Autumn In New York

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.
καὶ χαλκοκτύπων βόμβοις βρεμού* Bartoli and Bellori, Lucerne
Antiche, 1692, fol. 23; Pacichelli, de Tintinnabulo Nolano 1693, pp.
9, 10 (J. J. Raven).
 —65] NOTES. - IOI σας ἀντίχερσι κυμβάλων. The τύμπανον
is often represented in works of ancient art, and may be seen in the
vase-painting from the Museum at Naples, which supplies one of the
illustrations in the introduction to this volume (p. xxxii, cf. p. 85). 60.
The scene is laid before the palace of Pentheus.—#s ὁρᾷ, ‘may come
and see.’ 62. πτυχάς] an expressive word for the ‘glens’ or ‘rifted
sides’ of Cithaeron. The wind-swept mountain-clefts are called
πτύχες ἠνεμόεσσαι in the Iliad (11, 77), and ἐν πολυπτύχῳ χθονὶ is
applied in /ph. T. 677, to the rugged region of Phocis. πτυχάς (from
πτυχή, which is certainly the form used by Eur. in lines 797, 1219,
and in other plays where πτυχαῖς occurs), is Elmsley’s correction for
πτύχας, from πτύξ. Mr Paley rightly remarks that ‘an undoubted
instance of the final -yas made long before a vowel would be an
evidence of some weight’; the evidence which he seeks may be
found in ’ Soph. fragm. 150, where γραμμάτων πτυχὰς (MS πτύχας)
ἔχων closes an iambic line. 64. ᾿Ασίας] Though Asia has here a wider
meaning than in the Homeric poems, it is interesting to notice that
south and west of the very Tmolus mentioned in the next line, lay
the old ‘ Asian meadow, around the streams of Cayster’ (Il. 2, 461).
— On Tmolus, see notes on lines 55 and 154. 65. Qodtw Βρομίῳ
πόνον ἡδύν] ‘In Bromius’ honour I ply in haste my pleasant task, my
toilless toil, the Bacchic god adoring.’ θοάζειν (θοός, θέω) almost
always means ‘to speed,’ and like its English equivalent is sometimes
intransitive, as in line 218, ἐν δὲ δασκίοις ὄρεσι θοάζειν, Tro. 307
(and 349), μαινὰς Boater δεῦρο Κασσάνδρα Spozm,—sometimes
transitive, as here and 7291}. 7.1141, 0. πτέρυγας, and Herc. Fur.
382, 6. σῖτα γένυσιν. One objection to following Elmsley in making it
intransitive in the present passage, is that πόνον ἡδὺν κάματόν τ᾽
εὐκάματον thereby becomes an acc. of general apposition, and such
a construction, however common in Euripides, is usualiy more briefly
expressed and generally comes at the very end of the sentence,
whereas here it would be followed by the words Βάκχιον εὐαζομένα
[θεόν]. The word appears to be used as equivalent to θάσσειν in
Soph. O. T. 2, ἕδρας Ooagere, and Aesch. Suppl. 595, and if the
double
 102 ΘΟ [65 sense of ‘speeding’ and ‘resting’ is to be
allowed, the word is almost as puzzling to ourselves as our own
‘fast,’ used of running fast as well as standing fast, is to a foreigner;
with this difference, however, that in our English word the notion of
firmness and closeness passes off into that of steady swiftness ; in
the Greek the word that almost invariably indicates rapidity of
movement seems conversely to be used in a very exceptional sense
of rest. (Buttmann assumes a double root, while Hermann
endeavours to bring the exceptions under the same sense as that in
ordinary use.)—For the dat. Βρομίῳ, cf. 195, 494, and esp. Helen.
1364, βακχεύουσά τ᾽ ἔθειρα Bpopio.— Tévov ἥdiv κάματόν τ᾽
εὐκάματον is a ‘labour of love.’ So in the Zempest Ul i, There be
some sports are painful, and their labour, Delight in them sets
off...These sweet thoughts do even refresh my labours. 68—71. The
chorus solemnly preface their praise of the \Bacchic mysteries by
warning all profane persons to depart, whether in the highway or in
the hall, and by calling for solemn silence. Thus Callimachus begins
his hymn to Apollo with the words, οἷον 6 τὠπόλλωνος ἐσείσατο
δάφνινος ὅρπηξ, οἷα δ᾽ ὅλον τὸ μέλαθρον᾽ ἑκάς, ἑκάς, ὅστις ἀλιτρός.
Cf. the opening of the μυστῶν χορός in Ar. Ranae, a play of about
the same date as the present, 355, εὐφημεῖν χρὴ κἀξίστασθαι τοῖς
ἡμετέροισι χοροῖσιν ὅστις ἄπειρος τοιῶνδε λόγων, ἢ γνώμῃ μὴ
καθαρεύει, ἢ γενναίων ὄργια Μουσῶν μήτ᾽ εἶδεν μήτ᾽ ἐχύρευσεν.-
-69. στόμα τ᾽ εὔφημον, «.7.A.] ‘hushed be every lip to holy silence.’
For the proleptic epithet, cf. Aesch. Ag. 1247, εὔφημον ὦ τάλαινα
κοίμησον στόμα ; for the sense, Zt. 1039, εὐφαμεῖτε πανδαμί, and
Horace’s favete linguis.—T0. τὰ νομισθέντα ἀεί] ‘in ever wonted
wise.’ For the neuter plural adverbially used, cf. 157, eva. Hermann
accepts the conjecture of Jacobs, evot for αἰεί, and calls it Praeclara
αἴσχεα haud dubie vera..1d ipsum est τὸ νομισθέν, εὐοῖ clamari. αἰεί
guidemt neque cum τὰ νομισθέντα, negue cum ὑμνήσω, apte
coniungt potest. 1 confess I see little difficulty in either of the last
alternatives, and the wild exclamation evoi, proposed by Hermann,
strikes one as out of keeping with the quiet composure that ought to
mark an exordium, though quite
 —72] NOTES. 103 in place in later parts of the chorus (141,
157), when the enthusiasm of the audience has already been raised
to a higher pitch of expectation.—The last word of the antistrophe is
doubtful ; ὑμνήσω cannot correspond in metre with the strophe
ending with ἀζομένα (or εὐαζομένα) [θεόν], unless the first syllable
is treated as short. Ina play of the same date, 24. Awl. 1573, the
MSS give us ᾿Αγαμέμνων, which is corrected by the editors; but
there is little difficulty in such a case as that last quoted, or in
pepνῆσθαι (Aesch. Pers. 287), as compared with the violence done
to the organs of speech in the endeavour to pronounce v short
before a combination of » and v; ὕμνωδεϊ in Aesch. Ag. 900 is Open
to grave suspicion, and is altered by Mr Davies into μονωδεῖ.
evvpvos is quoted from Epicharmus, 69. In the passage in Pindar
Vem. ΤΥ 83 (135), the first syllable of ὕμνος need not be short; and
if it were, we should have to assume that Pindar, who makes the
first syllable of ὕμνος and its derivatives long about fifty times,
breaks the rule in a single instance (cf. Mr Tyrrell’s δεύτεραι
φροντίδες). It seems best therefore to suppose, with Hermann, that
ὑμνήσω is a marginal explanation of some such word as κελαδήσω,
which has accidentally found its way into the text. . If, however, θεὸν
be omitted in the strophe, it is probable that the antistrophe ended
with an anapaest, such as κελαδῶ (Nauck). 72—17. This is one of
the many passages which ascribe a special happiness to those who
are blessed in the full fruition of divine mysteries. The reference in
the present instance (as in lines 469—474) is mainly to the sacred
rites of Dionysus, but the plural θεῶν proves that a wider meaning is
also intended, and that the Eleusinian mysteries of Demeter are not
excluded. Several similar passages (Hom. hymn. ad Cerer. 480,
Pindar Jragm, 102, Soph. /ragm. 719, are quoted at length in a note
on Isocr. Paneg. ὃ 28, τὴν τελετὴν (of Demeter) ἧς of μετασχόντες
περί τε τῆς βίου τελευτῆς καὶ τοῦ σύμπαντος αἰῶνος ἡδίους Tas
ἐλπίδας ἔχουσιν. ΤῸ {Π656 may be added Ar. Ranae, 455 (χορὸς
μυστῶν), μόνοις γὰρ ἡμῖν ἥλιος καὶ φέγγος ἱλαρόν ἐστιν, ὅσοι
μεμυήμεθ᾽ εὐσεβῆ τε διήγομεν τρόπον, Plato Phaedo, 69 C, ὃς ἂν
ἀμύητος καὶ ἀτέλεστος εἰς ἽΔιδου ἀφίκηται ἐν βορβόρῳ κείσεται, ὁ
δὲ κεκαθαρμένος τε καὶ
 104 BACCHAE. [72 τετελεσμένος ἐκεῖσε ἀφικόμενος μετὰ
θεῶν οἰκήσει. εἰσὶ yap δή, φασὶν οἱ περὶ τὰς τελετάς, ναρθηκοφόροι
μὲν πολλοί, βάκχοι δέ τε παῦροι, Rep. p. 365 init., Antisthenes ap.
Diogen. Laert. VI 4, μυούμενός ποτε τὰ ᾿Ορφικά, τοῦ ἱερέως
εἰπόντος ὅτι of ταῦτα μυούμενοι πολλῶν ἀγαθῶν ἐν ἅδου
μετίσχουσι, τί οὖν, ἔφη, οὐκ ἀποθνήσκεις (other references may be
found in Lenormant’s mozo0graphie de lavote sacrée Eleusinienne,
1864, 1 pp. 58—62). The most masterly book written in modern
times on the ancient mysteries is Lobeck’s Aglaofhamus, which may
be referred to with advantage as a wholesome corrective to the
fanciful theories of our own Warburton and others. 72. ὦ μάκαρ,
ὅστις εὐδαίμων, κιτ.λ.} For the juxtaposition of these almost
synonymous terms, cf. 911, Theognis 1013, ὦ μάκαρ εὐδαίμων te
καὶ ὄλβιος, Cebetis tabula, caps. 2, 12, 13, and esp. Plato’s
Phaedrus, 250 B, σὺν εὐδαίμονι χορῷ μακαρίαν ὄψιν τε καὶ
Oéay...ciSov καὶ ἐτελοῦντο τῶν τελετῶν ἣν θέμις λέγειν
μακαριωτάτην...εὐδαίμονα φάσματα pvovpevor. 74. βιοτὰν ἁγισ'
τεύει] Cf. the interesting fragment of the Κρῆτες of Euripides, 475,
10—20, preserved by Porphyry de adstinentia, where a Baxxos
describes his life of consecration to the worship of Zeus, Dionysus
Zagreus, and Cybele (it will also serve to illustrate other passages in
this play, references to which are here added) ; ἁγνὸν δὲ βίον
τείνομεν, ἐξ οὗ | Διὸς ᾿Ιδαίου μύστης γενόμην | καὶ νυκτιπόλου
(486) Ζαγρέως (1192) βροντὰς (σπονδὰς Lobeck) | τάς T
ὠμοφάγους δαῖτας (139) τελέσας | μητρί τ᾽ ὀρείῳ δᾷδας ἀνασχών, |
καὶ Κουρήτων (120) βάκχος ἐκλήθην ὁσιωθείς. 15. θιασεύεται
ψυχάν] i.e. ‘joins the Bacchic revel-band in very soul.’ The active
form occurs in 379.— 78. Cf. 59 and 129. The metre is zozic a
minore and Κυβέλας must accordingly be treated as metrically
equivalent to two long syllables ; dp- | -yia Κυβελᾶς | θεμιτεύων | ;
cf. 398, δέ τις ἂν peya- | -Aa διώκων | .* 81. κισσῷ στεφανωθείς)
Ivy was used in the worship of Dionysus not only because it could
easily be made into wreaths, but also because its leaf is sufficiently
like that of the vine to allow of its being used instead, without
stripping the vine. Besides, as an evergreen it could be used at times
of the year when the vine itself was not in leaf, ὁ ποθῶν χειμῶνος
ὥρᾳ τὸν ἀπὸ * 80. For the ¢mesis, cf. the corresponding line of the
antistrophe (96), and 126.
 ἘΞ 88] NOTES. 105 τῆς ἀμπέλου στέφανον, ws ἐκείνην
ἑώρα γυμνὴν καὶ ἄφυλλον, ἀγαπῆσαι (δοκεῖ μοι) τὴν ὁμοιότητα τοῦ
κιττοῦ, Plutarch Sym. 1 2. The very cradle of the infant god is
described as having been garlanded with ivy, Phoen. 651, κισσὸς ὃν
περιστεφὴς ἑλικτὸς εὐθὺς ἔτι βρέφος χλοηφόροισιν ἔρνεσιν
κατασκίοισιν ὀλβίσας ἐνώτισεν, Ovid Fasti, 3, 767, cur hedera cincta
est? hedera est gratissima Baccho... Nysiades nymphae puerum
quaerente noverca (sc. Hera), hanc frondem cunts apposuere novis.
In Plutarch Symp. III I, 3, ΠΙ 2, there is a discussion over the wine,
as to whether the ivy-wreath was invented by Dionysus to cool the
over-heated brows of his votaries, στεφανοῦσθαι διδάξαι τοὺς
βακχεύοντας, ὡς ἧττον ὑπὸ τοῦ οἴνου ἀνιῷντο, τοῦ κιττοῦ
κατασβεννύντος τὴν μέθην τῇ ψυχρότητι. However that may be, it
was one of the primitive emblems of the god, and he was even
worshipped under the name of Κισσὸς at Acharnae (Pausanias 1,
31,3). Hence too such epithets as κισσοκόμης in the Homeric hymns,
26, 1, and φιλοκισσοφόρος in Cycl. 620; cf. Ovid &., 6, 483, Bacche
racemiferos hedera redimite capillos.—| Vide ne rescribendum sit
orepave τε, ut κισσῷ glossena sit] Shilleto, adv. 84. Βρόμιον] A name
descriptive of Dionysus as the god of boisterous merriment; in the
Homeric hymns 25, 8—ro, the account of the infant god ‘roaming
through the wooded glens, wreathed with ivy and laurel and
attended by the nymphs that nursed him,’ closes with the words
βρόμος δ᾽ ἔχεν ἄσπετον ὕλην. 85. κατάγουσαι] ‘bringing ome.’ See
Ar. Ranae 1152—65, and Eur. Jed. 1015—6. 87. εὐρυχόρους ἀγυιάς]
Pind. Pyzh. 8, 77, and oracle quoted Dem. Meid. p. 531, 7,
μεμνῆσθαι Βάκχοιο καὶ εὐρυχόρους κατ᾽ ἀγυιάς, k.t.X.,—the epithet
is even used of a district (Elis), in the Odyssey, 4, 635. It has been
supposed that it is only a poetic form for εὐρύχωρος, but it is often
used with a conscious reference to χορὸς in the sense of a ‘place for
dancing’; here, of the ‘ wide-squared’ Grecian towns, with open
‘places’ for the dance. This is the only passage where the word
occurs in Tragedy. 88. ἔχουσ᾽ ἐν ὠδίνων λοχίαις ἀνάγκαισι] For
ἔχουσα cf. Herod. v 41 (first quoted by Matthiae), καὶ ἡ προτέρη
γυνὴ τὸν
 106 BACCHAE. [88 πρότερον χρόνον ἄτοκος ἐοῦσα τότε
κῶς ἐκύησε, συντυχίῃ ταύτῃ χρησαμένη" ἔχουσαν δὲ αὐτὴν ἀληθέϊ
λόγῳ οἱ τῆς ἐπελθούσης γυναικὸς οἰκήϊοι πυθόμενοι ὄχλεον. The
whole sentence may be turned as follows : ‘Whom erst, when flew
the bolt of Zeus, his mother, great with child in sorest pangs,
brought forth untimely, slain herself beneath the stroke of thunder.’
94. λοχίοις--θαλάμαις, κιτ.λ.] ‘and anon, unto hollow recesses of
child-birth, Zeus son of Cronos received him.’ θαλάμαι refers
metaphorically to the thigh of Zeus, as appears by the next line. For
the application of the word to cavities of the body, cf. Aristotle περὶ
ὕπνου § 3, τῶν ἐν τῇ καρδίᾳ ἑκατέρας τῆς θαλάμης κοινὴ ἡ μέση. If,
however, we retain the manuscript reading, θαλάμοις, we may
render: ‘at once, in the very chamber of birth” 96. κατὰ μηρῷ
καλύψας, k.t.A.] see 286 ff. Hence the epithet μηροτραφὴς (Strabo
xv p. 687) and εἰραφιώτης (Homeric hymn 26, Azth. Pal. 1X 524, 26,
and Orphic hymn quoted below).—xptcéatrw, [sic χρύσεα (vel
χρυσέαν) 372. vid. Elmsl. ad Med, 618] Shilleto, adv. 99. ἔτεκεν δ᾽,
ἁνίκα Μοῖραι τέλεσαν] ‘But, when the Fates had matured the babe,
the father brought forth the bullhorned god.’ For Μοῖραι τέλεσαν, cf.
Pindar Pyth. U1 9, πρὶν τελέσσαι (of the mother) ματριπόλῳ σὺν
᾿Ἐλειθυίᾳ, and OZ. VI 42, where ’EXevo and the Μοῖραι assist at the
birth of Iamos, and XI 52, ἐν πρωτογόνῳ τελετᾷ παρέσταν Μοῖραι
(at the foundation of the Olympic games). Orph. Hymn. 48 (47), ὃς
Βάκχον Διόνυσον. ἐρίβρομον εἰραφιώτην μηρῷ ἐγκατέραψας ὅπως
τετελεσμένος ἔλθοι μησὶ περιπλομένοις καί μιν ταχέως ἐκόμισσας
Ὑμῶλον ἐς ἠγάθεον. So Nonnus 45, 99 calls him ἡμιτέλεστον, and
Lucian I, 530, ἡμιτελής ; cf. Ovid F. 3, 717, puer ut posses maturo
tempore nasct, expletum patrio corpore matris onus. From the
double birth of Dionysus, we have him called διμήτωρ (Orph. Hymn.
49, 13 51,9; d¢mater in Ovid Met. Iv, 12), δισσότοκος (Nonnus I, 4).
100. ταυρόκερων θεόν] Dionysus is often represented in literature
and sometimes also in works of art, either with horns on his head or
even in the form of a bull. See esp. 920—922, 1017, 1159, with the
engravings illustrating those passages. Soph.
 —102| NOTES. 107 Sragm. 94, τὴν βεβακχιωμένην βροτοῖσι
κλεινὴν Νύσσαν (556) ἣν ὃ βουκέρως Ἴακχος αὑτῷ μαῖαν ἡδίστην
τρέφει. So also he has elsewhere the epithets ταυρωπὸς (lon Chius,
ap. Athen. 11 2), Booxpaipos (Nonnus 45, 250), κέραος and
χρυσοκέρως (Anth. Pal. TX 524), which last exactly corresponds to
Horace’s description of him as aureo cornu decorus (Carm. 2, 19,
30). Cf. esp. Plutarch Quaest. Graecae, 36, “διὰ τί τὸν Διόνυσον ai
τῶν Ἠλείων γυναῖκες ὑμνοῦσαι παρακαλοῦσι βοέῳ ποδὶ παραγίνεσθαι
πρὸς αὐτάς; ἔχει δ᾽ οὕτως ὁ ὕμνος" ἐλθεῖν, ἥρω Διόνυσε, ἅλιον ἐς
ναὸν ἁγνόν, σὺν χαρίτεσσιν ἐς ναὸν τῷ βοέῳ ποδὶ θύων. εἶτα δὶς
ἐπάδουσιν᾽ ἄξιε ταῦρε!"- - πότερον ὅτι καὶ βουγενῆ
προσαγορεύουσιν καὶ ταῦρον ἔνιοι τὸν θεόν; id. de Lside et Osiride,
35, ταυρόμορφα Διονύσου ποιοῦσιν ἀγάλματα πολλοὶ τῶν "Ἑλλήνων,
κιτιλ. Athenaeus XI 51, p- 476 (of Dionysus) ἐν δὲ Κυζίκῳ καὶ
ταυρόμορφος ἵδρυται. A fine representation of this kind has been
found at Athens, over the monument of a person named Dionysus
(F. Lenormant, voze sacrée Eleusinienne, 1 p. 66). Besides the gem
figured in illustration of line 1159, there is another representing the
Dionysiac bull carrying the three Graces between his horns
(MiillerWieseler, II xxxiii 383). 102. ἔνθεν ἄγραν θηρότροφον
Μαινάϑδες ἀμφιβάλλονται πλοκάμοις] ‘whence it is that the Maenads
fling around their hair the wild serpents of their prey,’ i.e. capture
wild serpents to fling around their hair. ἄγραν has thus a predicative
force. θυρσοφόροι (from the Laurentian MS at Florence) was the
common reading up to the time of Mr Tyrrell’s edition which was the
first to give an improved text by accepting @nporpodov, proposed
by (Musgrave and) Mr 5. Allen, and founded on the reading of the
other Ms (the Palatine), θηροτρόφοι. We thus get rid of a merely
conventional epithet and obtain an appropriate adjective to help out
the meaning of ἄγραν, which Hermann tried to explain by supplying
δρακόντων from the previous clause. The serpent slain by Cadmus,
whose teeth produced the famous crop of armed warriors, is called
in the Poe. 820, θηροτρόφου φοινικολόφοιο δράκοντος. θηροτρόφος
in an active sense occurs in 556, πόθι Νύσης τᾶς θηροτρόφου
θυρσοφορεῖς θιάσους, and in the present passage the confusion may
possibly have arisen from an earlier
 108 BACCHAE. [102 MS having had a marginal quotation of
the parallel just cited which led to θυρσοφόροι, suggested by the
margin, finding its way into the text and taking the place of
@nporpopov (Mr Tyrrell’s zztrod. xi)—This is perhaps the only
passage where the infant Dionysus is described as entwined with
serpents; one of the god’s transformations alluded to later in the
play (1019), is his appearing as a πολύκρανος δράκων; while the
references to his Maenad votaries twining snakes in their hair, and
allowing them to curl around their limbs, are common enough: see
zz/fra 698 and 768. Thus Clemens Alexandrinus (protrept. 1 p. 72
Migne) refers to Βάκχοι ἀνεστεμμένοι τοῖς ὄφεσιν; Philostratus
(zmagines, 1 § 18) mentions ὄφεις ὀρθοὶ among the accessories of
his picture of the Bacchic revels on Cithaeron; Plutarch writes as
follows of the mother of Alexander the Great, ἡ δὲ ᾿Ολυμπιὰς μᾶλλον
ἑτέρων ζηλώσασα τὰς κατοχὰς καὶ τοὺς ἐνθουσιασμοὺς ἐξάγουσα
βαρβαρικώτερον ὄφεις μεγάλους χειροήθεις ἐφείλκετο τοῖς θιάσοις,
of πολλάκις ἐκ τοῦ κιττοῦ καὶ τῶν μυστικῶν λίκνων παραναδυόμενοι
καὶ περιελιττόμενοι τοῖς θύρσοις τῶν γυναικῶν καὶ τοῖς στεφάνοις
ἐξέπληττον τοὺς ἄνδρας (Alex. 2); and Lucian, Dionysus § 4, says of
the battle with the Indians, αἱ Μαινάδες σὺν ὀλολυγῇ ἐνεπήδησαν
αὐτοῖς δρακόντας ὑπεζωσμέναι κἀκ τῶν θύρσων ἄκρων
ἀπογυμνοῦσαι τὸν σίδηρον. CF. Catullus LXIv 258, pars sese tortis
serpentibus incingebat, pars obscura cavis celebrabant orgia cistis;
Hor. Carm. 2, 19, 19, nodo coerces viperino Bistonidum sine fraude
crines. In works of ancient art this characteristic of the Maenads is
seldom represented; an example however is engraved in illustration
of this passage. The serpent was an important element in the mystic
worship of Dionysus and is often represented in reliefs and coins
creeping out of a half-opened basket, the césta mystica, thus,
frequently in Bacchic scenes on sarcophagi, Pan kicks open the
ces¢a and the snake emerges (e.g. Miiller-Wieseler, 11, XXXV 412);
and on the coins of the kingdom of Pergamus known as c?s¢ophori
(which, as they were not struck till 200 years after the time of
Euripides, are cited here not as a contemporary illustration but
simply to shew the wide prevalence of the association of the serpent
with the mysteries of
 —107]| NOLES. 109 Dionysus as well as those of Demeter),
we see on the one side, surrounded with a wreath of ivy, the césta
mystica of Dionysus, half open, with a serpent creeping out of it; on
the other the car of Demeter drawn by serpents. It is the serpent
twined about the sleeping nymph figured in illustration of line 683
that has led to her being identified as a resting Bacchante ; and the
czs¢a and serpent may be seen in the gem engraved below. 105.
Thebes, which is here called upon to wear the livery of the god, is
similarly personified in Seneca, Oedipus 407—12, effusam redimite
comam nutante corymbo mollia Nysaets armatae bracchia
thyrsis...nobiles Thebae.—On the ivy, see 81 ἢ. 107. χλοήρει μίλακι
καλλικάρπῳ] Theophrastus, Azst. plant. ΠΙ 18, 11, immediately after
describing the ivy, goes on to describe the saz/ax as follows: ἡ δὲ
σμῖλαξ ἐστι μὲν ἐπαλλόκαυλον (a creeper), ὁ δὲ καυλὸς ἀκανθώδης
καὶ ὥσπερ ὀρθάκανθος, τὸ δὲ φύλλον κιττῶδες μικρὸν ἀγώνιον.
(After describing the ribs of the leaves, the joints of the stalk, and
also the tendrils, he continues) ἄνθος δὲ λευκὸν καὶ evades λείρινον᾽
τὸν δὲ καρπὸν ἔχει προσεμφερῆ τῷ στρύχνῳ (nightshade) καὶ τῷ
μηλώθρῳ (bryony) καὶ μάλιστα τῇ καλουμένῃ σταφυλῇ aypia...o δὲ
καρπὸς ἐρυθρός. To the same effect Pliny Mat. A/zs¢. xv1 63, who
closely follows Theophrastus ; szmzlis est hederae, e Cilicia primum
guidem profecta, sed in Graecia frequentior,...densis geniculata
caulibus, spinosis frutectosa ramts, folio hederaceo, parvo, non
anguloso, a pediculo emittente pampinos, flore candido, olente
 IIo BACCHAE. [107 lilium. This description corresponds
exactly with the appearance of the plant called the s7zz/ax aspera as
figured in Sibthorp’s Flora Graeca, vol. X (1840) p. 49 plate 959,
where it is identified with the σμῖλαξ τραχεῖα of Dioscorides and its
modern Greek name is said to be ἀκρουδόβατος, while in Cyprus it is
known as the ξυλόβατος. It grows abundantly in marshy places and
also on rough ground in Greece and the Archipelago, and in Crete as
well as Cyprus. Like ivy, it is an evergreen creeper with a dark-green
leaf of leathery texture : it bears small white starry flowers with pink
stalks, growing in clusters at the tips of the spray ; the berries are of
a bright scarlet. The stem and the slightly prominent points of the
leaves are in some specimens prickly, in others smooth, having in
the latter case caules Sere inermes...folia ommino inermia, to quote
the words of Lindley, who edited the later volumes of Sibthorp’s
great work, and who also says, foliorum forma necnon aculeorum
praesentia et abundantid variare videtur. (In December, 1881, I
frequently saw it growing in rich profusion along the Riviera,
mantling the hedges with its dark leaves of glossy green. A large
coloured photograph by Guidi of San Remo gives a faithful
representation of its bright foliage and its brilliantly scarlet berries.)
Thus we may safely identify the μῖλαξ of the passage now before us
with the swzzlax aspera as above described ; the brightness of its
berries at once explains the epithet καλλίκαρπος, its clustering
flowers account for the epithet ἀνθεσφόρος in 1. 703, and its
resemblance to ivy would specially commend it to the votaries of
Dionysus. It is probably the same plant that is meant in the pleasant
picture, in the Vues 1007, of the young athlete running races
beneath the sacred olives of Academe, στεφανωσάμενος καλάμῳ
λευκῷ μετὰ σώφρονος ἡλικιώτου, σμίλακος ὄζων καὶ ἀπραγμοσύνης
καὶ λεύκης φυλλοβολούσης, ἦρος ἐν opa χαίρων ὁπόταν πλάτανος
πτελέᾳ ψιθυρίῳ. Again, in Aelian’s charming description of the pass
of Tempe, while ivy like the finest vines (δίκην τῶν εὐγενῶν
ἀμπέλων) entwines itself about the lofty trees, it is the svzz/ax which
mantles the rocky walls of the ravine (πολλὴ δὲ σμῖλαξ, ἡ μὲν πρὸς
αὐτὸν τὸν πάγον ἀνατρέχει καὶ ἐπισκιάζει τὴν πέτραν, Varia Historia
 —109] NOTES. ἘΠῚ ll 1). It is not found in the British Isles;
the plant that perhaps most closely resembles it in our own Flora is
the Black Bryony, which belongs to the closely allied order of
Dzoscoreae, and (as it happens) derives its name (referring to the
quick growth of the stems) from the very same verb (βρύειν) that is
here used of the syz/ax. For purposes of translation we must either
naturalise the word smz/ax or be content with an approximate
rendering such as ‘burst forth, burst forth with the green bright-
berried bryony.’—This explanation is, I venture to think, better than
the conjecture given in Liddell and Scott which makes it the σμῖλαξ
λεία and identifies the latter with the bindweed or common
convolvulus (calystegia sepium), which is too delicate and withers
too soon to be suitable for a wreath, and certainly cannot be called
καλλίκαρπος. The same name is also sometimes given to the yew
(¢axus baccata), and Mr Paley so understands it in the present
passage. But its berries, though as bright as those of the swzlax
aspera, were supposed by the ancients to be poisonous ; it would
lend itself less readily than the latter for the purpose of twining into
wreaths; and its foliage, being unlike that of the ivy, and being also
of too gloomy a hue, would make it less attractive to the merry
Bacchant*. 109. καταβακχιοῦσθε] ‘Make a very Bacchanal of thyself’
amid branches of oak and fir. On the analogy of verbs in -όω
(δηλοῦν, δουλοῦν, ἐρημοῦν -- δηλόν, δοῦλον, ἔρημον ποιεῖν),
βακχιοῦν means βάκχον ποιεῖν, and the simple verb is here used
with the intensifying preposition κατὰ (as in κατάδηλος, ‘very plain’)
in the ordinary sense of the middle voice, ‘make a very Bacchanal of
thyself.’ This seems better than Lobeck’s interpretation of
καταβακχιοῦσθαι as coronari (quoting Hesych. βακχᾶν᾽
ἐστεφανῶσθαι); his other quotation is more to the point, and is quite
as consistent with the sense above given, as with his own view:
Schol. on Ar. Eg. 409, βάκχον od τὸν Διόνυσον μόνον ἐκάλουν ἀλλὰ
καὶ τοὺς τελοῦντας τὰ ὄργια, Kat τοὺς κλάδους οὗς οἱ μύσται
φέρουσι, after which follows a line from the comic poet Xenophanes
(as emended by Lobeck), ἑστᾶσιν δ᾽ ἐλατῶν πυκινοὶ περὶ δώματα
βάκχοι, where the ἐλατῶν βάκχοι correspond to the ἐλάτας κλάδοι of
the text (A glaophamus p. 308, comm. on * Land 5, ed. 1883, quote
me as ‘connecting’ the σμῖλαξ τραχεῖα with our Black Bryony. I only
state that they closely resemble one another.
 112 BACCHAE. [109 Ajax 1. 847). Cf. 221. A. 1058, ἀνὰ δ᾽
ἐλάταισι (Hes. Scut. 188, ἐλάτας ἐν χερσὶν ἔχοντες) στεφανώδει τε
χλόᾳ θίασος ἔμολεν ... Κενταύρων (quoted by Wecklein).—Liddell
and Scott wrongly render, ‘in oak leaves ye rave with Bacchic rage.’
The oak and fir are doubtless mentioned because of their being (as
already stated on 1. 38) the common trees of Cithaeron (cf. 684,
ἐλάτης φόβην and 685, δρυὸς φύλλοισι). In 703, the Bacchanals
wreathe themselves with crowns of oak-leaves as well as ivy and
szzlax, and in 1103, branches of oak are used to prise up the fir-tree
on which Pentheus had climbed to spy out the revellers. Herodotus
(IX 31) tells us of a pass of Cithaeron, called Oak-Heads, Apvos
κεφαλαί. 111. στικτῶν ἐνδυτὰ νεβρίδων στέφετε λευκοτρίχων
πλοκάμων μαλλοῖς) ‘Fringe thy livery of dappled fawnskins with
woolly tufts of silvery tresses.’ The Bacchanals appear to have used
tufts of wool or strips of goat’s hair to trim their fawnskins and set
off their natural colour. Much of the difficulty felt by early editors is
excellently cleared up by Lobeck on Ajax 1. 847, p- 375,
‘significatur...insertio penicillorum (‘tufts’) diversicolorum, quibus
hodieque pelliones mastrucas (‘skins’) distinguere solent.’ Cf. Tacitus,
Germ. 17, eligunt feras et detracta velamina spargunt maculis
pellibusque beluarum quas exterior Oceanus atgue ignotum mare
gignit (ermine spots are thus imitated in the manufacture of furs into
muffs, tippets, &c.) : and Hdt. Iv 109, θηρία τῶν τὰ δέρματα περὶ
τὰς σισύρας παραρράπτεται. Claudian again (de guarto cons. Honor.
228) describes the fawn-skin of Bacchus as bespangled with pearls,
Zxythraezs intextis nebride gemmis Liber agit currus. But, while
using these illustrations, we need not assume that in the present
passage the fawnskins were studded with artificial spots, as this
would give orépere a sense which it can hardly bear; it is enough to
understand a /rizge or trimming, which that word may very well
express. According to Miiller, Anczent Art ὃ 386, 5, the ‘roe-skin
covered with tufts of wool, is also to be recognised on vases.’ For the
use of wool in sacred rites cf. Aesch. Eu. 45, ἐλάας ὑψιγέννητον
κλάδον Anver μεγίστῳ σωφρόνως ἐστεμμένὸν ἀργῆτι μαλλῷ.
 —113] NOTES. 117 λευκοτρίχων πλοκάμων μαλλοῖς
presents some difficulty ; there would be little awkwardness in the
apparent combination of ‘hair’ and ‘wool,’ in the first and last words
of the phrase, as the compound λευκόθριξ need not mean much
more than λευκός ; but the addition of πλοκάμων makes it less easy
to get rid of the full meaning of the adjective ; and unless we
suppose that Euripides uses the three words as a condensed and
confused expression for tufts of wool and bunches of goat’s hair
combined, it is hard to make sense of the passage, especially as
πλόκαμος is not, so far as I can find, used elsewhere of the hair of
animals, but is constantly applied to the flowing locks of men and
still oftener of women. Reiske (who is followed by Mr Tyrrell)
proposes ποκάδων (sometimes said to mean ‘sheep,’ but only found
in the sense of ‘hair’ or ‘wool’ in Ar. Thesm. 567, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκποκιῶ σου
tas ποκάδας, which apparently means “11 tear your hair out, ‘give
you a good combing’). Elmsley suggests προβάτων, with misgivings,
as the word 15 never used in Euripides, nor indeed (he might have
added) by any of the Tragedians (though Strabo p. 784, speaking of
the Nabataean Arabs, says they have πρόβατα λευκότριχα). On the
whole, I think it best to regard μαλλοῖς as a metaphor taken from
tufts of wool and applied by an easy transition to bunches of hair,
and to understand λευκοτρίχων πλοκάμων, ‘ white-haired tresses, as
an ornamental phrase for the tufts of hair which the Bacchae may
have taken to trim their fawn-skins from the goats killed by them in
the chase. In 1. 139, αἷμα τραγοκτόνον is mentioned immediately
after the words, νεβρίδος ἔχων ἱερὸν ἐνδυτόν. (See further in
Supplementary Notes.) 113. ἀμφὶ νάρθηκας ὑβριστὰς ὁσιοῦσθε] ‘be
reverent in thy handling of the saucy (or ‘wanton’) ferule.’ The
vap6né was the light wand supplied by the pithy stem of the giant
fennel. It is the Latin /eru/a, of which Pliny x1 42 (cf. Theophr. //zs¢.
Plant. v1 2 8&7, 8) writes, mali fruticum levitas maior. ob id gestatu
facilis baculorum usum senectuti praebet; cf. Nonnus ΧΙ 354,
γηροκόμῳ νάρθηκι δέμας στηρίζετο βάκτρῳ, and Ovid Met. Iv 26. Its
lightness would make it very suitable for the female votaries of
Dionysus; and, if we adopt the notion naively sugSi Β. ὃ
 II4 BACCHAE. give: gested by Diodorus, IV p. 149, it was to
prevent serious consequences arising from the abuse of clubs on
occasions of boisterous merriment, that the god himself graciously
enjoined on his worshippers the use of the light and comparatively
harmless weapon (similarly Plutarch, Symp. 7, 10, 3, ὁ θεὸς τὸν
νάρθηκα τοῖς μεθύουσιν ἐνεχείρισε κουφότατον βέλος καὶ
μαλακώτατον ἀμυντήριον, ὅπως ἐπεὶ τάχιστα παίουσιν, ἥκιστα
βλάπτωσι). Tournefort (in his Voyage du Levant 1 p. 245, quoted by
Joddrell) says it grows plentifully in the island of Skinosa | Σίκινος,
one of the SAorades|——modern Greeks call it Nartheca; ‘it bears a
stalk five feet high, three inches thick, with a knot every ten inches,
branched at every knot and covered with a hard bark of two lines
thick: the hollow of the stalk is filled with a white marrow, which
when well dried catches fire just like a match.’ It was in the zarthex
that Prometheus stole the fire from heaven (Aesch. P. V. 109,
ναρθηκοπληρώτου πυρός, Hesiod Works and Days 52), cf. Phanias
Epigr. 2, πυρικοίταν νάρθηκα κροτάφων πλάκτορα νηπιάχων. Strictly
speaking, the νάρθηξ was different from the θύρσος, the former
being a plain light staff, the latter usually swathed with ivy, or
trimmed with ribbands, and armed with a sharp point capped with a
fir-cone. Eur. however in the course of the play sometimes uses the
words indifferently. Thus Cadmus has a νάρθηξ in line 251, which is
called a θύρσος three lines after; and in 1155 we have νάρθηξ
εὔθυρσος applied to the θύρσος of Pentheus (835, 941). 118. Cf.
1236, τὰς map’ ἱστοῖς ἐκλιποῦσα κερκίδας. 120. ‘O vaulted chamber
of the Curetes! O holy haunts of Crete, birth-place of Zeus; where, in
yon caves, the Corybantes, with helms of triple rim, first framed for
my joy this round timbrel of hide.’ According to Strabo, 10, 11 p.
468, the Curetes saved the infant Zeus from being devoured by his
father Cronos, by sounding the zym#fanum and other instruments,
and by martial and boisterous dances which drowned the cries of the
babe and prevented his being discovered. He suggests two
derivations for the name, ἤτοι διὰ τὸ νέοι καὶ κόροι (Cf. κοῦροι)
ὄντες ὑπουργεῖν ἢ διὰ τὸ κουροτροφεῖν τὸν Aia.—The common
tradition placed
 —r126| NOTES. 115 the home of the Curetes in Crete, and
that of the Corybantes in Phrygia, but Euripides in the present
passage clearly assigns the Corybantes also to Crete, and either
identifies them with the Curetes, or at any rate gives them a Cretan
origin. ‘The lore of the subject has been collected and discussed by
Lobeck, A glaophamus p. 1111—55 (esp. 1144, 1150, 1155), whose
conclusion is as follows: ‘satis confirmatum videtur Corybantum et
nomen et cultum ad sacra Phrygia pertinere, plurimumque interesse
inter hunc barbarum Κορυβαντισμὸν et Graecorum Cretensium
Κουρητισμὸν discriminis, quamvis Corybantes et Curetes a poetis et
mythographis propter generalem similitudinem saepe confusi sint.’
Cf. Lucr. ii 629, 633. Lobeck on Ajax 1. 847, p. 374, refers the epithet
τρικόρυθες, here used of the Corybantes, to the ‘triple rim of their
helmet which gave the effect of three helmets placed in succession
on - one another,’—not unlike the papal tiara. Strictly speaking, it
was the Curetes who wore a helmet, while the Corybantes wore a
κυρβασία or tiara (Hdt. v 49, 7; VII 62, 2); but they are here
confounded with each other, and the epithet properly applicable to
the former is thus transferred to the latter. In works of art the
Corybantes are represented as dancing not only around the infant
Zeus (according to the common legend), but also, in one instance,
around the new-born Dionysus (relief in the Vatican, copied in
Miiller-Wieseler 11 xxxv 412). The reading of the MSS is ἔνθα
τρικόρυθες ἐν ἄντροις. The metre is restored either (1) by writing
ἔνθα τρικόρυθες ἄντροις where ἄντροις is a dative of place, a
construction which except in the case of names of places is almost
confined to poetry, esp. Epic poetry, though it also occurs in
Sophocles and more frequently in Euripides and the Lyric poets; or
(2) by accepting Dobree’s conjecture τρικόρυθες ἔνθ᾽ ἐν ἄντροις.
126. βάκχια] is certainly harsh in sense, as it implies that, before the
Satyrs borrowed the zympanum from Rhea, to introduce it into the
worship of Dionysus, the sounds of that instrument could be called
Bacchic sounds, which would be a strong instance of a truly proleptic
epithet. Of βάκχιος Hermann says ‘rara omnino haec forma est, ubi
non de ipso Baccho aut vino 8—2
 116 BACECHAT: [126 usurpatur sed ut adiectivum additur
nominibus’;...‘verum qui Βάκχια aut τὰ Βάκχια dixerit, id ut Bacchica
sacra significaret, novi neminem.’ Further, he rejects the possibility of
taking ἀνὰ βάκχια together, in the sense ‘in the Bacchic rites’; and
even assuming its possibility, holds that such an anticipatory use of
the epithet is logically absurd. He rightly insists on taking ἀνὰ with
κέρασαν, Per tmesin; but it is difficult to follow him when in place of
βάκχια he conjectures βακχάδι, an adjective for which (as he admits)
there is no authority. If βάκχια is wrong, the text must have been
corrupted at an early date, as Strabo testifies to the reading βακχείῳ
in his very inaccurate quotation of parts of this chorus (10 p. 469).
συντόνῳ is also open to suspicion, as the meaning ‘intense,’
‘impetuous,’ ‘keen,’ is not quite in harmony with ἁδυβόᾳ ; and it is
possibly a corruption of τυμπάνων. The requirements of the sense
would be met by some such emendation as ava δ᾽ ἀράγματα
τυμπάνων κέρασαν ἁδυβόᾳ Φρυγίων αὐλῶν πνεύματι (cf. Eur. Cycl.
205). 129. κτύπον εὐάσμασι Βακχάν] put in apposition to
βυρσότονον κύκλωμα, ‘to sound in loud accord with the revel-shouts
of the Bacchae.’ Even here, as above in the manuscript reading
βάκχια, the reference to the βάκχαι seems premature, as it is not till
the next sentence that the passing of the tympanum into the
worship of Dionysus is described; but the present instance is less
harsh than the former; even ¢Aeve however, the harshness of the
frolepsis is to some extent softened by μοι (-ε ταῖς βάκχαις) in the
previous line. Cf. also 1.59, where the instrument is described as the
joint invention of Rhea and Dionysus. 131. ἐξανύσαντο, ‘won it for
their own,’ stronger than ἠνύσαντο, which means to ‘attain,’ ‘get at,’
as in Aesch. P. V. 700, χρείαν ἠνύσασθε. Liddell and Scott, less
adequately, explain it in the present passage as meaning ‘to gain
one’s end/*-cvvfay, not ἑαυτούς, ‘joined in the dance,’ but τὸ
τύμπανον, ‘wedded it (mingled it) with the dances of the triennial
festivals, which gladden Dionysus.’ τριετηρίδες, i.e. festivals
returning every other year, once in every cycle of two years, for this
is what the Greeks meant by a τριετηρίς (alternis annis, says
Macrobius, quoted on 306), just as the Olympic πενταετηρίς was
what we * Corrected in ed. 1883 :—‘ Med. to obtain, borrow.’
 —135] NOTES. πα should call a cycle of four full years. Ovid
F. 1, 393, festa corymbifert celebrabas Graecia Bacchi, tertia quae
solito tempore bruma refert,; Virg. Aen. IV 300, saevit tnops animz,
totamgue zucensa per urbem bacchatur,; gualis commotis excita
sacris Thyias, ubi audito stimulant trieterica Baccho orgia,
nocturnusgue vocat clamore Cithaeron. 135. ὅταν πέσῃ standing
without any subject is awkward, and the same objection applies to
εὖτ᾽ av. It is therefore not improbable that for ὅταν we should read
os ἂν (which has occurred to Kirchhoff and doubtless to others).
Even ἡδύς, though found in the sense of ‘well-pleased,’ ‘glad,’ in
Soph. O. 7. 82, and elsewhere, has been altered into ἦδος, voluptas
in montibus (Musgrave), and into ἡδύ γ᾽ (Dobree); the latter may be
supported by a fragment of the Avchelaus, a play so named out of -
compliment to the king at whose court the Bacchae was written,
frag. 265, ἔστι (+7 Meineke) καὶ παρὰ δάκρυσι κείμενον ἡδὺ
βροτοῖς, ὅταν ἄνδρα φίλον στενάχῃ τις ἐν οἴκῳ (vel οἴκτῳ), where
however it will be noticed that τις is expressed. A further extension
of Dobree’s conjecture was suggested by Dr Thompson, late Master
of Trinity College, adv γ᾽ ἐν ὄρεσιν ὃς av, which he supported by
Soph. fragm. 326, ἥδιστον δ᾽ ὅτῳ πάρεστι λῆψις ὧν ἐρᾷ καθ᾽
ἡμέραν. This is not open to the objection raised above, viz. the
absence of a subject to the verb πέσῃ. Hermann, who prints ἡδύς,
ἐν οὔρεσιν, ὅς τ᾽ ἂν..«πέσῃ πεδόσε, renders ‘laetitiae plenus est, in
montes, quique ex velocibus thiasis in campos se contulerit,’ thus
introducing a contrast between οὔρεσιν and meddce. He makes
merry over the absurdity of the god, or his votary, being described
as ‘happy on the mountains when he hunts on the plain,’ but neither
in the manuscript reading nor in any proposed correction, is
Euripides really responsible for such a statement; for πεδόσε Must
mean, not πρὸς πεδία (much less ἐν πεδίοις) but πρὸς πέδον, ‘to the
ground,’ just as in 600, δίκετε πεδόσε τρομερὰ σώματα compared
with 605, πρὸς πέδῳ πεπτώκατε; cf. Zvoad. 99, ava, δυσδαίμων,
πεδόθεν κεφαλήν. Some such correction as ἡδὺς ἐν οὔρεσιν ovpeciv
ἐσθ᾽ os ἂν would be open to no exception on the ground of
construction, or of metre, coinciding as it does with a form of verse
used four times in this epode; e.g. εἰς ὄρος, εἰς ὄρος
 118 BACCHAE. [135 ἁδομένα δ᾽ apa, where the
characteristic repetition of οὔρεσιν also finds its parallel. Such a
repetition would easily drop out of the Mss and ἐσθ᾽ or ἐστὶν might
be lost after the last syllable of οὔρεσιν. As an alternative might be
suggested ἡδὺς ἐν οὔρεσίν ἐσθ᾽ ὅταν τις, a logaoedic verse like the
last line of an Alcaic stanza, and equivalent to the next verse in this
chorus with a dactyl prefixed. A still simpler course would be to keep
closer to the MSS and to accept ἡδὺς ἐν ὄρεσσιν ὃς av, a paeonic
dimeter, -~~~|-~~~]|. This is Schéne’s emendation, and it has the
advantage of giving us the same form ὄρεσσιν as has been already
adopted in 76, and altering only one letter in the rest of the line. The
sense thus gained is: ‘Oh! happy on the hills is he, whoe’er from
amid the revel-bands sinks to the ground’ So Propertius 1, 3, 5,
asstduis Edonis fessa choreis gualis in herboso concidit Apidano, talis
visa mihi mollem spirare quietem Cynthia, non certis nixa caput
manibus. The resting Maenad is well represented in the sleeping
nymph, engraved in this book in illustration of line 683. In modern
sculpture the resting Bacchante is one of Bartolini’s works in the
gallery of the Duke of Devonshire at Chatsworth. (See
Supplementary Notes.) 138. ἀγρεύων αἷμα τραγοκτόνον ὠμοφάγον
χάριν] ‘chasing the goat to the death, for the raw banquet’s relish,’
lit. ‘hunting after a goat-killing slaughter, as a raw-eating delight.”
For aipa= φόνος, cf. Ovest. 285, 1139, and esp. 833 and 1649,
ματροκτόνον aiua,‘matricidal murder.’ With τραγοκτόνος in this
active sense Elmsley compares μητροκτόνος (1. S.), ἀνθρωποκτόνος
(Cycl. 127), and βροτοκτόνος ([ph. T. 384). ὠμοφάγον χάριν] in app.
to αἷμα, -- χάριν ὠμοφαγίας, ‘for the enjoyment of a raw banqueting.
So Herc. F. 384, χαρμοναῖσιν ἀνδροβρῶσι -- yappovais
avOpwropayias. Cf. Eur. fragm. of Creées, ὠμοφάγους δαῖτας,
quoted on 74, which might appear in favour of printing ὠμόφαγον
(passive) here; but even there, ‘raw-eaten banquets,’ though a more
obvious, seems a less poetical idea than ‘raw-eating banquets.’ For
the sacrifice of the he-goat to Dionysus (as.a foe to the vine [?] or
for other reasons) Virg. G. 2, 380, Baccho caper omnibus
 —142]| NOTES. 119 aris caeditur; Ovid F. 1, 357, vode
caper vitem, tamen ἤιε, cum stabts ad aram, tn tua guod spargi
cornua possit, erit. On a painted vase (copied from Jon. cued. del.
(nst. 1860 pl. xxxvii in Daremberg and Saglio’s Dict. des Antig. s.v.
ara) there is a representation of an altar with the head of an ox
carved upon it, and beside the altar a priestess with a fawnskin
across her robe holding a knife in one hand, and a goat, which she is
on the point of sacrificing, in the other. At Potniae, near Thebes,
there was still standing in Pausanias’ day a temple to Dionysus
AlyoBodos (IX 8,1). It was probably as an animal sacred to
Dionysus, and zo¢ as an enemy of the god, that the goat was
sacrificed to him; the Maenads sometimes wore the goat-skin
(Hesychius 5. v. αἰγίζειν and tpayndopor); and in the masterpiece of
Scopas known as the βάκχη χιμαιροφόνος (the original of ‘many
representations on ancient monuments, one of which is copied
among the illustrations to this ed., p. 86), a Maenad was to be seen
holding in her hands part of a dismembered kid. The rites of
ὠμοφαγία were connected with the cult of Dionysus Zagreus (the
hunter), and the animals captured and pulled to pieces by the
Bacchanals are supposed to have taken the place of the human
victims of an earlier time (Paus. ΙΧ 8, 2, Porphyr. de abstinentia, 11
55); thus even Themistocles, before the battle of Salamis, sacrificed
three young Persian prisoners to Dionysus Omestes (Plutarch 7em.
13). There is an interesting article on the subject by F. Lenormant in
the Gazette Archéologique 1879, pp. 18—37, Dionysos Zagreus. 141.
tapxos...evot] ἐξ. of the coryphaeus of a chorus, here of Dionysus
himself as the invisible inspirer of the revels. Dem. de cor. Ὁ. 313 §
260, τοὺς ὄφεις (cf. 103, 698) τοὺς παρείας θλίβων καὶ ὑπὲρ τῆς
κεφαλῆς αἰωρῶν καὶ βοῶν evot σαβοῖ καὶ ἐπορχούμενος vis ἄττης
ἄττης ὑῆς, ἔξαρχος καὶ προηγεμὼν.. προσαγορευόμενος. Lucian
Dionysus § 4, U1 p. 78 (Reitz), τὸ σύνθημα (watchword) ἦν ἅπασι τὸ
evoi, Hor. Carm. 2, 19, 5 evoe! recenti mens trepidat metu...cevoe
parce, Liber, parce gravi metuende thyrso. 142. These marvellous
streams of wine, milk and honey are dwelt upon with more detail in
697—704, 750 ff. It was doubtless descriptions like these that Plato
had in mind when writing
 120 BACCHAE. [142 the fine passage on poetic inspiration
in the /oz, 534
 —145] NOTES. P25 jecting from near the end of the ferule
to which it was attached’; or possibly (3) from a socket formed by
removing the pith of the νάρθηξ, letting the torch in and tying it fast
with ribbands round the bark. I rather incline to the first, because in
the present sentence it would appear that after the rest from the
chase and the refreshment of the honey, milk and wine, the chorus
passes, by the transition supplied in the reference to the ‘reek of
Syrian incense,’ to the description of the Bacchant himself rising from
his repose and refreshment, and holding aloft the newly kindled
pine-torch, which, before being carried separately in full blaze, would
not unnaturally be suspended from the ferule with the flame
downwards ; (this could easily have been managed with strings or
ribbands like those which may often be seen in works of art
representing the pine-coned thyrsus with ribbands fluttering about
its upper part.) The leader next rouses his companions, rallies the
scattered revel-bands, and calls upon them to sound the praise of
Dionysus on the timbrel and the flute. ἐκ νάρθηκος in the sense of
‘hanging from the ferule, without any participle or similar word to
introduce it, is not entirely free from suspicion; and it is this that
leads some to prefer making ἀΐσσει transitive. The sense then would
be, ‘the Bacchanal holding the ruddy flame of the pine-torch, shoots
it forth from his ferule as he runs,’ or rather ‘by his running’; but if
we thus take the verb in a transitive sense, it seems clearly better to
separate δρόμῳ from ἀΐσσει and read δρόμῳ καὶ χοροῖς ἐρεθίζων
mdavaras, ‘challenging his truant (or ‘errant’) comrades by his
coursing and his dances’ (the usual construction of ἐρεθίζειν as in
lad 4,5, κερτομέοις ἐπέεσσιν and Od. 17, 394, μύθοισιν χαλεποῖσιν),
or ‘¢o racing and dancing’ (the construction found with a similar verb
in 724. 7, 218, προκαλέσσατο χάρμῃ). Cf. Ar. Vudbes 312,
εὐκελάδων τε χορῶν ἐρεθίσματα, καὶ μοῦσα βαρύβρομος αὐλῶν. For
the trans. use of ἀΐσσειν, cf. Ajax 40, and Or. 1416. See
Supplementary Note. The only representation of anything like a
torch attached to the ferule, which I have been able to find, is the
following engraving, taken from what purports to be a copy of a