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CAMBRIDGE STUDIES IN
MEDIEVAL LIFE AND THOUGHT
THIRD SERIES
1 The King's Hall within the University of Cambridge in the Later Middle
Ages. ALAN B. COBBAN
JOHN MARENBON
Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York
Acknowledgements viii
Introduction i
1. Aristotle's Categories and the problems of essence and the
Universals: sources for early medieval philosophy 12
2. Logic and theology at the court of Charlemagne 30
3. Problems of the Categories, essence and the Universals in
the work of John Scottus and Ratramnus of Corbie 67
4. The circle of John Scottus Eriugena 88
5. Early medieval glosses on the problems of the Categories 116
Conclusion 139
APPENDIX 1. Texts from the circle ofAlcuin 144
APPENDIX 2. A Periphyseon Jlorilegium 171
APPENDIX 3. Glosses to the Categoriae Decem 173
Bibliography (including index of manuscripts and list of
abbreviations) 207
Index 215
Vll
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
IX
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INTRODUCTION
1
See below, pp. 16-19 and 22-8.
2
For general accounts of the intellectual life in this period, see P. Courcelle, Les lettres grecques
en Occident de Macrobe a Cassiodore (Paris, 1948), pp. 342-88; M. L. W . Laistner, Thought and
letters in Western Europe A.D. 500 to goo (rev. edn, London, 1957), pp. 91-185; P. Riche,
Education et culture dans VOccident barbare: Vie- VIliesiecles (2nd edn, Paris, 1962.) (Patristica
Sorboniensia 4), pp. 84fF.
3
See his Institutiones (ed. R. A. B. Mynors (Oxford, 1937)) 11, iii, 18, pp. 128:14-129: 11; and
cf. Courcelle, op. cit., pp. 342-56, esp. p. 353. This manuscript has not survived.
4
Ed. cit., 11, iii, 1-18, pp. 109-29.
5
De anima, ed. J. W. Halporn (Turnholt, 1973) (CC 96). For a discussion of the sources of
this work, see pp. 507-11 of this edition.
6
Cf. Institutiones, ed. cit., 11, 4, pp. 91: 19-92: 3: 'logica, quae dialectica nuncupatur...
disputationibus subtilissimis ac brevibus vera sequestrat a falsis*.
7
See ed. W. M. Lindsay (Oxford, 1911) 11, xxii-xxxi & VIII, vi; and cf. J. Fontaine, Isidore
de Seville et la culture classique dans VEspagne Wisigothique (Paris, 1959), pp. 593-732.
8
Fontaine (op. cit., p. 593) comments: 'II y a . . . chez [Isidore] des pensees philosophiques,
des idees et des expressions d'age et d'origine divers, generalement detaches de leur contexte
et reduits a l'anonymat par leur instrument de transmission immediat. II n'y a que tres
rarement une pensee philosophique proprement dite.'
9
L. Bieler presents a somewhat old-fashioned picture of early Irish culture in Irland: Weg-
bereiter des Mittelalters (Lausanne/Freiburg i. Breisgau, 1961) (Statten des Geistes 5). Useful
modifications to his views are presented by E. Coccia, 'La cultura irlandese precarolingia,
miracolo o mito*, Studi Medievali, 3a serie, 8,1,1967, pp. 257-420; M. W. Herren, ed., The
Hisperica Famina I: TheA-text (Toronto, 1974); M. Lapidge, 'The authorship of the adonic
Introduction
scholars of this age survive, but nothing which indicates the study of
dialectic. Modern scholarship suggests that the principal achievement
of early medieval Ireland lay in the field of biblical exegesis.10 This
raises the question of whether these Irish scholars, like some of the
Church Fathers, wove metaphysical discussion into their scriptural
commentary. Those texts which have been published, and the ac-
counts of modern specialists in the tradition, suggest the very oppo-
site: fanciful allegorical exegesis is the norm, varied occasionally by
more literal, 'historical' commentaries. There is an exception to this
general characterization.11 Faced by the task of recounting the various
miracles recorded in the Bible, an Irishman of the mid-seventh cen-
tury proceeded to a conclusion which is intellectually exciting.12
None of these miracles, he contended, need be explained by divine
intervention in the working of nature: they are comprehensible in
natural terms alone. From such a distinction between the realms of
nature and of God, the most interesting metaphysical consequences
might have been elaborated. But the author confined himself closely
to the task in hand; and the De mirabilibus sacrae scripturae remained
virtually without influence until the twelfth century.13
In England, too, the achievements of the seventh and eighth cen-
turies lay in fields other than philosophy. Aldhelm had a taste, devel-
oped by his reading of Isidore, for a display of encyclopaedic learning
through the use of a precise technical vocabulary; but none of his
works show even the slightest inclination towards logic or meta-
physics. Bede's attitude to philosophy may be gathered from the way
verses "Ad Fidolium" attributed to Columbanus', A Gustavo Vinay = Studi Medievali, 3a
serie, 18,2, 1977, pp. 249-314.
10
See B. BischofF, 'Wendepunkte in der Geschichte der lateinischen Exegese im Friihmit-
telalter', Sacris Erudiri, 6, 1954, pp. 189-281 ( = Mittelalterlichen Studien 1 (Stuttgart, 1967),
pp. 205-73).
11
I also except from this characterization three related commentaries: the Commetnoratio
Geneseos in Paris BN 10457, the Interrogate de singulas questiones quern discipulus tolauit
magistrum in Paris BN 10616 f. 94r ff. (both no. 3 in the catalogue in BischofF, op. cit.), and
the excerpts from the 'Irish reference Bible* in Paris BN 614a (BischofF, no. iB). These
works do show an interest in the more metaphysical aspects of Augustine's exegesis; but,
although they were certainly written before the turn of the ninth century, there is no strong
evidence that they were written in Ireland, and they may well reflect the intellectual inter-
ests stimulated by Alcuin and his circle.
12
De mirabilibus sacrae scripturae, MPL 35, 2i49fF. (published under an attribution to
Augustine). For the date and place of origin of this treatise, see P. Grosjean, 'Sur quelques
exegetes irlandais du Vile siecle', Sacris Erudiri, 7, 1955, pp. 67-98, esp. p. 84fF.
13
See M. Esposito, 'On the pseudo-Augustinian treatise De mirabilibus sacrae scripturae ...',
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, 35C, 1919, pp. 189-207.
3
From the circle ofAlcuin to the school ofAuxerre
in which he removed metaphysical and scientific digressions when he
adapted patristic exegetical works.14 There remains the question of
what Alcuin owed, in the way of a philosophical training, to his
insular background. Information on Alcuin's life in England is sparse;
and on the details of his education there, sparser.15 In his poem on
York, Alcuin lists among the authors represented in the cathedral
library Aristotle and Boethius.16 If he is to be trusted, it is possible
that texts of, say, Aristotle's Categories and De interpretatione (in trans-
lation or paraphrase) and Boethius's De consolatione philosophiae or his
Opuscula Sacra were available. Were these works studied, or was the
role of York limited to the preservation and transmission, if that, of
these texts? In the absence of evidence, speculation is futile. The study
of medieval philosophy can begin only from the place and time to
which the first philosophical works and manuscripts can be assigned:
the court of Charlemagne.
In my study, a set of connected philosophical problems will occupy
a central, though not exclusive, position: essence, the Categories and
the Universals. This choice is not an arbitrary one. The framework of
early medieval studies and beliefs allowed no obvious place for the
activity which, in a broadish sense of the word, may be described as
'philosophy': the analysis and elaboration by reasoning of abstract
concepts explicative of sensibly or intellectually perceptible reality.
Early medieval philosophy grew out of the fusion of two disciplines
which were not themselves philosophy: logic and theology. The
tools of logic were summoned to clarify and order Christian dogma;
and, far more important, concepts and arguments logical in origin
were charged with theological meaning. Early medieval thinkers had
Boethius and the long tradition behind him to guide them in
achieving this combination. But the fusion they made was their own;
and, as they made it, they began, not consistently nor always self-
consciously, to be no longer theologians or students of formal logic,
but philosophers. It was, for the most part, in discussion of essence,
14
See C. Jenkins, 'Bede as exegete and theologian' in Be de: his life, times and writings, ed. A.
Hamilton Thompson (Oxford, 1935), pp. 152-200, esp. p. 171.
15
See P. Hunter Blair, 'From Bede to Alcuin' in Famulus Christi, ed. G. Bonner (London,
1976), pp. 239-60; and P. Godman, edition of Alcuin's poem on York, to be published in
Oxford Medieval Texts.
16
MGHPLAC 1, p. 204,11. 1547 and 1549.
Introduction
the Categories and the Universals that this fusion took place. The
continuity between the different schools of the early Middle Ages
which their interest in these problems reveals is therefore neither co-
incidental nor imposed by the historian from without: it is the very
reflection of the gradual rediscovery of philosophy, by men whose
lifetimes followed an age that had been without philosophers.
17
Volume i (2nd edn, Paris, 1872). See esp. pp. 42-60.
18
E.g. F. Picavet, Esquisse (Tune histoire genirale et compare des philosophies midiivales (Paris,
1905), pp. 125-50; M. Grabmann, Die Geschichte der scholastischen Methode 1 (Freiburg i.
Breisgau, 1909), pp. 178-214; J. A. Endres, Forschungen zur Geschichte der fruhmittelalter-
lichen Philosophie, pp. 1-20; £ . Gilson La philosophie an Moyen Age (3rd edn, Paris, 1947),
pp. 180-232; F. Copleston, A History of Philosophy n. Medieval philosophy (London, 1950),
pp. 106-55; M. de Wulf, History of Medieval Philosophy 1, translated from the 6th edn by
E. C. Messenger (London, 1952), pp. 117-48.
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