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Theatre and Dictatorship in the
Luso-Hispanic World
Theatre and Dictatorship in the Luso-Hispanic World explores the discourses that have
linked theatre and dictatorial regimes across Spain, Portugal and their former colo-
nies. These are divided into three different approaches to theatre itself – as cultural
practice, as performance, and as textual artefact – addressing topics including obe-
dience, resistance, authoritarian policies, theatre business, exile, violence, memory,
trauma, nationalism, and postcolonialism. This book draws together a diverse range
of methodological approaches to foreground the effects and constraints of dictator-
ship on theatrical expression and how theatre responds to these impositions.
Diego Santos Sánchez is a researcher at the Universidad de Alcalá, Spain.
Routledge Advances in Theatre and Performance Studies
www.routledge.com/Routledge-Advances-in-Theatre–Performance-Studies/
book-series/RATPS
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Edited by Sirkku Aaltonen, Areeg Ibrahim
Mainstream AIDS Theatre, the Media, and Gay Civil Rights
Making the Radical Palatable
Jacob Juntunen
Global Insights on Theatre Censorship
Edited by Catherine O’Leary, Diego Santos Sánchez, Michael Thompson
Performance and the Politics of Space
Theatre and Topology
Edited by Erika Fischer-Lichte, Benjamin Wihstutz
Adapting Chekhov
The Text and its Mutations
Edited by J. Douglas Clayton, Yana Meerzon
Food and Theatre on the World Stage
Edited by Dorothy Chansky, Ann Folino White
Grotowski, Women, and Contemporary Performance
Meetings with Remarkable Women
Virginie Magnat
Art, Vision, and Nineteenth-Century Realist Drama
Acts of Seeing
Amy Holzapfel
Performance and Phenomenology
Traditions and Transformations
Edited by Maaike Bleeker, Jon Foley Sherman, Eirini Nedelkopoulou
Historical Affects and the Early Modern Theatre
Edited by Ronda Arab, Michelle Dowd, Adam Zucker
Theatre and Dictatorship in
the Luso-Hispanic World
Edited by Diego Santos Sánchez
First published 2018
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2018 selection and editorial matter, Diego Santos Sánchez; individual
chapters, the contributors
The right of the Diego Santos Sánchez to be identified as the author of
the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has
been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright,
Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced
or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means,
now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording,
or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in
writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or
registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation
without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
A catalog record for this book has been requested
ISBN: 9781138223301 (hbk)
ISBN: 9781315405100 (ebk)
Typeset in Bembo
by Apex CoVantage, LLC
This book is dedicated to my mother.
A mi madre.
I would like to express my sincere and wholehearted
gratitude to María Teresa Vera Rojas, David Rodríguez-
Solás, Magdalena López and Graciela Foglia for their
careful reading of my Introduction to this volume and for
their insightful suggestions: gracias. I am also very thankful
to all the contributors to this volume, who enthusiastically
embarked on this project and made it possible with their
illuminating essays. I would also like to thank Michael P.
Thompson for his comments on the book proposal at the
initial stage of this project. And last, but in no way least, I
sincerely thank Ursula Meany Scott for her patient, devoted
and meticulous editing of my English.
This work has been made possible thanks to the support of
the Vicerectorate for Research at the Universidad de Alcalá.
Este trabajo ha sido posible gracias al apoyo del Vicerrectorado
de Investigación de la Universidad de Alcalá.
Contents
1 Weaving the Luso-Hispanic fabric: an entangled world of
dictatorial constraints and theatrical responses 1
D IE GO S AN TO S SÁN CHEZ
PART I
Policies/Practices 43
2 Theatre censorship and foreign drama in Estado Novo Portugal
during the Spanish Civil War and the Second World War 45
Z S Ó F IA GO M B Á R
3 Censorship on the Brazilian scene: the “distribution of
the sensible” and art as a political force 58
M ARIA CRIS T IN A CAS T I L HO CO STA AN D WALT E R D E SOUSA JUNIOR
4 José Tamayo: foreign policy and cultural opportunism 71
CARE Y K AS T E N
5 Galician independent theatre: a breach in Franco’s dictatorship 86
CIL H A L O URE N ÇO MÓ DI A
6 The aftermath of dictatorship in contemporary Basque theatre 99
ARAN T Z AZ U FERN ÁN DEZ I GL ES I AS
PART II
Performance 109
7 Are all tyrannies the same? Rebellion against Spanish
oppression as a re-enactment of resistance to
totalitarianism in Marcos’ Philippines 111
RO C Í O O RT UÑO CASAN OVA
viii Contents
8 Puppet theatre as response to dictatorship in Catalonia
and Chile 126
CARIAD AS TL ES
9 Dagoll Dagom’s No hablaré en clase, a postdramatic response
to Francoism 140
DAV ID RO D R Í GUEZ- S O L ÁS
10 The politics of community and place in o bando’s
Nós Matámos o Cão Tinhoso! 155
VAN E S S A S ILVA P EREI RA
PART III
Texts 171
11 Bridging literary traditions in the Hispanic world: Equatorial
Guinean drama and the dictatorial cultural-political order 173
E L IS A RIZ O
12 Soldiers without orders, actors without stages: Carlos
Manuel Varela’s Interrogatorio en Elsinore and Bosco Brasil’s
Novas diretrizes em tempos de paz 188
K AT YA S O L L
13 Complicitous acts in Argentina’s theatre: La nona
and De a uno 200
ARIE L S T RICHART Z
14 Paraguay between dictatorships: El Edificio, an unknown
play by Josefina Plá 214
YAS M IN A YO US F I L Ó P EZ
15 Negotiating sexuality and censorship in Las sábanas
by José Corrales 231
L O URD E S B ETAN ZO S
16 Appropriating the past under Somoza and the Sandinistas:
the polyvalent sign of El Güegüence 245
E . J. W E S T L A KE
Index 261
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1 Weaving the Luso-Hispanic
fabric
An entangled world of dictatorial
constraints and theatrical responses
Diego Santos Sánchez
The goal of this introductory chapter, and by extension, this volume, is twofold.
Firstly, it aims to understand the Luso-Hispanic world and thereby lend it theo-
retical sense – a prerequisite for the second goal of addressing how dictatorship
constrained theatre across the Luso-Hispanic world during the 20th century, and
how theatre reacted to these constraints. To this end, this chapter is presented in
three sections, each corresponding to one of the three notions that inform this
volume: the Luso-Hispanic world, dictatorship and theatre. First, the idea of the
Luso-Hispanic world is theoretically defined in the light of colonial history and
global South discourses before a working definition of it is offered. The second
section briefly discusses dictatorship and argues that the shared experience of
having lived under such regimes further weaves the fabric of the Luso-Hispanic
world. This section also provides brief accounts of the dictatorships mentioned
in the volume. In the third section the entanglements between theatre and dic-
tatorship are classified on three epistemological levels, which are discussed in
and illustrated by the volume’s case studies. The short final section concludes by
proposing an intertwined reading of these entanglements across the region and
contends that this interconnectedness metaphorically strengthens the fabric of
the Luso-Hispanic world.
Mapping the Luso-Hispanic world:
from cartography to academia
The label Luso-Hispanic is frequently applied at the organisational level of aca-
demia. Anglo-Saxon universities have led this practice of merging the study
of the languages and literatures of Iberia and its former colonies into single
university departments. These combined Spanish and Portuguese departments
encompass the languages, literatures and cultures of Spain, Portugal and Latin
America. While there are departments with broader scopes (to include former
Asian and African colonies) as well as narrower (Latin American Studies), the
vast majority of such academic units across Britain and the United States have
conveniently brought together the study of Spanish- and Portuguese-speaking
literatures and cultures. This organizational phenomenon responds to the fact
that Spanish- and Portuguese-language cultures are kin and share deep cultural
2 Diego Santos Sánchez
ties. However, this approach does not go unchallenged. The resulting depart-
ments are built upon the juxtaposition of areas of study – which also happen
to be juxtaposed geographically – rather than necessarily providing a single,
coherent methodological understanding of the Luso-Hispanic world as a whole.
The growing tendency to amalgamate departments in this way has resulted in
an outstanding array of academic initiatives, including a variety of journals and
conferences. These, like the previously mentioned departments, understand the
term Luso-Hispanic as an all-encompassing label under which research on dis-
tinct national traditions is smoothly accommodated. However, this label has so
far been used only in an organisational, but not necessarily epistemological way.
Albeit in a somewhat different manner, scholarly works in this field reveal
some of the same issues. While Kern and Dolkart’s volume on caciquismo (1973)
is the first work to include the phrase Luso-Hispanic World in its title, consolida-
tion of the term in research volumes is rather recent. The term Luso-Hispanic
is usually understood as the corpus that allows us to reflect upon diverse topics
such as race, colonialism (Branche 2006) and female writing (Blanco 2016),
among others. Works that adopt a comparative approach of this region without
necessarily labelling it Luso-Hispanic are also thriving (Fiddian 2002; López et
al. 2014). In many of these recent works, especially edited volumes, the Luso-
Hispanic notion mostly serves as a spatial parameter: everything falling within
these geographical limits can therefore be labelled Luso-Hispanic. Coincidentally
and somewhat ironically, the first Google result for the term is, at the time of
going to print, a series of maps of the Spanish and Portuguese Empires,1 which
strongly reinforces this merely cartographic understanding of the notion of the
Luso-Hispanic world. Maps juxtapose territories in the same way that umbrella
conferences and edited volumes bring together heterogeneous works on the
cultural traditions settled in these territories.
While geography is central to any attempt at concocting the idea of a world, in
the case of the Luso-Hispanic world, this has been the almost exclusive approach.
The term has traditionally lacked an epistemological rationale that would have
allowed for the idea of a cultural entity. Steps towards the formation of a cultural
unity have been taken quite successfully, as will be discussed later, in the case
of Iberia or Latin America for example, but the idea has been virtually non-
existent when it comes to the Luso-Hispanic world as a whole. However, recent
works are endowing the term Luso-Hispanic with this new layer that allows it to
behave not only as a spatial scope (what happens within its territories), but also
as subject matter (what happens throughout its territories). Previous collections of
unconnected works on Bolivia, Portugal, Catalonia, the Philippines, Brazil and
Mozambique, to name but a few, have paved the way for deeper reflection on
transnational phenomena across these regions. This suggests that the merely geo-
graphical juxtaposition of territories (scope) is now beginning to be perceived as
a unity based upon a series of historical and cultural ties (subject matter).
Geographically, the Luso-Hispanic world is composed of a discontinuous set
of territories with two main nuclei – the Iberian Peninsula and Latin America –
and a series of scattered locations throughout Asia and Africa. These include
Weaving the Luso-Hispanic fabric 3
countries and regions that are very diverse both geographically, since they span
four continents, and politically, given that they include former metropolises and
colonies, sovereign states and stateless nations. Moreover, the Spanish and Por-
tuguese languages coexist with many other languages and cultures throughout
these locations and therefore play very different roles, both administratively and
culturally, across the region. This informs a world of great diversity that implies
theoretical challenges. In order to set the foundations of the Luso-Hispanic
world it becomes mandatory to closely consider each of its three main blocks – the
Iberian Peninsula, Latin America and African/Asian locations – and understand
how they have translated into academic disciplines. These will, in turn, pave the
way for the very notion of the Luso-Hispanic world as unitary scholarly subject
matter.
Spain and Portugal are neighbouring countries with a very close linguistic
proximity, which was best exemplified by canonical authors such as Gil Vicente
and even Camões, who wrote both in Spanish and Portuguese. The two coun-
tries share a common space, that of Iberia, a peninsula cut off from the European
continent by the Pyrenees, facing the Atlantic and separated from Africa by
only a few miles. This peripheral and to some extent isolated location has been
a significant factor in the history of the two countries, and has allowed for their
remarkable singularity within Europe. The first episode of this cultural detach-
ment from the continent was the 711 Muslim Conquest that would determine
Iberia’s Middle Ages: while the Crusades in the Holy Land became a pan-
European endeavour, Iberian kingdoms were focused on their own Reconquista.
Coincidentally, the last Moors were expelled from Granada as Columbus landed
in America in 1492. Interestingly, during the Early Modern era, the two countries
merged for a number of decades (1580–1640). However, the most remarkable
aspect of this period is the colonial mission on which Spain (then Castile) and
Portugal embarked, and which would determine that for an extensive length of
time the attention of both countries would be focused more on the Atlantic than
on Europe. The two resulting global empires collapsed after centuries of splen-
dour to leave two impoverished countries. In the wake of this collapse, Spain and
Portugal would continue to share some distinctive features during the 20th cen-
tury: neither of them participated in Europe’s worst debacle – World War II – nor
did they see their fascist-inspired dictators ousted after the Allies’ victory. The
ensuing decades-long dictatorships in Spain and Portugal were unique in Western
Europe and determined both countries’ isolation from the rest of the continent.
Their 1986 joint entry into the EU put an end to this historic displacement and
brought the Iberian countries definitively into Europe.
These many similarities have sparked academic interest that has developed into
the thriving discipline of Iberian Studies. Although it has gained momentum
over the last number of years, especially in Europe, Iberian Studies is an epistemic
proposal whose origin dates back to 19th-century Iberian nationalism (Resina
2013; Pérez Isasi 2014; Rocamora 1994; Sardica 2013). Romanticism-era Iberi-
anism translated into an understanding of the Iberian Peninsula as a single cul-
tural entity, both from abroad – as Europeans turned their romantic gaze upon
4 Diego Santos Sánchez
the two exoticised countries – and domestically – as local intellectuals fostered
dialogue between Iberian literatures and advocated for the joint study of the
literatures of Spain and Portugal (Pérez Isasi 2012, 2014). During that period of
national awareness, a culturally prosperous Catalonia undergoing its Renaixença
(rebirth) swiftly assumed the leading role of this entrepreneurship (Harrington
2010), which counterbalanced Castilian-led Spain by adding Portugal to the
equation. This project shaped a cultural triangle with vertices in Barcelona,
Madrid and Lisbon, and allowed for full recognition of non-Castilian Spanish
literatures and cultures (including Basque and Galician).
While Franco’s denial of vernacular languages in Spain signified a long hiatus
for the project during almost 40 years (Mainer 2010), recent acknowledgement
of Spain as multi-national has paved the way for 21st-century Iberian Studies.
Today’s thriving discipline accounts for a solidly established discourse on Iberia
as an academic object of study, as attested by the increasing number of associa-
tions and research groups across the world. Following Area Studies’ multidisci-
plinary approach, the thriving development of Iberian Studies has resulted in a
profusion of literature spanning from socio-political studies (Ortiz Griffin 2003)
to literary and cultural studies (Araújo 2004; Buffery 2007; Ribeiro and O’Leary
2011; Fernandes and Pérez Isasi 2013). While some of these works propose inde-
pendent chapters on Spain and Portugal and fail to provide a true transnational
discourse, others are setting the theoretical foundations of the discipline (Resina
2009, 2013; Winter 2013; Feldman 2010) and offering a new critical paradigm
that problematises the notions of state and nation and questions the compart-
mentalisation of literatures and cultures.
Under these transnational and trans-state lenses, the Iberian Peninsula is no
longer seen as a mere juxtaposition of states/nations/cultural domains, but rather
“as a specific field of knowledge which encompasses a wide set of literary, artistic
and cultural phenomena that can neither be properly understood or explained
from a national perspective” (Pérez Isasi 2013: 11). This transnational approach
goes beyond national/linguistic boundaries and understands Iberia as a (macro)
polysystem (Even-Zohar 1990), i.e. as a group of cultures historically inter-
connected and subject to interference streams (Casas 2003). By adopting this
approach, Iberian Studies offers a theoretical response to the obsolete trend of
addressing Literary Studies from a state-centred perspective, which has tradition-
ally overlooked the close ties between Spain and Portugal. Consequently, Iberian
Studies redresses a situation that had traditionally disdained non-hegemonic
national literary traditions, like that of Catalonia. While Catalan, Galician and
Basque Studies are thriving and enjoy full academic recognition per se, Iberian
Studies provides a context in which they can be considered jointly and together
with Spanish Studies, thus fleshing out, in academic discourse, the understanding
of Spain as a multi-national country. This is best addressed in the Comparative
History of Literatures in the Iberian Peninsula, which departs “from a historical
recognition of the Iberian Peninsula as a supranational whole perceived as a pos-
sible community,” and seeks to “question the foundations of national literatures”
by not confining them to state boundaries (Cabo et al. 2010: xii). This is in line
Weaving the Luso-Hispanic fabric 5
with the preceding argument: there is an epistemological twist that transforms
mere charts into subject matter.
Iberia’s ventures into the Americas resulted in Spain and Portugal becom-
ing colonial superpowers. The vast number of former colonies left behind by
these endeavours make up the second block of the Luso-Hispanic world – Latin
America. In this case, cartography has also translated into academia thanks
to the solid discipline of Latin American Studies. However, this field has not
been exempt from theoretical controversy stemming from the intertwined,
multi-lingual and colonial past of the region. The mere naming of the region
is problematic, especially in common language, where different labels denoting
different realities seem to be somewhat interchangeable. The most widespread
term is Latin America, which was firstly coined in 1836 in Europe and, in the
wake of Martí’s work, swiftly adopted a non-Saxon nuance vis-à-vis North
America. Despite the term’s wide acceptance both in common language and
academia to refer to Spanish- and Portuguese-speaking America, it does not
go unchallenged. Firstly, it renders non-Spanish-speaking communities, such as
Quechua, subaltern by imposing a Latin identity on them. Secondly, it some-
times includes French-speaking territories due to the Latin filiation of French.
Thirdly, it excludes significant English-speaking parts of the Caribbean, which
are deeply connected with the Spanish-speaking areas. This has resulted in the
more inclusive phrase of Latin America and the Caribbean, which has found
political expression in institutions such as CELAC (Community of Latin Ameri-
can and Caribbean States), and even includes Dutch-speaking Suriname, to cover
the whole geographic region. A more restrictive alternative to this wide under-
standing of Latin America, the term Ibero-America is, in principle, an adequate label
for the former Iberian colonies and contemporary Spanish- and Portuguese-
speaking territories in the Americas. This definition, however, is also commonly
used to include Spain and Portugal as well, as happens in the OIE (Organization
of Ibero-American States). This renders it useless for our purposes.
How to refer, then, to former Spanish and Portuguese colonies in the Ameri-
cas? Despite the preceding arguments, Latin America has, both in the public
imagination and international media, come to denote precisely this, i.e. the
combination of two blocks: on the one hand Brazil, the South American giant
and global actor, and on the other hand, what is usually referred to as Spanish
America in the Anglo-Saxon world and Hispanoamérica in Spain, i.e. Argentina,
Bolivia, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Chile, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El
Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru,
Puerto Rico, Uruguay and Venezuela. This understanding of Latin America
excludes neighbouring former French, British or Dutch colonies and puts the
focus on territories previously subject to Spanish and Portuguese rule. This
use of the term Latin America is not based upon languages – despite being pre-
dominant, Spanish and Portuguese coexist with indigenous languages that in
some territories hold official status – nor upon political status quo – the status
of Puerto Rico differing from that of the other countries mentioned. Instead it
refers to the particular cartography resulting from an area that was previously
6 Diego Santos Sánchez
colonised by Spain and Portugal, and later turned into an object of study for an
academic discipline – that of Latin American Studies. The main criterion behind
the rationale for using this term is therefore neither linguistic nor political – rather
it refers to a shared history that has resulted, in the present, in a shared culture.
Thus Latin America encompasses former Spanish and Portuguese colonies
regardless of their current political or linguistic idiosyncrasy. This book adheres
to this more restricted understanding of the term.
Central to this term is Quijano’s notion of the coloniality of power. The
setting of a colonial society in the Americas led to a social-racial classification
resulting in two groups: on the one hand the white rulers and, on the other, a
heterogeneous group of new subjectivities conceived of as a continuum, which
included, as labelled by Europeans, mestizo, Indian and black groups. Following
independence in the 19th century, this hierarchy imposed a relentless Euro-
centrism by which rulers of Latin America were much more likely to identify
their interests with those of Europe than with those of their subalterns (Quijano
1998: 231–233). Within the cultural domain, this translated into the simulation
of the other (Iberian) and the shame of the self (native, black). This translated
in turn into the dichotomy of civilisation/barbarianism and resulted in Latin
America’s century-long cultural dependency upon their metropolises: Spain and
Portugal. Given that a local population made up of non-white subalterns was
deemed insufficient, “people wrote as if their ideal public was in Europe and
thus often dissociated themselves from their own land,” resulting in “exercises
of mere cultural alienation” (Cândido 2004: 43). This dependency on metro-
politan values determined, among other things, the literature in the region until
the 20th century.
Yet besides the implications this had for cultural development at a national
level, it also hindered the construction of a unified Latin America. However,
following Bolívar’s initial attempts to forge a shared identity across former Span-
ish colonies, José Martí’s Nuestra América (1891) marked a turning point in the
shaping of a unified Spanish-speaking America, calling for integration vis-à-vis
an imperial otherness that was no longer in Spain but in the United States.
Despite this remarkable progress in the drive for cultural unification, dialogue
between Spanish America and Brazil has not always been duly implemented.
Drawing upon the historical construction of the Latin American literary system,
Schwartz (1993) presents the shortcomings in the shaping of the region as a real
cultural (literary) entity: the cultural disconnection between Spanish America
and Brazil and the latter’s problematic inclusion in this understanding of Latin
America. To solve this, Schwartz advocates for the fall of the Tordesillas wall,
alluding to the treaty between Castile and Portugal in which it was decided to
split the New World into two areas of influence that would later result in Spanish
America and Brazil. More recent literature discussing the cultural integration of
Latin America still refers to Brazil as a problem and advocates for “an academic
approach that calls for sustained comparative analysis of literary and cultural
actors, artefacts, and discourses originating in Spanish- and Portuguese-speaking
areas” (Newcomb 2012: 2).
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