-4384-2524-5 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Fairy tales—History and
criticism. I. Title.

GR550.B648 2009
398.209--dc22
2008028301

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
 CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS VII

1. WHY A NEW HISTORY OF FAIRY TALES? 1

2. TWO ACCOUNTS OF THE GRIMMS’ TALES:

THE FOLK AS CREATOR, THE BOOK AS SOURCE 27

3. THE LATE SEVENTEENTH- AND EIGHTEENTH-

CENTURY LAYERS: PERRAULT, LHÉRITIER,
AND THEIR SUCCESSORS 53

4. THE TWO INVENTORS OF FAIRY TALE TRADITION:

GIAMBATTISTA BASILE (1634–1636) AND
GIOVAN FRANCESCO STRAPAROLA (1551, 1553) 75

5. A NEW HISTORY 103

NOTES 117

WORKS CITED 135

INDEX 145

v
This page intentionally left blank.
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This study has gained from the participation of friends and col-
leagues. First my thanks to Nicholas Stargardt and Anthony
Smith of Magdalen College, Oxford, for hosting the presentation
of the central chapters of this book in a series of lectures in that
congenial and stimulating place; to Maria Tatar for commenting
on the theoretical thrust of the opening chapter; to Willem de
Blécourt for reading the Grimm chapter and making the Wild
girls the right age; to Lewis Seifert for an insightful reading of
the French chapter; to Suzanne Magnanini for opening my eyes
to that strangely tantalizing world of Neapolitan Baroque litera-
ture; to Nancy Canepa for lending her expertise in Basile schol-
arship; and to the international journal of folk narrative
research, Fabula, for its permission to incorporate portions of my
article, “Fairy Tale Origins, Fairy Tale Dissemination, and Folk
Narrative Theory” into chapters 1 and 5; to Karl Bottigheimer,
always my first reader; to SUNY Press’s anonymous readers for
suggesting points to clarify and expand; and finally to members
of the Stony Brook Interlibrary Loan office, who year after year
make this kind of research possible, with special thanks to
Donna Sammis for constant support.

vii
This page intentionally left blank.
 ONE

WHY A N E W H I S T O RY
OF F A I RY T A L E S ?

INTRODUCTION

Most traditional histories of fairy tales begin with an unlettered

country folk that invents fairy tales and then passes them along
by word of mouth from generation to generation. Somewhat less
frequently, fairy tales have been presented as disintegrations of
ancient myth, as the remains of paleolithic beliefs, as fictional-
ized remnants of elementary planetary observations, or as evi-
dence of universal archetypes. Such explanations have resulted
in a sense that fairy tales’ origins are elusive, a sense of elusive-
ness that has shaped grand narratives of the genre as well as
references to fairy tales in books about history, literature (includ-
ing children’s literature), psychology, and folklore. It has been
said so often that the folk invented and disseminated fairy tales
that this assumption has become an unquestioned proposition. It
may therefore surprise readers that folk invention and transmis-
sion of fairy tales has no basis in verifiable fact. Literary analysis
undermines it, literary history rejects it, social history repudiates
it, and publishing history (whether of manuscripts or of books)
contradicts it.

1
2 FAIRY TALES

The current understanding of the history of fairy tales is not

only built on a flimsy foundation; its very basis requires an
absence of evidence. A belief in fairy tales’ oral origins requires
that there be no written records of fairy tales themselves. This
perception goes against the grain of every scholarly undertaking
since the scientific revolution made evidence the central plank
of its platform.
People who subscribe to a belief in fairy tales’ oral origins
and dissemination are not embarrassed by the fact that all refer-
ences to old women or other people’s telling tales or stories
before 1550 are just that—references to old women or other
people telling stories, and the most we learn about the stories
themselves is that some of them had witches or monsters. Inade-
quate to prove that fairy tales existed in the ancient and
medieval worlds, those reports merely validate the existence of
storytelling in the ancient world, a fact that has, however, never
been in doubt.
Anyone living in a structure with a foundation as rickety as
the edifice that houses the traditional study of fairy tales would
search out strong timbers to prop it up. In recent years that has
indeed happened but with problematic results. In The Uses of
Enchantment Bruno Bettelheim implies that as children’s psy-
ches develop, their changing psychological needs result in their
projecting complementarily constructed fairy tale plots to pro-
vide solace for and understanding of their own young lives and
experiences. A tension runs throughout Bettelheim’s book
between the fact of the fairy tales’ book sources and an implica-
tion that children and their psychological needs authored fairy
tales’ plots, although he never explicitly deals with that issue.
His views, although initially persuasive, have not weathered
close scrutiny. Jack Zipes’s effort to shore up the weak structure
of fairy tales’ origins and history in Why Fairy Tales Stick takes a
different tack: he attributes fairy tales’ remarkable staying power
to brain modules, for which he has borrowed the term “memes.”
Bettelheim and Zipes are the best known of many fairy tale
 WHY A N E W H I S T O RY OF F A I RY T A L E S ? 3

scholars in the United States, England, France, and Germany

who have incorporated folk creation and dissemination into
their theoretical structure of fairy tales’ origins and history.
Along with making valuable contributions to the study of fairy
tales, these many scholars have accepted theories of long stand-
ing in the secondary literature about fairy tales in good faith.
Fairy Tales: A New History will offer evidence and reasons for an
alternative history.
It is difficult to question long-held beliefs, such as the belief
that the folk invented and then communicated fairy tales from
one generation to the next, from one country to another, and
from language to language. These are long-accepted, hallowed
beliefs, and so I won’t ask readers to accept a new proposition
without strong evidence of its own. Instead, I invite them to
make a journey of exploration, examination, and discovery along
with me.
Thinking about fairy tales begins by thinking about the dif-
ferences between folk tales and fairy tales. Fairy tales are often
called “folk tales” in the belief that unlettered folk storytellers
created both kinds of stories. But treating fairy tales and folk
tales as one and the same thing obscures fundamental, and sig-
nificant, differences between them.

LITERARY ANALYSIS

Folk Tales

In their terminologies, traditional histories of fairy tales gener-

ally conflate two terms, “fairy tale” and “folk tale.” Interchanging
the two terms leads to terminological misunderstandings and
results in confounding difficulties for any discussion of fairy and
folk tales. It’s therefore necessary to distinguish clearly between
folk tales and fairy tales and to clarify their differing histories and
separate identities.
4 FAIRY TALES

Folk tales differ from fairy tales in their structure, their cast
of characters, their plot trajectories, and their age. Brief, and
with linear plots, folk tales reflect the world and the belief sys-
tems of their audiences.1 Taking their characters from that famil-
iar world, folk tales are typically peopled with husbands and
wives, peasants, thieving rascals, or an occasional doctor, lawyer,
priest, or preacher. In a typical folk tale plot, one person makes
off with another person’s money, goods, or honor. More to the
point, a very large proportion of folk tales don’t have a happy
ending. Marital strife looms large, because typical folk tales that
include a married couple are not about the joys of getting mar-
ried, but about the difficulties of being married.
Folk tales are easy to follow and easy to remember, in part
because they deal with familiar aspects of the human condition,
like the propensity to build castles in the air. Take, for example,
the ancient tale of a peasant who had a jug of honey and who
dreamed of selling it profitably and being able to buy a flock of
chickens. He imagined he’d earn enough from selling the result-
ing eggs to buy a piglet. When it grew up, it would bear piglets of
its own that he could sell for even more money. As is typical for
a folk tale, the peasant expected his profits to mount steadily so
that he could eventually buy a goat—or a sheep—or a cow.
Finally, the daydreaming peasant imagined that he’d build a
house, marry, and have a son, whom—in his reverie—he imag-
ined he’d beat when he misbehaved. Flailing about him, the
peasant smashed the precious honey jug—and with that, he
destroyed his dreams of wealth. Such an ending typifies many
folk tales2 and has long existed, at least since it was documented
nearly 1500 years ago in the Indian Panchatantra. The story’s wry
acceptance of sad consequences and limited possibilities for its
poor hero fit it into a category of anecdotal and joke folk tales
classified as ATU 1430. There are even folktales in which a
swineherd marries a princess or in which a goosegirl marries a
prince, as in Tale Types 850 and 870, but on close examination
these apparently fairy tale endings have no magic about them.
 WHY A N E W H I S T O RY OF F A I RY T A L E S ? 5

Instead, their unexpected weddings come about through poor

folks’ cunning, and they are thus categorized as “realistic tales.”
Even a few tales routinely called “fairy tales,” such as Perrault’s
“Three Wishes” (ATU 750), are by common consent categorized
as “religious tales” in the Aarne-Thompson-Uther classification.

Tales of Magic

As a category, tales of magic necessarily include magic. Magic

exists across a broad spectrum of tales, some of which are fairy
tales and many of which are not. For instance, an anecdote
about an individual who experiences an uncanny and unsettling
encounter with one or more extranatural creatures is often an
urban legend, while a tale in which a god or goddess magically
transforms a human being into something else (such as a tree or
a cow or a star) is generally termed a legend. Tales in the Judaeo-
Christian community in which saints, angels, or God himself
intervene in the lives of human beings are religious tales. In
these examples the fantastic, the divine, the magical, the mirac-
ulous, and the transformative produce examples of awe of the
other-worldly, examples of divine power and divine truth rather
than the wedding, earthly happiness, and well-being associated
with fairy tales.
The Aarne-Thompson-Uther tale-type classification groups
a broad variety of tales together as “Tales of Magic.” Some verge
on wisdom tales, like one that describes a contest between the
sun and the wind to see which can make a traveler take off his
coat. When the wind blows as hard as it can, the traveller holds
his coat more tightly about him. But when the sun shines gently,
he takes it off. Others are exotic oriental tales steered by magic,
like ones from Thousand and One Nights, in which a magic rug
might carry an individual from one continent to another in a
matter of seconds, or in which a wicked princess might magically
turn her opponents into stone.
6 FAIRY TALES

Among tales of magic are ones more familiar to readers of

fairy tales. In many of them, a youth kills a dragon, thereby res-
cuing a princess whom he subsequently marries. Sometimes the
bold youth is a prince; sometimes he’s the youngest and most vir-
tuous brother in a family of starving peasants (or shoemakers or
swineherds or woodcutters). Rescuing princesses from all sorts of
dangers and all sorts of places and then marrying them ranks
high among tales of magic. Traditionally, princesses who rescue
princes are relatively rare, although not entirely unknown. More
familiar are poor girls who with the considerable help of magic
marry princes and in the process have to contend with one or
more jealous girls and women: sisters, stepsisters, stepmothers,
witches, or mothers-in-law. The tales of magic that end in wed-
dings all share the welcome ending of two people’s difficulties
and the beginning of a life lived happily ever after. Common
usage and scholarly terminology both recognize these tales as
fairy tales.

Fairy Tales: “Oral” and “Literary”

We have now separated fairy tales out from folk tales and general
tales of magic, but there remains one other theoretical distinc-
tion, one that is highly problematic. The widespread belief that
an unlettered folk created fairy tales has led to the category of
folk fairy tales. Sometimes other names are used: real fairy tales,
pure fairy tales, genuine fairy tales, or uncontaminated fairy tales.
Each of these words implies that fairy tales were created within
an oral (“pure” or “genuine”) culture and were transmitted
through oral cultures as “folk fairy tales” until they were written
down by later authors, who collected them from the folk (but
“contaminated” them in so doing). Phrases like “write down”
and “collect” strongly suggest an act of appropriation, as Marxist
critics would express it, a kind of intellectual piracy or theft from
an unlettered teller by a literate author. Scholars’ utilization of
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