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 PALGRAVE STUDIES IN
GENDER AND EDUCATION
Series Editor: Yvette Taylor

GIRLS, EDUCATION
AND POST-INDUSTRIAL
BRITAIN

Aspirations and Reality

in an Ex-Coalmining
Community

Gill Richards
Palgrave Studies in Gender and Education

Series editor
Yvette Taylor
School of Education
University of Strathclyde
Glasgow, UK
This Series aims to provide a comprehensive space for an increasingly
diverse and complex area of interdisciplinary social science research:
gender and education. Because the field of women and gender studies
is developing rapidly and becoming ‘internationalised’—as are traditional
social science disciplines such as sociology, educational studies, social
geography, and so on—there is a greater need for this dynamic, global
Series that plots emerging definitions and debates and monitors critical
complexities of gender and education. This Series has an explicitly femi-
nist approach and orientation and attends to key theoretical and method-
ological debates, ensuring a continued conversation and relevance within
the well-established, inter-disciplinary field of gender and education.
The Series combines renewed and revitalised feminist research
methods and theories with emergent and salient public policy issues.
­
These include pre-compulsory and post-compulsory education; ‘early
years’ and ‘lifelong’ education; educational (dis)engagements of pupils,
students and staff; trajectories and intersectional inequalities including
race, class, sexuality, age and disability; policy and practice across edu-
cational landscapes; diversity and difference, including institutional
(schools, colleges, universities), locational and embodied (in ‘teacher’–
‘learner’ positions); varied global activism in and beyond the classroom
and the ‘public university’; educational technologies and transitions and
the (ir)relevance of (in)formal educational settings; and emergent edu-
cational mainstreams and margins. In using a critical approach to gen-
der and education, the Series recognises the importance of probing
beyond the boundaries of specific territorial-legislative domains in order
to develop a more international, intersectional focus. In addressing var-
ied conceptual and methodological questions, the Series combines an
intersectional focus on competing—and sometimes colliding—strands
of ­educational provisioning and equality and ‘diversity’, and provides
insightful reflections on the continuing critical shift of gender and
­feminism within (and beyond) the academy.

More information about this series at

http://www.springer.com/series/14626
 Gill Richards

Working Class Girls,

Education and Post-
Industrial Britain
Aspirations and Reality in an Ex-Coalmining
Community
Gill Richards
Nottingham Institute of Education
Nottingham Trent University
Nottingham, UK

Palgrave Studies in Gender and Education

ISBN 978-3-319-60899-0 ISBN 978-3-319-60900-3 (eBook)
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-60900-3

Library of Congress Control Number: 2017948713

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights
of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction
on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and
retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology
now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and
information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication.
Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied,
with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have
been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published
maps and institutional affiliations.

Cover illustration: © nemesis2207/Fotolia.co.uk

Printed on acid-free paper

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature

The registered company is Springer International Publishing AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
To all girls and women who seek to push the boundaries in pursuit
of their dreams
 Acknowledgements

I would like to thank all of the girls who took part in this research. They
gave their time enthusiastically to share stories about their lives that were
thought-provoking, inspiring and at times, concerning. I hope that they
achieve all of their dreams.
I would also like to thank the schools, whose staff were open to the
research, responded with professional integrity throughout and sup-
ported their students to take part.
I am especially grateful to Marion and Carol, whose concern about
girls’ education provided instrumental support for the research process.
Finally, I would like to thank the editorial team at Palgave Macmillan,
who provided the opportunity to publish a cherished research study that
enabled the experiences of eighty-nine girls to be shared with the wider
education community.

vii
 Contents

1 Introduction 1
1.1 The Structure and Contents of This Book 5
References 6

2 What Do We Know About Girls’ Aspirations

and Achievement? 9
2.1 Introduction 9
2.2 Girls, Aspirations and Achievement: An Overview 10
2.3 The Link Between Aspirations and Achievement 12
2.4 The Role of Schools 14
2.5 Conclusion 18
References 20

3 Methodology 25
3.1 Introduction 25
3.2 The Schools 26
3.3 Participants 28
3.4 Methodology and Data Gathering 29
3.5 Data Analysis 32
3.6 Conclusion 33
References 33

4 Aspirations and Expectations 35

4.1 Introduction 35
ix
x Contents

4.2 Primary Schoolgirls 36

4.2.1 Views About School and the Future 36
4.2.2 Staff Views 38
4.2.3 Discussion 40
4.3 Secondary Schoolgirls 41
4.3.1 Views About School and the Future 41
4.3.2 Dreams, Fears and the Future 45
4.3.3 Staff Views 47
4.3.4 Discussion 51
4.4 Conclusion 52
References 54

5 Achieving Aspirations: What Did the Girls Do? 57

5.1 Introduction 57
5.2 The Secondary Girls: Moving into Young Adulthood 58
5.2.1 The Girls from SS1 59
5.2.2 The Girls from SS2 61
5.3 The Primary Girls: Moving into Secondary Education
and Beyond 64
5.3.1 Progression into SS1 65
5.3.2 Progression into SS2 70
5.3.3 Progression into SS3 and SS4 71
5.4 Discussion 72
5.5 Conclusion 74
References 76

6 What Else Can Schools Do? 77

6.1 Introduction 77
6.2 What are the Issues? 78
6.2.1 Confidence and Trust 78
6.2.2 Feeling Valued 81
6.2.3 Achieving ‘Dreams’ 83
6.2.4 Understanding Successful Learning Behaviour 86
6.3 Conclusion 89
References 91

Reference 93

Index 95
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction

Abstract This chapter introduces the book by briefly introducing

a general context for the research study, the aims of the book and the
scope of each chapter’s contents.

Keywords Introduction · Context · Aims

This book is about girls, their dreams and fears for the future and
how their lives evolved into young adulthood. These girls lived in an ex-
mining community that is now one of the 10% most deprived districts
in England. They represent a wider group of girls who are often identi-
fied in government reports as coming from ‘working-class backgrounds’,
vulnerable to underachievement and disadvantaged by low expectations.
The research study on which this book is based gives a voice to eighty-
nine girls, offering insight into the experiences at school that affected
their aspirations and influenced their decision-making. In it, I aim to
offer academics and practitioners a unique appreciation of how a group
of girls balanced their own aspirations with the educational opportuni-
ties perceived to be available to them. Their experiences of navigating
a way through school and community expectations into work pro-
vide us all with important messages to consider when seeking to tailor
education provision that supports individual aspirations into successful
achievement.

© The Author(s) 2018 1

G. Richards, Working Class Girls, Education and Post-Industrial
Britain, Palgrave Studies in Gender and Education,
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-60900-3_1
2 G. Richards

The wider education context of the research study is one where stu-
dent achievement can be dependent upon the quality of school and
other external experiences, rather than academic ability. Such educational
inequality is a matter of international concern (Beatriz 2013). It occurs
in different manifestations across the world, but within the UK, despite
successive governments’ attempts to address inequality and disadvan-
tage, schools still have one of the widest attainment gaps in education
within the developed world. One in five students has been identified as
underachieving in an environment where ‘educational inequality starts
early, widens throughout school and the effects can last a lifetime in
terms of job prospects, health and overall contribution to society’ (AfA
2016: 11). This starts in primary school where the gap between children
from economically disadvantaged backgrounds and their advantaged
peers grows quickly and extends in secondary school (Hutchinson et al.
2016; Sutton Trust 2011; Goodman and Gregg 2010), resulting in what
Ofsted (2013a: 24) describes as a ‘long tail of underachievement that
limits progress towards becoming a world class education system’.
Who is viewed as ‘disadvantaged’ and potentially vulnerable to educa-
tional underachievement was originally described within Ofsted’s report
on ‘Closing the Gap’ (2007) as a wide group of young people that
included: those with special educational needs or disabilities; those who
have been excluded from school or have poor attendance; those at risk
from harm or who live with ‘vulnerable’ adults; and those who are from
some minority ethnic groups, in care, asylum seekers, refugees, young
offenders and young carers. While students with any of these characteris-
tics may underachieve in school, more recent research studies have shown
that this is not inevitable and individuals will not all be affected in the same
way (Khotabb 2015; St Clair et al. 2013; EEF 2013; Kirk et al. 2012).
The UK Department for Education and the schools’ inspectorate,
Ofsted, have long expressed concern that despite a significant number of
equality initiatives in education, many young people have not benefited.
Students from working-class backgrounds are still the lowest achieving
group in schools, often becoming less visible as they progress through
the system. This even occurs when they attend schools within prosper-
ous communities, where their lack of achievement may become ‘lost’
within the positive data recorded from the majority group of more suc-
cessful students (Hutchinson 2016; Sharpe et al. 2015; Ofsted 2013b).
Government-funded national developments that focus on ‘Closing the
 1 INTRODUCTION 3

Gap’ to increase the attainment of all students vulnerable to undera-

chievement have broadened to include any schools where there is an
identified need. Although the recent focus has been on ‘White work-
ing-class’ male students, wider national reports (Ofsted 2016; Khattab
2015; Centre for Social Justice 2014) have now accepted that working-
class students from any identified group are more likely to struggle to
achieve in UK schools when compared with their peers from the same
group. This, in addition to the education sector’s increased acceptance
of Hattie’s work (2009) that identified students received significantly dif-
ferent experiences within the same teaching environment, has sharpened
the focus of attention and accountability within all schools.
Despite ‘work class’ being included within many current education
debates about aspirations, disadvantage and underachievement, under-
standing who is included within this group may be unclear because edu-
cation reports apply different definitions. Some use government criteria
adopted from the National Statistics Socio-economic Classification (2010)
or broader sociological definitions (Ward 2015). Others use a range of
terms and proxies associated with education initiatives such as free school
meals (FSM). This approach is frequently criticised: without an established
definition to consistently identify who is ‘working class’, comparisons are
not robust and result in education developments informed by ‘crude data’
which ‘dangerously misrepresent the true situation’ (House of Commons
2014: 9). An example of this can be seen when ‘FSM’ is used as short-
hand for working-class and economic deprivation, because the number
of young people identified in the school system as eligible for FSM is sig-
nificantly fewer than those who self-identify as working class. Similarly,
‘White working class’ often means ‘White British working class’, so this,
like other loosely applied definitions, misses the nuances of wider experi-
ences and contributes towards misleading predictions that damage public
perceptions (Baars et al. 2016). Solutions to overcome this inconsistency
acknowledge the diversity of working-class groups’ lives and the range of
characteristics that affect achievement (House of Commons 2014; Ofsted
2013a, b). It is this combination of identifiers that placed the girls’ com-
munity for my research within the country’s lowest of deprivation and pro-
vided the context for which I have used the term working class throughout
this book. While many living in the area self-identify as working class,
I know that others do not and accept that in common with applying any
generic label, there is a danger of oversimplification and stereotyping.
4 G. Richards

I have endeavoured to offset this by also using the term ‘disadvantage’

instead where appropriate, because it was this factor that affected the girls’
lives in significant ways. More importantly, I have sought to portray the
girls as individuals whose different experiences contribute towards a greater
understanding about their lives and how schools can enhance these.
The community in which the research took place had a long tradi-
tion in coal mining and quarrying as the centre of employment for
local families. When the mines were closed, significant unemployment
affected family roles and work expectations within the tight-knit commu-
nity that quickly became one of the most deprived districts in England.
Post-industrial developments were often low-paid and part-time, creat-
ing a challenge for those holding strongly conventional views of what
constituted men and women’s work. Travel outside of the locality was
unusual, even for social events. A wariness of ‘outsiders’ and for seek-
ing experiences in ‘unknown territory’ created cultural restrictions on
accessing employment available in nearby towns. As a result, a majority
of men and women seeking work had to settle for something very dif-
ferent to their original expectations. Government funding was allocated
to target unemployment and address disadvantage, but then withdrawn
during the recession. This exacerbated a growing divide between those
who remained within the local area and those who had broken with
tradition to find a job further afield. The divide became greater as new
housing estates were built which were outside the financial reach of many
who sought work locally and so physically separated families. People who
moved into these were often described by the rest of the community as
living at the ‘top end’, and it was noted that the children from this part
were starting to follow their parents’ lead by attending school outside of
the area.
The girls within the research study came from families living in all
sections of the community. The schools they attended had students
whose ethnicity would be described as predominately ‘White British’,
although a minority were from other ethnic backgrounds. Ofsted inspec-
tions identified significant differences in the ways that each school met
their students’ educational needs, and some of this was easily identi-
fiable from the girls’ experiences explored during interviews. Over the
period of the research, the schools had been inspected several times
with Ofsted ratings for the primary schools moving from ‘Inadequate’
or ‘Satisfactory’ at the start to ‘Good’ at the end. In contrast, one
secondary school moved down from ‘Good’ to receiving several
 1 INTRODUCTION 5

judgements of’Inadequate’, while the other moved up from ‘Good’ to

‘Outstanding’.
The first stage of the study was carried out after a County Council’s
Education Department had expressed concerns about Year 6 girls’
achievement in two primary schools located in the ex-coal mining com-
munity. In both schools, the boys were achieving to national standards,
and there was no apparent reason for the girls’ underachievement. The
research focus then expanded to include the experiences of Year 6 girls
from another primary school nearby and Year 10 girls from two second-
ary schools, serving the same locality. During this early stage, the girls’
aspirations, ‘hopes’ and ‘fears’ for the future were explored, reflect-
ing government and wider education thinking of the time that strongly
linked aspirations with achievement. The second stage of the study took
place after the girls had progressed into post-compulsory education
opportunities. This time, the interview questions drew on more recent
national and international research studies that had found the links
between aspirations and achievement to be far more complex than previ-
ously identified. Taking this wider focus, the girls were asked to reflect
on the ways in which their life-plans had evolved as they became young
adults, and which education and social factors had contributed to this.
The research raises important issues about working-class girls’ aspira-
tions and community expectations that are presented through the girls’
perspectives. Their ‘voice’ is a key element of the themes explored within
this book, offering insight into factors affecting their aspirations and in
particular, the impact of school experiences on their decision-making.

1.1  The Structure and Contents of This Book

Chapter 1 introduces the book by briefly introducing a general context
for the research study, the aims of the book and the scope of each
chapter’s contents.
Chapter 2 provides a context for the research study. It reviews pub-
lished literature, research, national education policy and government
reports concerning issues of working-class students’ aspirations and
achievement. These highlight aspects relating to girls, but where appro-
priate, also draw on wider discourses, irrespective of gender. The primary
focus is on education and school-based issues, but wider social influences
like those of families and peer groups are also explored to help under-
stand how these interrelate within girls’ educational and social identities.
6 G. Richards

Chapter 3 explains the origins of the research study and how its scope
developed. This includes a description of the local social and geographi-
cal context, with an analysis of the impact these had on the schools
involved. It describes how each school worked with girls and how this
was judged to have affected their educational achievement. The chapter
concludes with an account of the research approach and data collection
methods, covering the focus of each set of interviews and the associated
ethical considerations.
Chapter 4 reports on data collected from 56 primary school girls and
36 secondary school girls. It reports on the first-stage interviews from
three primary schools, identifying the girls’ aspirations, hopes and fears
for the future as they prepared to move up into secondary school. It then
reports on findings from the first-stage interviews at the two secondary
schools. These identified the girls’ aspirations, hopes and fears for the
future as they prepared for transitions within and beyond their school
lives. Key themes are identified and explored, considering, in particular,
the strong influence of family and teachers on their aspirations.
Chapter 5 reports on data collected in the follow-up interviews. This
second stage of the research started six years after the first interviews
and was completed two years later. The girls were all in post-compulsory
education situations of work, study or unemployment. The interviews
focused on what had happened since the first-stage interviews, identify-
ing the successes and barriers that the girls had experienced, and how
families and schools continued to influence these.
Chapter 6 draws on key themes from earlier chapters to identify how
schools could more effectively support girls from disadvantaged back-
grounds achieve their aspirations. These themes focus on confidence and
trust, feelings of being valued, achieving dreams and successful learn-
ing behaviour. Central to this discussion are the girls’ own perspectives,
which identify in particular what they and their schools could have done
differently, so the concluding suggestions for education practice develop-
ment are based on ‘insider’ experiences of what schools offer.

References
Achievement for All. (2016). Why we exist. www.afaeducation.org. Accessed 29
Sept 2016.
Baars, S., Mulcahy, E., & Bernardes, E. (2016). The underrepresentation of white
working class boys in higher education. The role of widening participation.
London: LKMco.
 1 INTRODUCTION 7

Beatriz, P. (2013). Equity and quality in education: Supporting disadvantaged

students and schools, closing the gaps for vulnerable learners nottinghamshire
county council conference (21/11/13). Eastwood: Nottinghamshire.
Centre for Social Justice. (2014). Closing the divide. Tackling education inequal-
ity in England. London: Centre for Social Justice.
Education Endowment Fund (EEF). (2013). The Sutton Trust-EEF teaching and
learning toolkit. London: Education Endowment Fund.
Goodman, A., & Gregg, P. (Eds.). (2010). The importance of attitudes and
behaviour for poorer children’s educational attainment. York: JRF.
Hattie, J. (2009). Visible learning. A synthesis of over 800 meta-analyses relating to
achievement. Abingdon: Routledge.
House of Commons Education Committee. (2014). Underachievement in educa-
tion by white working class children. First report of session 2014–2015 London:
The Stationary Office Ltd.
Hutchinson, J., Dunford, J., & Treadwell, M. (2016). Divergent pathways:
The disadvantage gap, accountability and the pupil premium. London: The
Education Policy Institute.
Khattab, N. (2015). Students’ aspirations, expectations and school achievement:
What really matters? British Educational Research Journal, 41(5), 731–748.
Kirk, C., Lewis, R., Scott, A., Wren, D., Nilsen, C., & Colvin, D. (2012).
Exploring the educational aspirations-expectations gap in eighth grade
students: Implications for educational interventions and school reform.
Educational Studies, 38(5), 507–519.
National Statistics Socio-economic Classification. (2010). Standard occupation
classification 2010. London: Palgrave Macmillan.
Ofsted. (2007). Narrowing the gap: The inspection of services. London: Ofsted.
Ofsted. (2013a). Schools. Manchester: Ofsted.
Ofsted. (2013b). Unseen children: Access and achievement 20 years on. Manchester:
Ofsted.
Ofsted. (2016). Ofsted issues warning about education in the East Midlands.
London: Ofsted. https:/www.gov.uk/government/organsiations/ofsted.
Accessed 8 June 2016.
Sharpe, C., Macleod, S., Bernardinelli, D., Skipp, A., & Higgins, S. (2015).
Supporting the attainment of disadvantaged pupils. Briefing for school leaders.
London: DfE.
St Clair, R., Kintra, K., & Houston, M. (2013). Silver bullet or red herring?
New evidence of aspirations in education. Oxford Review of Education, 36(6),
719–738.
Sutton Trust. (2011). What prospects for mobility in the UK? A cross-national
study of educational inequalities and their implications for future education
and earnings mobility. London: The Sutton Trust.
Ward, M. (2015). From labouring to learning. Working-class masculinities, educa-
tion and de-industrialisation. London: Palgrave Macmillan.
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