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Choreographies of 21st Century Wars
Oxford Studies in Dance Theory
MARK FRANKO, Series Editor

French Moves: The Cultural Politics of le hip hop

Felicia McCarren
Watching Weimar Dance
Kate Elswit
Poetics of Dance: Body, Image, and Space in the Historical Avant-╉Gardes
Gabriele Brandstetter
Dance as Text: Ideologies of the Baroque Body, Revised Edition
Mark Franko
Choreographies of 21st Century Wars
Edited by Gay Morris and Jens Richard Giersdorf
Choreographies of 21st
Century Wars

E dited by Gay Morris

and

Jens R ichard G iersdorf

1
1
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.

Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press

198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America.

© Oxford University Press 2016

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in

a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted
by law, by license, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reproduction
rights organization. Inquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the
above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above.

You must not circulate this work in any other form

and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer.

Library of Congress Cataloging-╉in-╉Publication Data

Choreographies of 21st century wars /╉edited by Gay Morris and Jens Richard Giersdorf.
pages cm. —╉(Oxford studies in dance theory)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978–╉0–╉19–╉020166–╉1 (cloth : acid–╉f ree paper) —╉ ISBN 978–╉0–╉19–╉020167–╉8 (pbk. : acid–╉f ree
paper)â•… 1.╇Dance—╉Political aspects.â•… 2.╇Choreography—╉Political aspects.â•… 3.╇Dance
criticism.â•… I.╇ Morris, Gay, 1940–╉╅ II.╇ Giersdorf, Jens Richard. III. Title: Choreographies
of twenty first century wars.
GV1588.45.C47 2016
792.8—╉dc23
2015014751

9╇8╇7╇6╇5╇4╇3╇2╇1
Printed by Courier Digital Solutions, USA
CONTENTS

Preface╇ vii

Introduction╇ 1
Gay Morris and Jens Richard Giersdorf
1. Access Denied and Sumud: Making a Dance of Asymmetric Warfare╇ 25
Nicholas Rowe
2. Questioning the Truth: Rachid Ouramdane’s Investigation of
Torture in Des Témoins Ordinaires/Ordinary Witnesses╇ 45
Alessandra Nicifero
3. “There’s a Soldier in All of Us”: Choreographing Virtual Recruitment╇ 63
Derek A. Burrill
4. African Refugees Asunder in South Africa: Performing the
Fallout of Violence in Every Year, Every Day, I Am Walking╇ 85
Sarah Davies Cordova
5. From Temple to Battlefield: Bharata Natyam in the
Sri Lankan Civil War╇ 111
Janet O’Shea
6. Choreographing Masculinity in Contemporary Israeli Culture╇ 133
Yehuda Sharim
7. Affective Temporalities: Dance, Media, and the War on Terror╇ 157
Harmony Bench
8. Specter of War, Spectacle of Peace: The Lowering of Flags
Ceremony at the Wagah and Hussainiwala Border Outposts╇ 181
Neelima Jeychandran
9. A Choreographer’s Statement╇ 203
Bill T. Jones
10. Dancing in the Spring: Dance, Hegemony, and Change╇ 207
Rosemary Martin
vi Contents

11. War and P.E.A.C.E.╇ 223

Maaike Bleeker and Janez Janša
12. The Body Is the Frontline╇ 241
Rosie Kay and Dee Reynolds
13. Geo-╉Choreography and Necropolitics: Faustin Linyekula’s
Studios Kabako, Democratic Republic of Congo╇ 269
Ariel Osterweis
14. Re: Moving Bodies in the USA/╉Mexico
Drug/Border/╉Terror/╉Cold Wars╇ 287
Ruth Hellier-╉Tinoco
15. After Cranach: War, Representation, and the Body in William Forsythe’s
Three Atmospheric Studies╇ 315
Gerald Siegmund
16. The Role of Choreography in Civil Society under Siege:
William Forsythe’s Three Atmospheric Studies╇ 333
Mark Franko

Contributors╇ 351
Index╇ 359
PREFACE

GAY
This book began to take shape in the latter days of the American invasion
of Iraq. At the time, the nightly news was dominated by what seemed end-
less images of advancing tanks, house-╉to-╉house searches, distraught civilians,
and, finally, photos of every American soldier who had died the previous week.
Altogether, it was a heartbreaking sight of pain and destruction.
As I watched the news broadcasts, I began to consider this war in light of
research I had done earlier on the Second World War and Cold War (A Game
for Dancers: Performing Modernism in the Postwar Years, 1945–╉1960, 2006). To
my mind, this conflict was very different. Instead of nearly equal forces vying
with each other on a worldwide stage, this war pitted the most powerful mili-
tary in the world against what could only seem a puny enemy. And since I had
previously argued that dance played a role in 20th-╉century wars, I wondered
what kind of relationship it might have to contemporary warfare. To come to
grips with this question, I at first thought of developing an anthology of com-
parative essays, half the book dealing with the 20th century, the other with
the 21st. I invited Jens to act as a coeditor, since he had also done extensive
research on the Cold War (The Body of the People: East German Dance since
1945, 2013) and had lived through it in East Germany, where he also served in
the military.

JENS
Shadows of war were omnipresent while I was growing up in East Germany
in the 1970s. There was our missing grandfather, who hadn’t returned home
from war to my mother and grandmother, and the unacknowledged fact that
all members of my father’s family were refugees, displaced from what is now
Poland. All around us, cities had integrated the traces of war—╉empty areas
viii Preface

where houses once stood, ruined buildings that hadn’t been rebuilt even
decades after the war, facades that still showed signs of the heavy artillery
fights of the last days of World War II. It was normal that my parents never
threw away food; my siblings and I knew they had nearly starved for years at
the end and after the war.
The school year always started with the annual celebrations of the liberation
by the Red Army, our comrades in arms. It was the Cold War—╉and we learned
to hide behind our desks in the event of a nuclear attack, probably the same
way a child in Pittsburgh was instructed to do. We built gas masks out of dis-
carded plastic shopping bags and trained to use them as protective gear, heads
covered in bags printed with miscellaneous logos, a ridiculous sight even to
ourselves.
Eventually, in 1982, like every man in East Germany, I was drafted into the
army, serving at the border between the two Germanies. The border was the
symbol of Cold War divisions, and it was at that point armed with over a mil-
lion land and splatter mines. Border guards were stationed there not only to
prevent fellow citizens from escaping to the West; we were also trained as the
first defense against the capitalist aggressors. I trained to kill a person with
the bayonet on my Kalashnikov, to dig trenches that protected me from tanks
driving over me during joint military exercises of the Warsaw Pact countries,
and to assemble and shoot antitank defense missiles. It was the time of the
Polish Solidarity movement (Solidarność), and we were dispatched repeatedly,
never knowing if we would participate in the suppression of the movement in
the way the Soviet army did during the Prague Spring.
With the fall of the Berlin Wall and German reunification in 1989, the
remnants of these different wars were slowly cleaned up and erased. When I
thought about war again, it was mostly about the Cold War for my work on the
politics of dance in East Germany. When Gay approached me with her idea of
a project on dance and war, I assumed it would deal mainly with the Cold War,
since she had worked on that era from the other side.

GAY AND JENS

We soon realized that the 21st century warranted study on its own, and so
focused solely on contemporary warfare. We also shifted our gaze from what
is traditionally called dance to choreography, which, in many forms, has been
closely associated with war, and which is theoretically complex and compel-
ling. Yet we also understood that we needed to rethink what choreography
does in relationship to war, and we had to find contributors that were doing
this kind of rethinking from very different areas and in relation to distinct
parts of omnipresent contemporary wars. This was uncharted territory in
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Preface ix

many ways. What would choreographic evidence suggest about contemporary

war, if anything? That is what we had to wait to learn from our contributors.
We were greatly impressed by the diversity and power of the essays that came
back to us. And they did indeed point in quite a different direction from the
Cold War choreography we had analyzed earlier. That evidence comprises the
content of this book, and our analysis of it appears in the introduction.
We would like to thank our authors not only for their commitment to their
individual essays but also for their contributions to new thinking in dance
studies and politics. We would also like to thank our editor at Oxford, Norman
Hirschy, our series editor, Mark Franko, production editor, Stacey Victor, and
our copyeditor, Ben Sadock.
Introduction

GAY MOR R IS A N D J E NS R IC H A R D GI E R S DOR F

It is now widely accepted that 21st-╉century wars differ to varying degrees from
the major conflicts of the 20th century. No longer are wars dominated by the
“great powers,” the sovereign states that took the world into two devastating
wars in the first half of the 20th century and then into the forty-╉year Cold
War. The major conflicts today are more amorphous and shifting than in the
last century, the boundaries and enemies less clear, the difference between war
and peace less distinct. Although these conflicts are often marked by an asym-
metry of forces, the mightier do not necessarily prevail. These wars go by a
variety of names, including fourth generation wars (4GW) (Hammes 2006),
small wars (Daase 2005), low-╉intensity wars (Kinross 2004), postmodern wars
(Duffield 1998), privatized or informal wars (Keen 1995), degenerate wars
(Shaw 1999), new wars (Kaldor 2006; Münkler 2003, 2005), and asymmetrical
wars (Münkler 2003, 2005). They may include state and nonstate combatants
in conflicts that include interstate wars, civil wars, insurgencies, counterinsur-
gencies, and revolutions.1
Choreographies of 21st Century Wars is the first book to examine the com-
plex relationship between choreography and war in this century. War and cho-
reography have long been connected through war rituals and dances, military
training and drills, parades, and formal processions. While the essays here
are concerned with such uses of choreography as components of war, as well
2 G ay M orris and J ens R ichard G iersdorf

as war as a subject matter of dance, they are more broadly concerned with the
complex structural relationship between choreography, war, and politics. We
ask: What work does choreography do in a world dominated by war, a world in
which war appears to be less a tool of politics than a driving force?
Viewing war through the concept of choreography is significant because
it shifts the focus of study away from the abstractions of political and mili-
tary theory to corporeal agency. At the same time, rethinking choreography
through a comprehension of the complexity of contemporary wars requires a
reconceptualization of what choreography does and is, while building on past
definitions of choreography as an organizational and meaning-╉making system.
In light of the shifting character of 21st-╉century wars, we ask how choreog-
raphy relates not just to wars themselves but to the politics of today’s wars. If
the 20th century was marked by the power of the nation-╉state, where the state
held a monopoly of power to make war, and if dance, and by extension chore-
ography, was governed in the 20th century by its relationship to the state as a
source of identity (Manning 1993, 1996; Franko 2012; Morris 2006; Kant 2007;
Kowal 2010; Giersdorf 2013),2 what does choreography do in the face of war
when the state loses its grip on the monopoly of power, or when the state fails
altogether—╉that is, in what Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt call the new
“global state of war”?3 Further, will the old models of choreographic analysis,
created to account for the power of the sovereign state, still hold?
In order to explore these questions we will first lay out some of the major
issues surrounding 21st-╉century wars, then move on to an investigation of
choreography as an organizational and meaning-╉making system in an envi-
ronment of constant war, and finally discuss how the individual chapters relate
to both 21st-╉century wars and critical choreographic analysis. The sixteen
chapters included in Choreographies of 21st Century Wars are geographically
diverse, ranging across the Middle East and Africa, Europe and the Americas.
They deal with violent conflict through the means of field notes, case stud-
ies, participant observations, and photographs, as well as in essays reflecting
on war issues and their relationship to choreographic practices. Thus, the
approach is interdisciplinary; contributors come from the fields of dance and
theater, performance and media studies, anthropology, sociology, and history.
Such broad geographical perspectives and viewpoints from a variety of disci-
plines move readers across localities and place them in relationship to bodies
that are engaged in or responding to warfare.

WAR
Much English-╉language commentary on contemporary war was writ-
ten in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001. Here
Introduction 3

Islamic-​fundamentalist terrorism was sometimes transformed into a gen-

eral theory of 21st-​century war. So, for example, Philip Bobbitt in Terror and
Consent: The Wars for the Twenty-​First Century (2008) defines contempo-
rary war in terms of terrorism and primarily as Islamic jihad. Like Walter
Laqueur, Bobbitt places special emphasis on the dangers of terrorists obtain-
ing weapons of mass destruction (Bobbitt 2008; Laqueur 2002, 2006). We
sought a broader, more nuanced theory of contemporary war than Bobbitt
and Laqueur offer, one that could account for a range of conflicts, and in
which terrorism might become a part of the picture rather than its totality.
Political theorists such as Mary Kaldor and Herfried Münkler offer such a
view, as well as accounting for how contemporary wars differ from those of
the 20th century. Kaldor characterizes the evolution of what she calls the “old
wars” as being closely linked to the development of nation-​states beginning
in the 15th century, eventually evolving into the total wars of the 20th cen-
tury and the “imagined” Cold War, which were wars of alliances and blocs
(2006, 16–​17).4 Although these wars differed over time, they generally were
linked to the development of rationalized, centralized, hierarchically struc-
tured modern states with territorial interests. They conformed to Clausewitz’s
famous dictum of war being politics by other means. While such wars have
become an anachronism, according to Kaldor they still have a firm grip on
perceptions. She argues that violent conflict has changed, blurring the dis-
tinctions between war, organized crime, and large-​scale violations of human
rights (2006, 2). New wars, rather than being between nation-​states, are often
private and conducted for private gain, and they are frequently aimed at civil-
ians rather than soldiers.
Kaldor uses the general term “globalization” to help explain the worldwide
interconnectedness she finds in contemporary conflicts (2006, 3–​5, 95–​118).
These links are made possible by the development of cell phones and computers
that can instantly relay images and messages throughout the world, but they
also describe technological developments that allow for methods like drone
attacks. In the new wars there is a global presence in the form of mercenaries,
military advisors, private security businesses, diasporic volunteers, interna-
tional press, NGOs, and peacekeeping troops (2006, 5).5 Funding may come
from global sources as well, ranging from outside states to diasporic organiza-
tions and individuals. Kaldor speaks of a privatization of war in which weak
states cannot retain a monopoly of power, encouraging autonomous factions
to create and maintain conflicts (2006, 96–​102). Privatization is aided by the
ability to make war with inexpensive weapons and transport (the pickup truck
loaded with men carrying light arms). She argues that there has also been an
increasing privatization of violence as states lose their ability to enforce laws
and as regular armed forces disintegrate.
4 G ay M orris and J ens R ichard G iersdorf

Münkler, like Kaldor, emphasizes the privatization of war, but he also

stresses the increasing asymmetry of conflicts (2003, 7–╉9; 2005, 25–╉30). These
wars contrast with those of the 20th century, which tended to be symmetri-
cal in the sense that power was more or less equal between adversaries. Now
the level of force is more unequal, whether it be the United States fighting
against Saddam Hussein’s forces in Iraq or Libyans fighting against the army
of Muammar el-╉Qaddafi.
Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt deepen the discussion of 21st-╉century
wars through the linked concept of imperialism and empire. The old impe-
rial model that dominated the modern period was based on sovereign nation-╉
states that extended over foreign territory. This has given way to Empire, a new
order of networked power consisting of states, corporations, and institutions
that must cooperate to insure world order. However, the network is rife with
hierarchies and divisions that cause continual war, diminishing the difference
between war and peace. War has “flooded the whole social field” (Hardt and
Negri 2004, 7), eroding the old idea of war being an exception, when constitu-
tional rights are temporarily suspended, between periods of peace. Drawing on
Foucault’s concept of biopolitics, Negri and Hardt assert that war now domi-
nates all social relations, becoming a means of social control. Wars are thus
rendered indeterminate in time and space. Since they are a means of social
control, they cannot be won, and thus war and policing merge. Biopower not
only involves the ability to destroy on a massive scale, for example, through
nuclear weapons, but can be individualized. In its extreme individualized
form biopower becomes torture (19).
Roberto Esposito similarly references Foucault for a concept of biopower
that stresses immunization and autoimmunity as hallmarks of past and pres-
ent social conditions (2013). Modern nations have long attempted to immu-
nize themselves from danger outside their borders through various defensive
means, including war. This was successful enough during the 20th century,
but with globalization and the breakdown of boundaries through commu-
nication and economics it becomes impossible for nations to isolate them-
selves. The border between outside and inside is now porous. Although the old
immunization processes no longer work, nation-╉states do not seek new solu-
tions. Instead, they increase attempts at immunization, particularly through
“security” measures such as sending armies and machinery, including drones,
to fight conflicts outside the nation’s boundaries and instilling anti-╉immigra-
tion laws and walls aimed at keeping out intruders. Eventually this results in
what Esposito refers to as “autoimmunity,” when the body turns on itself. As
we saw in the American suspension of habeas corpus and the Geneva conven-
tions for enemy combatants during the Iraq War, as well as the invasions of
privacy by the US National Security Agency revealed by the Snowden papers,
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