3011vedic Reduplication of Nouns and Adjectives Analecta Gorgiana 1st Edition Edward Hopkins All Chapters Available
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Vedic Reduplication of Nouns
and Adjectives
Analecta Gorgiana
336
Series Editor
George Anton Kiraz
Edward Hopkins
2009
Gorgias Press LLC, 180 Centennial Ave., Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA
www.gorgiaspress.com
Copyright © 2009 by Gorgias Press LLC
Originally published in
All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright
Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a
retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic,
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prior written permission of Gorgias Press LLC.
2009 ܛ
JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY
VoL. XIV, I. WHOLE No. 53·
plicated aorists and presents. Only four of these, so far as I know, show an
aoristic reduplication that is the lengthened form of the present, viz. in RV.
bihhiyfzt bibhayat, pipar?i ptparat, yuyoti (Jliyot?), with one more in RV.-AV.:
titir- (RV. pte.), atitaras, AV. The few roots remaining that have a mutual
but more differentiated reduplication are mamatsi dmimadanta, vavartti avi1Jffat,
juhuras jihvams (later jih-). These are all in RV. Add one case of equiva-
lence: su,pati, RV, with asu~avus, AB. All other roots reduplicated in the
2 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY.
The reduplicated aorist has then affinity with the present and
with the perfect (pluperfect adadakEJam), and some of its supposed
forms are to be interpreted rather as perfects, if their meaning be
employed as an aid. 1 In one case an approach to perfect form is
seen in the employment of the -e (middle) as 3d person, att!ape,
yet with aoristic reduplication.
The reduplication of desideratives has this in common with the
temporal reduplication just noticed, that a and r are reduplicated
with i, while occasionally the reduplicating stem-vowel is made
long. Desiderative forms are chiefly found in the present system
in the early language.
The reduplication of the intensive, on the other hand, is more
closely connected with that of the perfect. In distinction from
the present and aoristic forms, radical a, r are reduplicated in the
perfect with a, not with i. In agreement with intensive redupli-
cation this vowel is often long (dadhfira), though generally short.
Intensives, which belong, as a primary class, to the early and
die out in the later language, are reduplicated in three ways:
x) simple form, a with a, i with e, u with o; 2) middle form, the
whole root is reduplicated or the root in weakened form; 3) strong
form, the root is reduplicated, with a connecting vowel added.
Examples are: 1) vavad, cekit, fOfUC; 2) carcar, cankram,
badbadh; 3) ganigam, sanif}van (before two consonants ; see
Grammar, §wo2).
It will be seen that in some cases it is difficult to distinguish
perfects from intensives, notably in the participle, where the forms,
except for accent, are sometimes identical, and in some subjunc-
tive forms where even the accent points to the form being rather
perfect than intensive. But the accent is not fixed. Thus we
have raraharJa with badbadhana, niraJJas; and the doubtful
forms amzmet, fzitot, dudlzot, the last of which are reckoned by
Whitney perfects or aorists; by Grassmann, intensives.' So the
participle {fi{ujana is undoubtedly, as Whitney classifies it, an
intensive (Grassmann 'perfect'), and yet it is of the same redupli-
cation with that in the perfect {zifU'Vtts, and in jz7juvus jz7juvana
(though the participle to filfttVus is {fifuvana !). The sense of
present have at any period only an hypothetical (i. e. unbe!egte) reduplication
of the aorist. The present i-reduplication is optional in vha(-, vava(-, both
in RV. The same reduplication of radical a appears sporadically in the perfect
vivakvllibS.
1 Compare Whitney, Gramm:u, §868. 2 Ibid., §§868, roo8, ror 3-
VEDIC REDUPLICATION. 3
these intensives is also such that they are in some cases better
classed with perfects (Grammar, 1008, 1024). In a word, both in
form and sense it is often difficult to decide whether we are
dealing with a perfect or an intensive formation.
If all reduplication had originally a common signification it
would be natural to expect that perfect forms with strong redupli-
cation-like that of the simple intensive-would often retain the
force of that signification sufficiently to prevent the growth of a
parallel intensive form, and that, when an intensive was made from
the same root, it would not be of the simple, but of the middle or
strong intensive form. With this expectation I have collected
the examples of the strong perfect (i. e. with heavy reduplication)
with the following result, as drawn from a tolerably complete list
of such forms compared with the forms of intensives developed
from the same source:
klp, ciik?pc, no intensive (i. e. none known in literature).
kan, ciikan, ciikananta (later cakana), no intensive.
grdh,ja.grdhus, no intensive.
ju,jujuvus, no intensive.
tu, ft7fava, intensive only in the strong form tav'tfvat.
tuj, tfltujana (both accents), tutujyfit, no other form of intensive.
trp. tatr/Ja'!Ja, RV., tatrpus, AV., no intensive.
trJJ, tafrl!ii1Jd, RV., tat-, pte., RV., tatrsus, A V., no intensive.
dz-, dzdiyus, no intensive.
dhz, dldhima, R V., no intensive till TS. dedhyat.
drh, dadrha7Ja, adadrhanta, no intensive.
dhr, dadhfira, dadhrc, intensive dardhartJi, R V.; later dadharti,
dadhrati, TS.
dhrJJ, dadhrszts, A V., dadharJJa, R V., no intensive.
paj,papaje, isolated form, Whitney as perfect; PW. and Grass-
mann, intensive.
pz-, pFpyana, pipytJs, no intensive.
nam, naniima (p. nd-), intensive only in the for·m ndnnamlfi.
blrz-, bzbhiiya, AB., no intensive.
mah, miimllhas,t miimahana, etc., no (other) intensive.
mi, see note below.
mrj. mamrjus, intensive only marmrjat.
1 mamahmtta, cakramanta and the like are to be defined as reduplicated
But for a primitive repetition speaks the large number of whole (dive-dive, etc.,
like adyftdya) reduplications, where a word entire is repeated, a logical if not
formal reduplication. See the large list collected by Collitz, Abh. d. Or.
Con g. I 88r, p. 294 sq.
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6 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY.
pl.) with didrk.~ante; ninitst/ with ninitsat; piji?u (voc.) with pipi?ati. Bibhatsu
has no verbal parallel in RV .. later bibhatsate; so with ii-fufuk~dT}i. All the
rest correspond (mimik?lf, mumuk?zf, ririk?zf, ruruk*d~Li, si?iisu, si?iisdtu, si?iisdT}i)
with desiderative verbs of RV. Add in AV. jighatsu, titik?zf, etc. Doubtful
is iyak*u from yaj or a(: (A. F. II 91).
VEDIC REDUPLICATION. 7
dldivi has no intensive. The Vedic perfect is didivttiu.
jttgrvi: intensive jagrhi.
dttdhrvi: perfect dadhr- ( dadhr-), intensive dardhar# ( dadhrati,
later).
yiiyuvi: perfect ofyu1 yuyuv~, present ofyu• yuyuvanta; inten-
sive yoyuvat.
Add to thesejdgu (compare joguve) and johtltra. Unlike any
verbal stem is ghanaghand (intensive ghanigh-).
In this list, closely connected with the intensive stem, are
dardird jarbhari
nannamtt jttgrvi
vevija dttdhrvi (?)
V { reriha
A • roruda
ttttrpi
dttdhrfli
yz'/yuvi
sasaht
dldivi
yi/yudhi
and probably vttvahi, both by analogy with sasahi and because
vavahlti is much later than vavaha. Evidently these should be
called' perfect' quite as much as' intensive' adjectives.
Turning now to nominals not connected with secondary stems,
what should be said of the reduplication in ganga, which corres-
ponds with no verbal stem of gam or ga, to one of which roots
(originally identical) this noun must be referred? What ofjigyu,
which agrees in stem only with the perfect (as given in jigyus);
of cacara, caracard, cacali, all to be assigned to the root which
as a verb shows perfect cacttra, cerus, intensive carcarUi?
To this question Fritzsche suggests as answer, citing Greek
parallels, that adjectives with perfect stems have arisen from the
perfect or keep a perfect sense (Curt. St. VI 330), while Brug-
mann in more guarded language declares (Gdz. II 52. 2, 4) that
there are examples of nominal reduplication which "certainly had
something to do with forms like liiliop~<a, I<EI<AETo" and "stand
parallel to verbal reduplication." Examples cited by Brugmann
8 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY.
Aryan forms of general usage are often referable only to hypothetical roots,
where connection with an assumed perfect stern would not be plausible. On
Avestan parallels see below.
2 Certain forms are registered as reduplicates in Grassmann which are so
merely theoretically, and sometimes these are plainly incorrect. In the case
of dhi~d'(!ii, for instance, there is merely a nominal formation from the secondary
root d!zi-~ (dhii), like diis, dii. The verb is reduplicated, didhi~iimi, the nominal
dhi~d'(!ii shows no trace of reduplication and does not belong in this category.
Such forms, too, as ditsu (compare didhi~li = AV. dadhi~u) belong rather to
reduplicated roots than to nominals. The root is felt as single, as in the case
ofjak~. or caiu (caiuala). I have noticed these roots in their place as important
for the theory of reduplication, but in the norninal3 like b!tik~ft (bhik~dr;,a),
dhi~dr;,a, etc., there is no reduplication, if indeed their roots can claim it even
in the verbal stems. Grassmann assumes reduplication for das as well as for
da[!, both of which are more probably determinative, i. e. extended roots (with
dii{! compare kiic and AV. dpra-cmikaca; cakiis and kas; with dftcuri compare
jdsuri, sdhuri, AV. taduri) treated as if reduplicated.
10 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY.
papri come from roots that show present stem pipar, perfect
puptzr ( = papar, compare mamar and mumur); pipar, aor. ppa-
rat, piprat (compare pipru), like taturi, perfect stem tutur-. In
babhri, compared with the pure intensivejarbhari, there is a stem
known only to the perfect (present bibharmi, bibhrat, perfect
jabhtira and babhre, intensive bharibhrati, jarbhrtas). The
perfect stem yay us is the verbal parallel of yayi; and vavr, vavilr,
not the present varat, vr?Joti, is the only possible form comparable
with vavra, vavri ( vivavri, vavray in vavrayiimahe). So not
sarsrte, sisarti, sarat, but the perfect sasrvtins, sastira, can equate
the adjectives sasra, sasri. And finally sasni is not parallel to
sanat, but to the perfect sastina, sasavti·ns ( = sasanvtins, cf.
sasanzil}f in the Brahmal)as). In A V. there is, besides these,
a-mamri, with which compare RV. perfect mamrvtins.
Just asyif.yudhi is a perfect adjective when contrasted with the
intensive adjective yavryzidh, so babhrf, when contrasted with
jarbhari, can be called only a perfect adjective. There is here
something more than an indefinite relationship. The stems are
one, identical.
Just so in the list:
jugurva?Ji
tuturvd?Ji
dadhfl}Vd1Ji (with siisaht in viii 61. 3)
fUfukvtini, fUfukvand
Jugurva'fj.i, tuturvarpi stand parallel respectively to the perfects
jugurytit, tuturytit; dadhrl}va1Ji equates dadhrl}vtins; fUfukvani
is to be compared with fUfUcUa, fUfukvtins.
Of no formal category are
jaguri fromjur,jr
tdturi from tur, tr
papuri from pur, Pr
The intensive of tu1· is tartar (adverb vitarturam), the perfect
from the tr form of the root, tattira. With papuri compare ptipri
above and pztjmrz (SV.), perfect pupur-. With jaguri compare
jugurva?Ji above. Whitney alone refers jaguri to Jr, jur, and
not to gam, as do P\V., Grassmann. And Whitney is right.
For it is evident thatjaguri :Jr: taturi: tr :pdpuri: pr. 1
1 Since the meaning in x roS. r is certainly • going,' it is necessary to a•cribe
tofr 'go,' the same secondary form of the root that is found in tr, tur, viz.jur.
VEDIC REDUPLICATION. II
In the alphabetical list of forms that follows occur all the cases,
I believe, of reduplicated nominals in the Rig-Veda, with parallels
from the Atharva-Veda. Of these, besides nomina (including
adjectives), there is one adverb only, mamtd (vitarturdm being
nominal); one pronoun, mama; and a doubtful interjection,jahiY
(viii 45· 37, so PW., but more probably a perfect), besides certain
onomatopoetic forms. In madryadrik there is an erroneous
(unconsciously emphatic) repetition of the suffix.'
REDUPLICATED NoMINALS. 2
and Brugmann already referred to (in the sixth and seventh volumes of Curtius'
Studien), to which, below, I occasionally refer for supposed cognates in other
languages.
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