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Becoming White Cl ay
 Becoming
White
Cl ay
A History and Archaeology
of Jicarilla Apache Enclavement

B. Sunday Eiselt

The University of Utah Press

Salt Lake City
Copyright © 2012 by The University of Utah Press. All rights reserved.

The Defiance House Man colophon is a registered trademark

of the University of Utah Press. It is based on a four-foot-tall
Ancient Puebloan pictograph (late PIII) near Glen Canyon, Utah.

16 15 14 13 12     1 2 3 4 5

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Eiselt, B. Sunday.
Becoming White Clay : a history and archaeology of
Jicarilla Apache enclavement / B. Sunday Eiselt.
  p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
isbn 978-1-60781-202-9 (ebook)
1. Jicarilla Indians — Migrations. 2. Jicarilla Indians —
Land tenure. 3. Jircarilla Indians — Antiquities.
4. Excavations (Archaeology) — Chama Valley (Colo. and
N.M.) 5. Chama Valley (Colo. and N.M.) — Antiquities.
I. Title.
E99.J5E57 2012
978.8'01 — dc23
2012014586

Printed and bound by Sheridan Books, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan.

To Andy
 Contents

List of Illustrations   ix
Acknowledgments  xi
1. Introduction  1
2. The University of the Future   13

Part I: On Becoming White Clay

3. Jicarilla Apache Origins and the Great Dene Migration   25
4. The Dawn of History in Apachería   62
5. Becoming White Clay: Jicarilla Encapsulation and
Enclavement  99

Part II: On Being White Clay

6. Place-making and Meaning in the Jicarilla Enclave   143
7. The Social Context of Jicarilla Enclavement   170
8. The Archaeology of the Jicarilla Ollero Enclave   197
9. Synthesis and Conclusions   247
References  257
Index  297

vii
 Illustrations

3.1. Distributions of Athapaskan language groups   27

3.2. The Athapaskan migration corridor   43
3.3. Chronologies of archaeological cultures in the Athapaskan
migration corridor  44
3.4. Dismal River ceramics   48
3.5. Ocate Micaceous pottery vessels   50
4.1. Distributions of Pueblo villages relative to Apache territories,
ca. 1550–1600  67
4.2. Athapaskan and neighboring Plains groups, ca. 1625   71
4.3. Athapaskan groups, ca. 1702   73
4.4. Athapaskan groups and their relationships, ca. 1540–1840   74
5.1. Movements of Plains Indian groups into Apache territory   101
5.2. Plains Apache alliances and band movements of the 1700s   113
6.1. Locations of Ollero and Llanero districts, hunting grounds, and
family camps  149
6.2. Jicarilla territory and cosmogeography   154
6.3. Llanero and Ollero racers in the 1906 Gojia celebration   156
6.4. Pedernal Peak  158
6.5. Land grant boundaries in Ollero and Llanero territories   164
7.1. The lower Chama Valley and Tewa Basin   180
7.2. The Río del Oso watershed in 1875   190
7.3. Río del Oso survey coverage   192
7.4. Jicarilla and San Lorenzo archaeological sites   194
8.1. Typical vecino household compound within the
Río del Oso grant   200
8.2. Jicarilla settlement areas   203
8.3. Ring counts for individual encampments in settlement
areas  204
8.4. Settlement area 3 contour map   205

ix
x | Illustrations

8.5. Plan view map of a wickiup foundation   206

8.6. Shepherds’ rattles  208
8.7. Plan view map of a possible kesta  209
8.8. Kesta structure, ca. 1890   210
8.9. San Lorenzo domestic artifacts   214
8.10. San Lorenzo artifacts related to personal care, adornment, leisure,
and religion  215
8.11. San Lorenzo tinworks, debitage, and tools   218
8.12. Decorative lunette  219
8.13. Handheld lantern  219
8.14. San Lorenzo tinkler production sequence   221
8.15. Metal arrow points from San Lorenzo   222
8.16. Jicarilla metal point production sequence   223
8.17. San Lorenzo modified flakes   225
8.18. Jicarilla Apache stone tools and modified flakes   226
8.19. Jicarilla youth holding a flintlock musket, 1871   227
8.20. Jicarilla Apache choppers and primary flake tools   228
8.21. Pottery workshop complex   231
8.22. Characteristics of Jicarilla micaceous ceramics   232
8.23. Typical Jicarilla vessel forms   233
8.24. Locations of micaceous clay source areas   234
8.25. Stone smoothers and polishers and micaceous
schist debris  237
8.26. Vessel forms and micaceous sherds attributed to
vecino potters  238
8.27. Commercial tradewares recovered from Jicarilla archaeological
sites  240
8.28. Schematic model of enclave settlement   243

Plates (following page 134)

1. Jicarilla contingent to the 1904 World’s Fair
2. Jicarilla woman wearing traditional dress and work belt, ca. 1935
3. Jicarilla man with horses and camp gear, 1897
4. Jicarilla Gojia ceremonialist, 1937
5. Jicarilla girls on horseback , 1920
6. Jicarilla chiefs on their visit to Washington, D.C., 1880
 Acknowledgments

Acknowledgments are admissions that document our limitations, and

mine are no different. This book would not be possible without the assis­
tance and support of many people. Dick Ford introduced me to the Río
del Oso, my study area, and to the archaeology, history, and ecology of
the northern Río Grande. By example, he has shown me how to act and
think diplomatically about the practice of anthropology. In this, Dick is
echoed by two other important mentors, Catherine and Don Fowler, who
have emphasized the value of mutual respect and professionalism in the
development of long-term research partnerships with local ­communities.
James and Dolores Gunnerson’s work on the Plains and in northern New
Mexico was indispensable to this book. During two visits to L ­ incoln,
­Nebraska, I was honored by their advice, support, and knowledge of
­Jicarilla Apache archaeology and history.
I owe a debt of gratitude to many others who made the fieldwork
possible. My understanding of nineteenth-century Jicarilla Apache
­
archaeology would not have been possible without Kurt Anschuetz’s
thorough survey of the Río del Oso Valley, on which I was able to build.
Andrew Darling, Charles Haecker, Ron Towner, Elizabeth Bridges,
­Daniel Pugh, Molly Moore, and Erin Crowley provided assistance in the
field. Mike Bremer facilitated access to the Santa Fe National Forest in
the Río del Oso. Special thanks also go to the staff of the ARMS section of
the New Mexico Historic Preservation Division in Santa Fé. Jack Ives, Ron
Towner, Felipe Ortega, Charles Carrillo, John Speth, Carla Sinopoli, and
Jeff Parsons gave critical advice and input during fieldwork and writing.
A Jicarilla Apache friend and mentor respectfully remains unnamed, but
with her passing she will never be forgotten.
Finally, I wish to thank my family. My mother, Jan Cameron, and my
grandmother, Lois Cameron, offered love and support, and Walter Spohn

xi
xii | Acknowledgments

tirelessly edited every word of this book (more than once). However, the
one person who has given the most is my husband, Andy Darling, who
has shaped my ideas at every stage of this project and has been selflessly
supportive in every way. It gives me great pleasure to dedicate this book
to him.
 one

Introduction

Executive Office, Territory of New Mexico

Santa Fe, N.M. February 23 1885
Hon. J. D. C. Atkins
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Washington D.C.

Dear Sir:
A short time ago four members of the Jicarilla band of the Apache now lo-
cated on the Mescalero Apache Reservation, in this territory, among them
Captain Vicente Martin and Captain Augustine Velarde, who appeared
to be head men of the band, called on me, and requested me to write to
you. Stated that they desired to be removed, or rather to be permitted to
remove from that reservation: That they desired to break up their tribal re-
lations, to separate themselves entirely from other Indians and take lands
in severalty by families. In a word as they expressed it, they “wanted to be
white men and live as white men do.” These men spoke only the Spanish
language and came here without an interpreter and seemed to have come
on their mission entirely of their own volition. I procured an interpreter
and had a long and very free interview with them. They expressed them-
selves ready to renounce all claim upon the government for annuities or
otherwise in consideration of the abandonment of their reservation. All
they wanted was the privilege of taking the usual homestead allowance
[as] white men on the public lands, and to become citizens the same as
white men. They seemed to comprehend fairly and much better than I
could have supposed the nature and responsibility of their ­proposition.

1
2 | Chapter 1

Satisfied as I have long been that the key to the successful civilization of
the Indians is in disintegration and the utter breaking up of their tribal
relations, I very earnestly commend the request of these Indians to the
careful consideration of the Department.

Very Respectfully your Obedient Servant,

Edmund G. Ross
Governor, Territory of New Mexico

On November 16, 1886, a train rolled into Pensacola, Florida, carrying the
last of Geronimo’s band for delivery as prisoners to Fort Perkins. Just two
months before, Geronimo had surrendered to General Nelson A. Miles
at Skeleton Canyon in southeastern Arizona, and the general was back at
nearby Fort Huachuca for a much-needed rest. His time out of the saddle
was cut short. Within weeks, dispatches from New Mexico brought news
of another potential uprising. More than two hundred Jicarilla Apaches
had fled the Mescalero Reservation, where they had been confined in 1883.
A sizable group of renegades was now camped above Española, north
of Santa Fé, and with winter coming, the governor of New Mexico was
­anxious to sort it out.
General Miles reached the Jicarilla camps on November 13, 1886, three
days before Geronimo arrived in Pensacola. Nearly all the so-called run-
aways were members of the Ollero band, who were never happy with their
forced removal even though the Llanero — ​the second of two bands com-
posing the Jicarilla tribe — ​were seemingly content with the move. Unlike
the Ollero, the Llanero were intermarried with the Mescalero and shared
a common history on the Plains.
Augustín Vigil, the Ollero spokesman, argued that they had con-
sented to go to Mescalero under protest and only with the promise that
if conditions did not improve they would be allowed to return to the
Chama V ­ alley. Conditions worsened. The Mescalero and the Llanero had
been given the best lands for farming. Consequently, the Ollero, true to
­Governor Ross’s letter of February 23, 1885, sought to renounce their tribal
status and take up homesteading on public land as private citizens.
This was a particularly astute request, and one that the Ollero had
made frequently over the preceding fifteen years, or whenever the matter
of relocation was raised. The Ollero were well aware of current events un-
 Introduction | 3

folding in Washington, citing the Dawes Severalty Act, which would make
them free citizens of the United States, and were claiming these rights in
anticipation of the new law, which came into effect in 1887. Citizen­ship
had very little to do with “living like the white man” but instead refer-
enced nearly two centuries of Jicarilla occupation of the northern Río
Grande living alongside settled Hispanic and Pueblo communities.
General Miles promised to look into the matter, leaving the Jicarilla
in the care of Colonel Benjamin H. Grierson and the Buffalo Soldiers of
the 10th Calvary. But the Ollero could not wait. Sensing that their situa-
tion might be shifting, Vigil and the other headmen raced back to Mes-
calero to rescue the remaining Ollero, who had refused to leave without
their children. On November 16, under the cover of night and in a violent
snowstorm, they broke into the agency school, grabbed the children from
their beds, and cut the telegraph lines to Fort Stanton as they left. The
Mescalero children never uttered a sound. By dawn, another one hundred
Apaches were on the loose, but these families were not fleeing to an iso-
lated mountain stronghold. They rode north for the heart of the Chama
Valley settlements — ​to the Río del Oso below Abiquiú — ​and that is where
they intended to stay. When Grierson’s interpreter caught up with them
on the road, they insisted they would sooner die in the Chama among
friends than go back to their Mescalero kin. Ross and Miles faced a dif-
ficult situation. Sympathy for the plight of the Jicarilla, who had always
lived among the settlements, was growing, and the J­icarilla were using
delay tactics and passive resistance to elevate their cause. Meanwhile,
Washington officials were unresponsive and powerless to block the spe-
cial interests of local elites who wanted the Jicarilla lands for themselves­.
Three months passed uneasily, but the matter was finally settled. On
February 11, 1887, three days after the Dawes Act became law, the Jicarilla
Apache Reservation was established by the executive order of President
Grover Cleveland. By June, the remaining four hundred members of the
tribe, all Llanero, were gathered up from Mescalero, and the Jicarilla set
off for their new home. The Dulce reservation was well outside the settled
lands of the Chama Valley, but then again, what choice did the Jicarilla
have? For some, the location was an acceptable compromise. The J­ icarilla
were the last Native American tribe in the United States to be perma-
nently settled on a reservation as part of the Indian Appropriations Act
of 1851 and Ulysses S. Grant’s controversial “peace policies” of the 1860s.
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