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Mao’s China and the Sino-­Soviet Split

The Sino-­Soviet split in the 1960s was one of the most significant events of the
Cold War. Why did the Sino-­Soviet alliance, hailed by its creators as “unbreak­
able,” “eternal,” and as representing “brotherly solidarity,” break up? Why did
their relations eventually evolve into open hostility and military confrontation?
With the publication of several works on the subject in the past decade, we are
now in a better position to understand and explain the origins of the Sino-­Soviet
split. But at the same time new questions and puzzles have also emerged. The
scholarly debate on this issue is still fierce. This book, the result of extensive
research on declassified documents at the Chinese Foreign Ministry, and on
numerous other new Chinese materials, sheds new light on the problem and
makes a significant contribution to the debate. More than simply an empirical
case study, by theorising the concept of the ideological dilemma, Mingjiang Li’s
book attempts to address the relationship between ideology and foreign policy
and discusses such pressing questions as why it is that an ideology can some-
times effectively dictate foreign policy, whilst at other times exercises almost no
significant influence at all.
This book will be of essential reading to anyone interested in Chinese-­Soviet
history, Cold War history, International Relations and the theory of ideology.

Mingjiang Li is Assistant Professor at S. Rajaratnam School of International

Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University, Singapore.
Routledge contemporary China series

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Edited by Janette Ryan Economic and Social
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Paid domestic labour Ideological dilemma
Xinying Hu Mingjiang Li
Mao’s China and the
Sino-­Soviet Split
Ideological dilemma

Mingjiang Li
First published 2012
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada
by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2012 Mingjiang Li
The right of Mingjiang Li to be identified as author of this work has been
asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents
Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in
any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing
from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or
registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation
without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Li, Mingjiang.
Mao’s China and the Sino-­Soviet split: ideological dilemma/Mingjiang Li.
p. cm. – (Routledge contemporary China series; 79)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. China–Foreign relations–Soviet Union. 2. Soviet Union–Foreign
relations–China. 3. China–Politics and government–1949–1976. 4.
China–Foreign relations–1949–1976. 5. Communism–China–History–
20th century. I. Title.
DS740.5.S65L54 2012
327.5104709′045–dc23
2011035720
ISBN: 978-0-415-69836-8 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-0-203-12632-5 (ebk)
Typeset in Times New Roman
by Wearset Ltd, Boldon, Tyne and Wear
To Bonan and William
Contents

Acknowledgements xii

1 Introduction 1

2 Ideological dilemma in international politics 12

3 The Soviet 20th Party Congress and emerging disputes in 1958 21

4 Mao’s Great Leap Forward and Sino-­Soviet disputes, 1959–1960 53

5 Temporary calm and deterioration in relations, 1960–1962 80

6 The growth of domestic radicalism and polemics with Moscow,

1963–1964 96

7 Short-­lived détente and the end of party relations, 1965–1966 118

8 Sino-­Soviet confrontation during the Cultural Revolution,

1966–1969 135

9 Conclusions 153

Notes 162
Bibliography 189
Index 206
Acknowledgements

I have received invaluable guidance and assistance from my PhD supervisors

and many colleagues and friends in the process of completing this study. I am
greatly indebted to Joseph Fewsmith, David Mayers, and Cathie Jo Martin. They
taught me not only how to do good research but also how to be a good teacher. I
am very grateful to Wendy Hazard who has always lent strong support to me at
every stage of my academic career. Many colleagues and friends have been very
generous in sharing their expertise and views. I am thankful to Eugenio
Menegon, Michael T. Corgan, Arne Westad, Shu Guang Zhang, Han Gang, Shen
Zhihua, Li Danhui, and Tang Shiping for their useful suggestions for the
research and comments on the manuscript. I also thank Irene Chan for her great
editing assistance. I myself bear the blame for any errors in this book.
1 Introduction

The Sino-­Soviet split in the 1960s was one of the most significant events of the
Cold War. Why did the Sino-­Soviet alliance, hailed by its creators as a “broth-
erly solidarity” that was “unbreakable” and “eternal,”1 break up? Why did their
relations eventually evolve into open hostility and military confrontation? With
the publication of several works on the subject in the past decade, we are now in
a better position to understand and explain the origins of the Sino-­Soviet split.
But, at the same time, new questions and puzzles have also emerged. The schol-
arly debate on this issue is still fierce.2 This book, the result of extensive research
on declassified documents at the Chinese Foreign Ministry and on numerous
other new Chinese materials, attempts to shed new light on the problem and to
make a significant contribution to the debate.
This book, however, is more than simply an empirical case study on Sino-­
Soviet relations during the Cold War. It is also an attempt to address the relation-
ship between ideology and foreign policy. It tries to answer this general and
perplexing question: why is it that an ideology can sometimes exert such an
assertive role that it effectively dictates foreign policy orientations, and at other
times exercises almost no significant influence at all? In other words, why does
the strength of ideological influence on foreign strategies ebb and flow so dra-
matically at times? I attempt to answer this question by carefully studying the
evolution of the Sino-­Soviet split from the late 1950s to the late 1960s. From
this case study, I develop a two-­level game approach with a focus on the concept
of an ideological dilemma. The theoretical approach developed in this book is
essentially an attempt to bridge the gap between Comparative Politics and Inter-
national Relations.
This book attempts to theorize the notion of ideological dilemma. When ideo-
logical differences exist between two countries, political leaders in one country
are likely to regard the ideological and political orientation of the other country
as a challenge and even a threat to their own domestic ideological and political
program and goals. This is so because political leaders have to be concerned
about the legitimacy of their political power and policy. Such concern can easily
lead political elites to make efforts to justify and in many cases enhance the
legitimacy of their power and policy. Any move that political leaders in one
country makes to defend its ideological and political position is perceived by the
2   Introduction
other as a threat to the legitimacy of its own domestic political line, and invites
criticism from the other side. Any step that the other side takes to argue or to
employ punitive actions against its rival begets counter measures. A vicious
circle similar to that of the security dilemma in general international relations, is
thus formed. The ideological dilemma can further aggravate bilateral relations if
there is domestic leadership competition and rivalry. Factions in either country
will be strongly tempted to use the ideological differences with the other country
for their own domestic political purposes. Consequently, the ideological recrimi-
nations between the two countries are likely to intensify, which may lead bilat-
eral relations to open hostility and even military confrontation.
I contend in this book that the ideological dilemma framework helps to
explain the Sino-­Soviet split better, and can be a very useful approach to the
study of the role of political ideology in international politics. I suggest that
instead of debating whether ideology has any impact on foreign policy, we
should focus instead on why and how ideological influence on foreign policy
ebbs and flows. Drawing intellectual inspiration from analytical liberalism, neo-
classical realism, and the two-­level game theoretical approach,3 I propose a new
two-­level game model for the study of the interaction of ideology and foreign
policy, with an emphasis on ideological dilemma. As this book will illustrate,
the conceptualization of an ideological dilemma is very relevant to the scholarly
debate on many major issues, for example, the relationship between domestic
and international politics, the interactions between ideological dilemma and
security dilemma, and research linkages between Comparative Politics and Inter-
national Politics.

A review and critique of existing approaches to the

Sino-­Soviet rupture4
Among the major approaches to the study of the Sino-­Soviet rupture, the realist
perspective emphasizes different national interests.5 The Chinese historian Yang,
for instance, argues that even at the very beginning of the Sino-­Soviet alliance
when Mao and Stalin were discussing the alliance treaty in early 1950, the dif-
ferences in national interests was a factor in bilateral relations.6 Zhang believes
that the American embargo on China played an important role in the Sino-­Soviet
split in the early 1960s. The prolonged U.S. embargo, Zhang argues, led to Bei-
jing’s overdependence on Moscow’s support and assistance, which not only
caused China’s increasing frustration with Moscow’s heavy-­handed approach to
the alliance, but also resulted in an ever-­greater burden on the Soviet Union.
Ultimately, as tensions rose, the alliance collapsed under mounting conflicts.7
While this approach is able to account for some specific events, it fails to provide
a convincing explanation for the whole picture. A commonsensible observation
that the policy of opposing both superpowers did not serve China’s national
security interests renders the realist paradigm largely inapplicable.
Other scholars examine the ideological differences between the two Commu-
nist Parties. By ideological differences, they refer to the different interpretations
 Introduction   3
of orthodox Marxism and Leninism by the two parties and this paper follows
this definition. Many Chinese scholars believe that Moscow was to blame for the
stresses in bilateral relations, arguing that the Soviet Union transferred ideologi-
cal differences to state-­to-state relations, and attempted to control and subjugate
China in order to serve its own interests and hegemonic ambitions.8 Haas argues
that the root cause of the Sino-­Soviet split was Mao Zedong’s ideological radi-
calization as exemplified by the Great Leap Forward in 1958.9 This emphasis on
ideological difference is helpful in elucidating the general pattern of bilateral
relations, but it does not explain the changing intensities of disputes and con-
frontations at different times, nor does it address the origin of the ideological
differences between the two parties. Moscow started to alter many of Stalin’s
ideological and policy programs after his death in 1953, creating ideological dif-
ferences with Beijing; yet this growing ideological gap did not have any signifi-
cant negative impact on the alliance from 1953 to 1957. Moreover, this
perspective cannot explain why China was willing to engage with France in
1964, and later with the United States, even though the ideological discrepancies
between China and these two countries were much more notable than the differ-
ences between Beijing and Moscow. In this perspective, Mao is often described
as an ideological dogmatist. However, for most of his lifetime, Mao was a very
pragmatic political leader and it was his pragmatism that made the victory of the
Chinese Communist revolution possible.10
Others argue that the rupture between the Soviet Union and China was largely
due to the ambition of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), particularly that of
Mao, to compete for leadership of the international communist movement.11 Lo,
for instance, argues that historical animosity was a significant factor in the Sino-­
Soviet split. He further suggests that the Sino-­Soviet differences had deeper
causes in China’s displeasure and resentment over the asymmetrical relationship
between Moscow and Beijing. Mao was simply not willing to accept “subordi-
nate status” in the alliance.12 Radchenko, in his book Two Suns in the Heavens,
highlights this point. He argues that it was this intrinsic inequality and China’s
strenuous efforts to alter its status in the alliance that brought it to an end.13 He
specifically argues that “Mao’s failure to endorse the implicit Soviet leadership
was a cause for Khrushchev’s dissatisfaction with China. It was the main reason
for the Sino-­Soviet split.”14 But, as we know now, much of the contention for
allies and sympathizers in the socialist bloc and the third world took place after
the split. Not only did the competition for leadership in the international commu-
nist movement take place after the split became a reality, much of the competi-
tion took place because both parties wanted to enhance their ideological
authority and support from other socialist countries and parties in order to prove
that their domestic political and ideological programs were correct. In other
words, competition for influence in the international communist movement and
the third world was the manifestation of the deterioration of the alliance, rather
than the origin of the split. If it were simply for power, why did Mao and his
supporters continue and even further escalate the struggle with the Soviets after
1966 when it was apparent that China was losing allies and influence in the
4   Introduction
international arena? It makes little sense for Mao to pursue a strategy of oppos-
ing both superpowers in the mid-­1960s if he was attempting to increase China’s
influence overseas. Also during the Cultural Revolution, when relations between
China and a majority of countries that it had diplomatic ties with soured, Beijing
was not notably concerned about the decline of its international power.
Very often this school of thought also falls back on the ideological difference
approach. Thus some scholars stress idiosyncratic conflicts and contentions
between Chinese and Soviet leaders, especially Mao and Khrushchev.15 Hinton
emphasizes differences in the political culture and traditions of China and the
Soviet Union in the breakup of the alliance.16 Yang emphasizes the historical
animosity between Mao and the Soviet leaders that led to the Sino-­Soviet split.17
The leaders of the two countries truly had a lot of personality conflicts, yet they
were able to get along with each other before 1958, and although Khrushchev
stepped down in 1964, Sino-­Soviet conflicts further deepened and plunged into
open hostility and military confrontation by the end of the decade.
Other scholars study the Sino-­Soviet rupture from a structural approach. The
main argument of this school of thought is that political relations between
Moscow and other socialist countries were based on Leninist party doctrine that
stressed hierarchical authority, discipline, and obedience. This rigid structure
could hardly tolerate the existence of major differences in national interests,
national policies, ideological interpretations, or personalities between the Com-
munist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) and other communist parties. When
differences emerged, political tensions in the socialist world were inevitable.18
This structural approach makes more sense than other schools of thought because
it has the capacity to incorporate a multiplicity of variables, including all the
factors discussed above. The shortcoming of this approach, however, is that it
treats these differences as givens. It fails to give sufficient weight to human
agency. It does not explain why on numerous occasions differences within the
socialist camp were hammered out relatively smoothly.
Decades ago, Zagoria suggested that “the dispute must be viewed as a mani-
festation of tension between common ideological goals on the one hand and dif-
ferent national revolutionary imperatives on the other.”19 He further argued that
any serious effort to analyze Sino-­Soviet relations “must take into account dif-
ferences of view within the Chinese and Soviet leadership.”20 Given that more
documentary sources have been made available in recent years, scholars particu-
larly from China, have devoted much more attention to China’s domestic politics
with good results.21 Chen Jian has convincingly argued that the Sino-­Soviet split
was largely utilized by Mao to push for his doctrine of “continuous revolution.”22
Kong argues that the Sino-­Soviet split originated largely from divergent models
of socialist construction.23 Niu Jun argues that the failure of the Great Leap
Forward and Soviet criticisms of Mao’s radical program became entangled with
Sino-­Soviet differences on foreign policy and national security interests. The
interactions between domestic and international politics propelled the bilateral
alliance into a negative spiral.24 Lüthi’s book, the Sino-­Soviet Split: Cold War in
the Communist World, makes the case that the ideological differences between
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