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 Contents

Preface xi
Introduction: The W o r l d o f the Huasicanchinos 1

1 Forms of Struggle 11
Livelihood and Resistance 11
Cross-Disciplinary Studies of the Peasantry 18

2 Domination and Disguise: Transformations in

Community Institutions 29
Community Institutions in Huasicancha 1960-1972 31
Hacienda Use of Community Institutions 36
"La Nación Huanca" 38
"El Imperio Inca" 44
The Emergence of the Highland Hacienda System 48
From estancia to hacienda; from cancha to "Pueblo de los Indios" 50
Growing Lines of Distinction 52
The Early Years of the Republic 56
Conclusion 57

3 The Growth of a Culture of Opposition 1850-1947 59

From Mobilization to Rebellion 1850-1899 61
The Pre-War Situation 61
The War and Its Aftermath 67
The Response to Hacienda Expansion 1900-1947 77
The Social Relations of Hacienda Production 1900-1920 77

vii
v¡¡¡ Contents

The Social Relations of Petty Production 1900-1947 84

1900 to 1920 85
1920 to 1947 90

4 Making a Living 96
The Institutionalization of Migration 96
Early Days 96
The Receiving Areas from 1948 to 1960 99
The Sending Community from 1948 to 1960 100
The "Canchas" 102
The "Huasis" 103
The Variety of Enterprises Today: the Locations 104
Huancayo 104
Lima 105
Huasicancha 108

5 Ghostly Figures Outside the Domain of Political Economy 1

Victor and Juana Hinostrosa's Domestic Enterprise 117
Mauro and Guillermina Hinostrosa's Domestic Enterprise 121
Grimaldo and Angelina Pomayay's Domestic Enterprise 127
Eulogio and Eufresenia Ramos's Domestic Enterprise 132
Urbano and Paulina Llacua's Domestic Enterprise 144

6 Commodification and Culture 155

The Implications of Commodification and Formal Subsumption 160
Limitations to the Commodification of Production Relations 163
Conclusion 167

7 The Land Recuperation Campaign, 1930 to the Present 169

Initiatives Early in the Century 171
La Falda Invasion 174
The National Context 174
The Local Situation 176
La Pampa Invasion 181
The National Context and the Changing Local Resource Base 183
The Local Situation 184
La Puna Invasion 194
The Reawakening of the Campaign 196
The Realignment of Forces, Within and Without 198
Political Perspectives Arising from the Heterogeneity of Enterprises
The Momentum of Discourse and Increased Participation 207
Strategy and Tactics 211
"La Reivindicación de Nuestras Tierras" 214
Conclusion 215
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 Contents ix

8 Class Consciousness and Culture 218

The Facets of Experience 222
The Role of Structure, Political Engagement and Discourse: an Example 229
Local Knowledge 234

Notes 237
Glossary 257
Bibliography 261
Index 273
 Preface

In one of the first anthropology books I read, as the 1960s were drawing
to a close and before "anthropology" meant much more to me than the name
of a Charlie Parker tune, Claude Lévi-Strauss mulled over a conundrum:
drawn to sail unknown seas to unknown soils by the criticism they feel for
their own society, anthropologists are then constrained from criticizing the
ways of life of the people they study. To observe with critical awareness, not
necessarily criticism, seemed to me at the time what gave Lévi-Strauss his
raison d'être. Yet, in those same days, before I thought of becoming a pro-
fessional anthropologist, I was much influenced by the account of a young
journalist sent by Life magazine to write a story on the destitute sharecroppers
of the American South. In the book he produced later, James Agee wrote with
some bitterness of simply observing and recording for its own sake, and his
discomfort has stayed with me in my wanderings, like a stone in my boot.

It seems to me curious, not to say obscene and thoroughly terrifying, that it

could occur to an association of human beings . . . to pry into the lives of an
undefended and appallingly damaged group of human beings . . . for the pur-
pose of parading the nakedness, disadvantage and humiliation of these lives
before another group of human beings, in the name of science, of "honest jour-
nalism" (whatever that paradox may mean), of humanity, of social fearlessness,
for money, and for a reputation for crusading and unbias which, when skillfully
enough qualified, is exchangeable at any bank for money. (1966: 7)

I have no doubt that Levi-Strauss's writings are motivated by a desire to

present the dignity and profundity of the powerless and disappearing people

xi
xii Preface

whose worlds he has so painstakingly analyzed, and, despite his self-loathing,

Agee did add a greater historical purpose to the lives of those sharecroppers
than would have occurred without him. Nevertheless, for me whose prose
would never match theirs, the reflections of these two observers made me
want to seek out ways in which such disadvantaged people might find from
within their differences from me, the resources to resist, however minimally,
the ravages wrought upon them from the moment, centuries past, when Euro-
peans like myself set off on their wanderings. It was this desire which drew
me, with the encouragement of Norman Chance and Don Attwood, to anthro-
pology and gave me the opportunity to see how teaching, in the hands of John
Janzen at McGill and Freddie Bailey at Sussex, could be simultaneously criti-
cal and constructive. But in this book on the Huasicanchinos, my greatest and
first debt is to a rather shy, tall man who twenty years ago sat with me and
a few students in a Montreal apartment listening to jazz records he had brought
from Cuba. Since then Eric Hobsbawm's deeply felt commitment to help such
people make their own history has always remained a model, and though I
know there will be disappointments and disagreements for him in this book,
I hope it is some small return for what I have received from his writings and
his long-standing personal encouragement. It was he who, hearing that I
wanted to live with peasant rebels less primitive than his, told me of Huasi-
cancha and introduced me to Bryan Roberts and Norman Long, who were
working in the Mantaro Valley. To these old friends and mentors I can offer
my thanks with no apology for those parts of this curate's egg that are not
so excellent: after all they have long known the length of my stride and should
be happy enough that the stepping stones were set no wider apart.
I worked my passage to Peru on the S. S. Cotopaxi, out of Liverpool just
after Christmas 1971 and once in Huancayo, Bryan and Susan Roberts saw
me through more downs than ups, as well they will remember. For their
hospitality and that of Rensje and Hans Oosterkamp, I owe many thanks as
I do also to the Mayer family in Huancayo: if they kept a plaque of passing
friends to whom they offered sustenance it would be the biggest monument
in the city. Other colleagues in Peru whose friendship mattered so much were
Anick and Julian Laite, Giovanni Mitrovic and Carmen Checa, Margarita
Giesecke, and Marcial Rubio as well of course as "Diablo," "Zapo," Carlos
Eduardo Aramburu, and Charles de Week. In Lima too, I owe a special thanks
to Juan Martinez-Alier for his astringent advice and guidance in working with
archives.
I left Peru a week before Chile's last democratic government fell in Sep-
tember 1973, and I could not have left without the help of Jorge Dandier who
may well remember the circumstances. I am grateful to him for that and many
other moments. In all, my time was divided so that just over half was spent
in Huasicancha and the rest in Lima and Huancayo. Throughout that period
my constant companion and aid was Pedro Cano Hinostrosa who brought me
 Preface xiii

to the village and taught me dimensions of friendship I had not known. To

Pedro, to my comadre, Paulina, and to Ramiro, my ahijado, I hope this book
will be some small reminder of that first, little Ramiro, my ahijado too, and
I hope it will be of some value to all the Cano children. In Huasicancha my
debts are so widespread as to make me hesitate to mention names, but even
so special thanks are due to Grimaldo and Guillermina Pomayay and to
Liberato Pomayay and also to Don Victor Hinostrosa and Don Martin Ramos.
Don Angelino Cano gave me his house for a year, and for that I owe him
much thanks. In Huancayo Herminio Zarate gave me much help, Teodoro
too. In Lima, again there are so many, but I should mention especially Eu-
logio, Tomas, and Mauro. They will know which ones I mean.
For support during fieldwork carried out in Peru in 1972 and 1973 I am
grateful to the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada
(SSHRCC) and to the Ministry of Education of the Government of Quebec.
I returned to Huasicancha and to the barriadas again in 1981, thanks to fi-
nancial support found for me by Richard Webb and a grant in aid from the
SSHRCC. Then I was able to answer questions left hanging and acquire a
greater longitudinal dimension to my fieldwork. It goes without saying that
my debt to the Huasicanchinos is enormous. I hope this book will repay them.
Indeed, even as they may disagree with this and that in it, I feel sure that the
excitement of old debates thus renewed will be some reward. Finally, I would
like to remember Don Sabino Jacinto who died within a week of so painfully
sharing his memories with me.
The agrarian reform carried out by the Velasco government after 1969
involved the collection of all the available documents from the expropriated
haciendas, and these provided an excellent starting point for historical mate-
rials on Hacienda Tucle and Huasicancha. There were other archival materials
in Lima and in Huancayo that I used, as well as the materials available in
the communal office of Huasicancha itself and a few odd items left in the
abandoned hacienda buildings. A number of Huasicanchinos made available
to me their "diaries," or exercise books, in which important information was
kept rather haphazardly but was of great value to me. Among the non-Huasi-
canchinos I interviewed were Sr. Bemuy Gomez, onetime lawyer for the com-
munity, and Sr. Jesus Veliz Lizarraga, Tacunan's right-hand man for many
years. I also interviewed people involved in the running of Hacienda Tucle
and of the Cercapuquio Mine.
I administered a questionnaire to roughly a third of the households in
Huasicancha. In virtually all cases husband and wife were present where
applicable, and the part of the questionnaire in which informants became most
involved was the life-history grids, a technique originally worked out by Jorge
Balan, I believe, and which I adapted with the help of Bryan Roberts. Essen-
tially it covered the years and informant's age down the page, and then vari-
ous entries across the page, such as births, migrations, material acquisitions,
xiv Preface

and other items. Besides life-history material much household economic data
were gathered in the questionnaire and subsequently verified over the course
of the field work. In Lima just over a hundred similar questionnaires were
administered.
From these data I selected out case studies. The selection was supposed
to take into account differences in wealth, migration experience, age of head
of household and, as I began to understand social relations better, households
with different kinds of extra-household linkages. In fact the balance of cases
was greatly influenced by my ease of entry vis a vis the groups concerned.
But the case study technique was very successful and allowed me to spend
extensive periods of time with each group both participating in a wide variety
of activities and carrying out detailed inquiries. Indeed it is hard to say pre-
cisely how many cases were covered since, once begun, an initial case spread
out to cover others, so that a "household case" soon became a "group case."
The cases presented in this book represent a very small proportion of those
studied but have been chosen for the insight they provide in each instance.
Besides these techniques, the usual general activities of fieldwork were
undertaken, working in pastoral herding and arable farming in Huasicancha,
standing with people at the market stalls in Huancayo, and walking the streets
with ambulant vendors in Lima. In addition to the usual informal interviews
and participating in general conversations (and community assemblies), I
began to encourage group sessions, either at my house or at the municipal
building (or in Huancayo or Lima at somebody else's house). These took
place in the evening and would begin with a particular topic and then carry
on at their own momentum. Such sessions were extremely fruitful and turned
out to be a source of great enjoyment for participants, if somewhat of a strain
for the anthropologist trying to take notes. (I occasionally used a taperecorder
but soon found that transcribing took up the major part of fieldwork!) The
collection of oral histories was obviously a major occupation, and again the
life-history grid was of great use in matching up one incident with another
in an informant's life. When I returned in 1981,1 followed up on every ques-
tionnaire administered in Huasicancha, except when the entire family was de-
funct. In Lima, I was able to follow up on just under 50 percent.
For helping me to work through some of the ideas contained in this book
(as well as others not here included) I would like to thank Jonathon Barker,
Malcolm Blincow, Terry Byers, Jane Collins, Harriet Friedmann, Colin
Harding, Olivia Harris, Joel Kahn, Temma Kaplan, David Lehmann, Winnie
Lem, Josep Llobera, Florencia Mallon, Jay O'Brien, Tristan Piatt, Bill
Roseberry, Teodor Shanin, Robert Shenton, Gerald Sider, Carol Smith, Joan
Vincent, Christine Whitehead, Eric Wolf, and Kate Young. Those I have
mentioned will no doubt remark on how little I have remembered of what
they advised me. Those not mentioned will be equally aware of my poor
memory.
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