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From The Circle of Alcuin To The School of Auxerre Logic Theology and Philosophy in The Early Middle Ages 1st Edition John Marenbon Latest PDF 2025

The document discusses John Marenbon's book 'From the Circle of Alcuin to the School of Auxerre,' which explores early medieval philosophy from the late eighth to early tenth centuries. It highlights the significance of Alcuin and Boethius in shaping philosophical thought during this period, addressing themes such as essence, universals, and the relationship between logic and theology. The book aims to fill the gap in the study of medieval philosophy by focusing on this often-overlooked era.

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From The Circle of Alcuin To The School of Auxerre Logic Theology and Philosophy in The Early Middle Ages 1st Edition John Marenbon Latest PDF 2025

The document discusses John Marenbon's book 'From the Circle of Alcuin to the School of Auxerre,' which explores early medieval philosophy from the late eighth to early tenth centuries. It highlights the significance of Alcuin and Boethius in shaping philosophical thought during this period, addressing themes such as essence, universals, and the relationship between logic and theology. The book aims to fill the gap in the study of medieval philosophy by focusing on this often-overlooked era.

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CAMBRIDGE STUDIES IN
MEDIEVAL LIFE AND THOUGHT

THIRD SERIES

1 The King's Hall within the University of Cambridge in the Later Middle
Ages. ALAN B. COBBAN

2 Monarchy and Community, A. j . BLACK


3 The Church and the Two Nations in Medieval Ireland, j . A. WATT
4 The Spanish Church and the Papacy in the Thirteenth Century.
PETER LINEHAN

5 Law and Society in the Visigothic Kingdom, P. D. KING


6 Durham Priory: 1400-1430. R. B. DOBSON

7 The Political Thought of William ofOckham. A. s. MCGRADE

8 The Just War in the Middle Ages. FREDERICK H. RUSSELL


9 The Two Italies: Economic Relations between the Norman Kingdom of
Sicily and the Northern Communes, DAVID ABULAFIA
10 The Church and Politics in Fourteenth-Century England: The Career of
Adam Orleton c. 1275-1345. ROY MARTIN HAINES
11 The Staffords, Earls of Stafford and Dukes of Buckingham, 1394-1521.
CAROLE RAWCLIFFE

12 Universities, Academics and the Great Schism, R. N. SWANSON

13 The Diplomas of King Aethelred 'the Unready9, 978-1016: A Study in


Their Use as Historical Evidence, SIMON KEYNES
14 Robert Winchelsey and the Crown 1294-1313: A Study in the Defence of
Ecclesiastical Liberty. JEFFREY H. D E N T O N
FROM THE CIRCLE OF ALCUIN
TO THE SCHOOL OF AUXERRE
LOGIC, THEOLOGY AND PHILOSOPHY
IN THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES

JOHN MARENBON

Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge

CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS


CAMBRIDGE
LONDON NEW YORK NEW ROCHELLE
MELBOURNE SYDNEY
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, Sao Paulo

Cambridge University Press


The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 2RU, UK

Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York

www. Cambridge. org


Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521234283

© Cambridge University Press 1981

This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception


and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
no reproduction of any part may take place without
the written permission of Cambridge University Press.

First published 1981


This digitally printed first paperback version 2006

A catalogue recordfor this publication is available from the British Library

ISBN-13 978-0-521-23428-3 hardback


ISBN-10 0-521-23428-X hardback

ISBN-13 978-0-521 -02462-4 paperback


ISBN-10 0-521-02462-5 paperback
TO MY PARENTS
CONTENTS

Acknowledgements viii
Introduction i
1. Aristotle's Categories and the problems of essence and the
Universals: sources for early medieval philosophy 12
2. Logic and theology at the court of Charlemagne 30
3. Problems of the Categories, essence and the Universals in
the work of John Scottus and Ratramnus of Corbie 67
4. The circle of John Scottus Eriugena 88
5. Early medieval glosses on the problems of the Categories 116
Conclusion 139
APPENDIX 1. Texts from the circle ofAlcuin 144
APPENDIX 2. A Periphyseon Jlorilegium 171
APPENDIX 3. Glosses to the Categoriae Decem 173
Bibliography (including index of manuscripts and list of
abbreviations) 207
Index 215

Vll
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I have been extremely fortunate in the help, support and encourage-


ment I have received, both from individuals and institutions, in the
course of the research and writing which have resulted in this book.
In Peter Dronke I had a liberal supervisor, who left me free to shape
my work according to my own inclinations, whilst giving me much
welcome encouragement and advice. Edouard Jeauneau, who super-
vised my work during six months spent in Paris, has been the kindest
of advisers, and I have profited greatly from many enjoyable hours of
conversation with him about John Scottus and his contemporaries.
Dr Michael Lapidge and Professor David Luscombe, who examined
my Cambridge Ph.D. thesis, contributed a number of valuable sug-
gestions for changes which have been incorporated in this book. And
I should like to express an especial gratitude to Professor Walter
Ullmann, both for his kindness in including my book in his series,
and for all the help he has given me in preparing my work for
publication; and Miss Sheila Lawlor, for checking my proofs.
Many scholars who have had no formal connection with my
studies have aided my research. In particular, I wish to thank Pro-
fessor Bernhard Bischoff, for allowing me to use his transcripts of
glosses from a Leningrad manuscript, and for providing me with
palaeographical information about a number of other codices; and
my friend, Mr Peter Godman, whose learning and good sense have
made this book much less bad than it might have been. Other
scholars who have discussed my work with me, or read parts of it in
earlier drafts include: Professor D. Bullough; Dr C. Burnett; Dr J.
Contreni; M. J. Devisse; Mr D. Ganz; Dr M. Gibson; Dr C.
Ineichen-Eder; Mr P. Meyvaert; M. J. Vezin.
My work would have been impossible without the co-operation
of a large number of libraries throughout Europe, who allowed me
to examine their manuscripts or sent me microfilms of them. In
Vlll
Acknowledgements
particular, I should like to thank the staff of the Warburg Library in
London, a treasure-trove for anyone who works on medieval intel-
lectual history; and the curator and staff of the Bibliotheque
Nationale in Paris, for their efficiency and courtesy.
I would also like to thank the Syndics and Staff of the Cambridge
University Press for the great patience and care they have shown in
the production of this book.
My research has been supported by a scholarship from the French
Government and a grant from the Department of Education and
Science. But, above all, it has been Trinity College which has made
my research financially possible; I count myself very lucky indeed, to
be part of this College which supports scholarship with such genero-
sity and constancy.

Trinity College October 1979


Cambridge

IX
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INTRODUCTION

To most educated laymen, the term 'medieval philosophy' conjures


up the names of the great scholastics of the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries: Aquinas, Duns Scotus and William of Ockham. Occa-
sionally, this mental picture will be extended backwards in time to
include the 'Platonism of the School of Chartres' and Anselm; but,
almost invariably, the period before the eleventh century will be
omitted. This book is a contribution to the study of that neglected
age of philosophy. It is not a comprehensive history of early medieval
thought, but an attempt to illustrate the character and continuity of
the first main period of medieval philosophy, which stretched from
the Circle of Alcuin in the late eighth century, to the School of
Auxerre in the early tenth.
Such an enterprise raises two immediate questions. Why pick
Alcuin as a starting-point and not, say, Cassiodore, Isidore or Bede?
And what aspect of the thought of the early Middle Ages can sensibly
be called 'philosophy', as opposed to 'logic' or 'theology'? My
answers to these questions, which cannot be given entirely separately
one from the other, have determined much in what I have chosen to
discuss, and what pass by in silence, in the pages which follow.
Whatever doubts there may be about the originality of much of
Boethius's work, it is beyond question that his writings contain sub-
stantial discussion, at first or second hand, of philosophical issues: the
problem of Universals, free-will and determinism, and the nature of
time are just a few examples. Moreover, in his Opuscula Sacra,
Boethius did more than merely use logical techniques to clarify
doctrinal distinctions. In his discussion, logical terms are loaded with
metaphysical and theological implications. A correct understanding
of the concept of essence and its ramifications is tantamount,
Boethius appears to suggest, to a knowledge of the relationship be-
tween God and his creation. This characteristic of Boethius's thought
From the circle ofAlcuin to the school ofAuxerre
in especial makes him important both as a source and forerunner for
the philosophy of the late eighth to early tenth centuries; and it is as
such that I shall examine him in some detail.1
Between the death of Boethius and the time ofAlcuin, there is no
evidence ofany similarly active philosophical speculation.2 Cassiodore
possessed a manuscript of dialectical works at Vivarium;3 he included
a short section on the divisions of philosophy and logic in his Institu-
tiones^ and he compiled a work on the soul, which contained a
certain amount of Neoplatonic teachings.5 Yet there is no indication
that he regarded logic as more than a technique for determining the
correctness of ways of arguing;6 nor that he made a connection be-
tween the Neoplatonic psychology he borrowed in his De anitna and
the dialectic he expounded in the Institutiones. In his Etymologiae,
Isidore of Seville provided a fuller exposition of elementary Aristo-
telian logic than Cassiodore had done; and this encyclopaedia also
includes information on the history of philosophy.7 But of an active
interest in logic or metaphysics there are few traces.8
Ireland has been represented, often with more enthusiasm than
accuracy, as the refuge of culture in the dark period of the seventh
and eighth centuries.9 Grammatical and literary works by Irish

1
See below, pp. 16-19 and 22-8.
2
For general accounts of the intellectual life in this period, see P. Courcelle, Les lettres grecques
en Occident de Macrobe a Cassiodore (Paris, 1948), pp. 342-88; M. L. W . Laistner, Thought and
letters in Western Europe A.D. 500 to goo (rev. edn, London, 1957), pp. 91-185; P. Riche,
Education et culture dans VOccident barbare: Vie- VIliesiecles (2nd edn, Paris, 1962.) (Patristica
Sorboniensia 4), pp. 84fF.
3
See his Institutiones (ed. R. A. B. Mynors (Oxford, 1937)) 11, iii, 18, pp. 128:14-129: 11; and
cf. Courcelle, op. cit., pp. 342-56, esp. p. 353. This manuscript has not survived.
4
Ed. cit., 11, iii, 1-18, pp. 109-29.
5
De anima, ed. J. W. Halporn (Turnholt, 1973) (CC 96). For a discussion of the sources of
this work, see pp. 507-11 of this edition.
6
Cf. Institutiones, ed. cit., 11, 4, pp. 91: 19-92: 3: 'logica, quae dialectica nuncupatur...
disputationibus subtilissimis ac brevibus vera sequestrat a falsis*.
7
See ed. W. M. Lindsay (Oxford, 1911) 11, xxii-xxxi & VIII, vi; and cf. J. Fontaine, Isidore
de Seville et la culture classique dans VEspagne Wisigothique (Paris, 1959), pp. 593-732.
8
Fontaine (op. cit., p. 593) comments: 'II y a . . . chez [Isidore] des pensees philosophiques,
des idees et des expressions d'age et d'origine divers, generalement detaches de leur contexte
et reduits a l'anonymat par leur instrument de transmission immediat. II n'y a que tres
rarement une pensee philosophique proprement dite.'
9
L. Bieler presents a somewhat old-fashioned picture of early Irish culture in Irland: Weg-
bereiter des Mittelalters (Lausanne/Freiburg i. Breisgau, 1961) (Statten des Geistes 5). Useful
modifications to his views are presented by E. Coccia, 'La cultura irlandese precarolingia,
miracolo o mito*, Studi Medievali, 3a serie, 8,1,1967, pp. 257-420; M. W. Herren, ed., The
Hisperica Famina I: TheA-text (Toronto, 1974); M. Lapidge, 'The authorship of the adonic
Introduction
scholars of this age survive, but nothing which indicates the study of
dialectic. Modern scholarship suggests that the principal achievement
of early medieval Ireland lay in the field of biblical exegesis.10 This
raises the question of whether these Irish scholars, like some of the
Church Fathers, wove metaphysical discussion into their scriptural
commentary. Those texts which have been published, and the ac-
counts of modern specialists in the tradition, suggest the very oppo-
site: fanciful allegorical exegesis is the norm, varied occasionally by
more literal, 'historical' commentaries. There is an exception to this
general characterization.11 Faced by the task of recounting the various
miracles recorded in the Bible, an Irishman of the mid-seventh cen-
tury proceeded to a conclusion which is intellectually exciting.12
None of these miracles, he contended, need be explained by divine
intervention in the working of nature: they are comprehensible in
natural terms alone. From such a distinction between the realms of
nature and of God, the most interesting metaphysical consequences
might have been elaborated. But the author confined himself closely
to the task in hand; and the De mirabilibus sacrae scripturae remained
virtually without influence until the twelfth century.13
In England, too, the achievements of the seventh and eighth cen-
turies lay in fields other than philosophy. Aldhelm had a taste, devel-
oped by his reading of Isidore, for a display of encyclopaedic learning
through the use of a precise technical vocabulary; but none of his
works show even the slightest inclination towards logic or meta-
physics. Bede's attitude to philosophy may be gathered from the way
verses "Ad Fidolium" attributed to Columbanus', A Gustavo Vinay = Studi Medievali, 3a
serie, 18,2, 1977, pp. 249-314.
10
See B. BischofF, 'Wendepunkte in der Geschichte der lateinischen Exegese im Friihmit-
telalter', Sacris Erudiri, 6, 1954, pp. 189-281 ( = Mittelalterlichen Studien 1 (Stuttgart, 1967),
pp. 205-73).
11
I also except from this characterization three related commentaries: the Commetnoratio
Geneseos in Paris BN 10457, the Interrogate de singulas questiones quern discipulus tolauit
magistrum in Paris BN 10616 f. 94r ff. (both no. 3 in the catalogue in BischofF, op. cit.), and
the excerpts from the 'Irish reference Bible* in Paris BN 614a (BischofF, no. iB). These
works do show an interest in the more metaphysical aspects of Augustine's exegesis; but,
although they were certainly written before the turn of the ninth century, there is no strong
evidence that they were written in Ireland, and they may well reflect the intellectual inter-
ests stimulated by Alcuin and his circle.
12
De mirabilibus sacrae scripturae, MPL 35, 2i49fF. (published under an attribution to
Augustine). For the date and place of origin of this treatise, see P. Grosjean, 'Sur quelques
exegetes irlandais du Vile siecle', Sacris Erudiri, 7, 1955, pp. 67-98, esp. p. 84fF.
13
See M. Esposito, 'On the pseudo-Augustinian treatise De mirabilibus sacrae scripturae ...',
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, 35C, 1919, pp. 189-207.

3
From the circle ofAlcuin to the school ofAuxerre
in which he removed metaphysical and scientific digressions when he
adapted patristic exegetical works.14 There remains the question of
what Alcuin owed, in the way of a philosophical training, to his
insular background. Information on Alcuin's life in England is sparse;
and on the details of his education there, sparser.15 In his poem on
York, Alcuin lists among the authors represented in the cathedral
library Aristotle and Boethius.16 If he is to be trusted, it is possible
that texts of, say, Aristotle's Categories and De interpretatione (in trans-
lation or paraphrase) and Boethius's De consolatione philosophiae or his
Opuscula Sacra were available. Were these works studied, or was the
role of York limited to the preservation and transmission, if that, of
these texts? In the absence of evidence, speculation is futile. The study
of medieval philosophy can begin only from the place and time to
which the first philosophical works and manuscripts can be assigned:
the court of Charlemagne.
In my study, a set of connected philosophical problems will occupy
a central, though not exclusive, position: essence, the Categories and
the Universals. This choice is not an arbitrary one. The framework of
early medieval studies and beliefs allowed no obvious place for the
activity which, in a broadish sense of the word, may be described as
'philosophy': the analysis and elaboration by reasoning of abstract
concepts explicative of sensibly or intellectually perceptible reality.
Early medieval philosophy grew out of the fusion of two disciplines
which were not themselves philosophy: logic and theology. The
tools of logic were summoned to clarify and order Christian dogma;
and, far more important, concepts and arguments logical in origin
were charged with theological meaning. Early medieval thinkers had
Boethius and the long tradition behind him to guide them in
achieving this combination. But the fusion they made was their own;
and, as they made it, they began, not consistently nor always self-
consciously, to be no longer theologians or students of formal logic,
but philosophers. It was, for the most part, in discussion of essence,

14
See C. Jenkins, 'Bede as exegete and theologian' in Be de: his life, times and writings, ed. A.
Hamilton Thompson (Oxford, 1935), pp. 152-200, esp. p. 171.
15
See P. Hunter Blair, 'From Bede to Alcuin' in Famulus Christi, ed. G. Bonner (London,
1976), pp. 239-60; and P. Godman, edition of Alcuin's poem on York, to be published in
Oxford Medieval Texts.
16
MGHPLAC 1, p. 204,11. 1547 and 1549.
Introduction
the Categories and the Universals that this fusion took place. The
continuity between the different schools of the early Middle Ages
which their interest in these problems reveals is therefore neither co-
incidental nor imposed by the historian from without: it is the very
reflection of the gradual rediscovery of philosophy, by men whose
lifetimes followed an age that had been without philosophers.

The idea that a set of problems, logical in their origin, is central to


early medieval philosophy is not a new one. In his pioneering Histoire
de la philosophie scolastique,17 Barthelemy Haureau recognized the
question of Universals as the main philosophical problem, not just of
the ninth and tenth centuries, but of the whole Middle Ages. Sub-
sequent historians have done little to challenge or develop Haureau's
view, in so far as it applies to the thought of the early Middle Ages.18
I shall try to show that the question of Universals can only be pro-
perly understood as part of the larger complex of problems already
mentioned, concerning Aristotle's ten Categories and, in particular,
the first of these, essence.
The problem of Universals has exercised the minds of philosophers
since the time of Plato. What is the relationship between a class and
its individual members? Is the class a descriptive term, devised by
observers who have noted the similarities between a number of
members of the class? Or do the members possess their distinctive
characteristics by virtue of their relationship to an independent, im-
material Universal? The most influential account of this problem in
the early Middle Ages was, as Haureau recognized, a passage from
Boethius's second commentary to Porphyry's Isagoge. Porphyry
wrote this work as an introduction to Aristotle's Categories; and the
Categories were available widely in early medieval times in a Latin
paraphrase. But the connection between the problem of Universals
and that of essence and the Categories is not just an accident of

17
Volume i (2nd edn, Paris, 1872). See esp. pp. 42-60.
18
E.g. F. Picavet, Esquisse (Tune histoire genirale et compare des philosophies midiivales (Paris,
1905), pp. 125-50; M. Grabmann, Die Geschichte der scholastischen Methode 1 (Freiburg i.
Breisgau, 1909), pp. 178-214; J. A. Endres, Forschungen zur Geschichte der fruhmittelalter-
lichen Philosophie, pp. 1-20; £ . Gilson La philosophie an Moyen Age (3rd edn, Paris, 1947),
pp. 180-232; F. Copleston, A History of Philosophy n. Medieval philosophy (London, 1950),
pp. 106-55; M. de Wulf, History of Medieval Philosophy 1, translated from the 6th edn by
E. C. Messenger (London, 1952), pp. 117-48.
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